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U/S 2(f) of the UGC Act 1956 & Member, Association of Indian Universities (AIU) Prabodh International Journal of Languages and Social Sciences ISSN: 2349-0179 Volume -2 Jan , 2017

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Page 1: U/S 2(f) of the UGC Act 1956 & Member, Association of ...deshbhagatuniversity.in/Journalupload/afa30719-042f-4a4e-9488-ae5b6e2... · Department of Hindi Department of Literary Studies

U/S 2(f) of the UGC Act 1956 & Member, Association of Indian Universities (AIU)

Prabodh

International

Journal of

Languages and

Social Sciences

ISSN: 2349-0179 Volume -2

Jan , 2017

Page 2: U/S 2(f) of the UGC Act 1956 & Member, Association of ...deshbhagatuniversity.in/Journalupload/afa30719-042f-4a4e-9488-ae5b6e2... · Department of Hindi Department of Literary Studies

CHIEF PATRONS Dr. Zora Singh Dr.(Mrs.) Tajinder Kaur Chancellor,Desh Bhagat University Pro Chancellor, Desh Bhagat University

ADVISORY BOARD Dr. Virinder Singh Dr. A.K Paul Vice Chancellor, Desh Bhagat University Dean Research, Desh Bhagat University

Editor Dr. Surjeet Patheja

Director , University School of Education Desh Bhagat University

EDITORIAL BOARD

Dr. H.S. Bedi Dr. Mohan Tyagi

Department of Hindi Department of Literary Studies

Guru Nanak Dev University Punjabi University , Patiala

Amritsar

Dr. Paramjit Kaur Dr. Paramjit Kaur

Department of English Kurukshetra University

Punjabi University, Patiala Kurukshetra

Dr. Mejar Singh Mrs.Vijay Puri Assistant Professor Assitant Professor,

Department of Punjabi School of Education

RIMT University Desh Bhagat University

Dr. Kaptan Singh Assistant Professor Mrs.Rajwinder Kaur

Department of English Assitant Professor.

Desh Bhagat University School of Education

Dr. Ashwani Kumar Desh Bhagat University

Assistant Professor

Department of History Dr. Jyoti Sharma

Dr. Dharminder Singh Assitant.Professor.

Assitant Professor School of Education

School of Education Desh Bhagat University

Desh Bhagat university Ms. Gurwinder Kaur

Dr. Baldev Singh Cheema Assistant Professor

Professor , Punjabi University School of Education

Patiala Desh Bhagat University

Page 3: U/S 2(f) of the UGC Act 1956 & Member, Association of ...deshbhagatuniversity.in/Journalupload/afa30719-042f-4a4e-9488-ae5b6e2... · Department of Hindi Department of Literary Studies

Prabodh

International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences

(An International Research Journal)

Abbreviation: IJLSS

ISSN 2349-0179

Volume 2.

An official publication

of

University School of Education

Desh Bhagat University

Amloh Road, Mandi Gobindgarh,

Fatehgarh Sahib-147301 Punjab, INDIA

Page 4: U/S 2(f) of the UGC Act 1956 & Member, Association of ...deshbhagatuniversity.in/Journalupload/afa30719-042f-4a4e-9488-ae5b6e2... · Department of Hindi Department of Literary Studies

An International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences

Prabodh : An International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences is an annual journal

published in Jan by Desh Bhagat University, Mandi Gobindgarh, Punjab. The main objective of the

journal is to provide an intellectual platform for the national and international scholars. The journal

aims to promote interdisciplinary studies in humanities and social sciences.

The journal publishes research papers in the fields of humanities and social sciences such as anthropology, communication studies, economics, education, ethics, geography, history, literature, information science, international relations, linguistics, philosophy, political science, population studies, psychology, public administration, sociology, social welfare, linguistics, performing arts (music, theatre & dance), religious studies, women studies and so on. It publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes, and book reviews. Special Issues devoted to important topics in humanities and social science will occasionally be published.

Prabodh is a registered journal with ISSN No 2349-0179. Editorial Advisory Board's decision on a

typescript will be conveyed within two months from the date of receipt. Article not accepted for publication

will be returned only if accompanied by a stamped self addressed envelope. Manuscripts of articles

offered for publication should be about 4000 words and should be sent in hard copy as well as in soft

copy to the under mentioned address, along with a certificate regarding the originality and the non-

publication of the paper. They must conform to the latest M.L.A. style sheet (for Humanities) and

APA Style sheet (for Social Sciences). They should be neatly typed in double space with a margin of at

least one and half inches on one side of paper. The author's name and the institutional address should be

mentioned on the title sheet of the article only. Address for Postal Correspondence : For subscription /

contribution / advertisement / book reviews contact or write to –

The Editor, Prabodh

University School of Education

Desh Bhagat University

Mandi Gobindgarh (Pb.)

Email : [email protected] Mobile : 9876029011

Page 5: U/S 2(f) of the UGC Act 1956 & Member, Association of ...deshbhagatuniversity.in/Journalupload/afa30719-042f-4a4e-9488-ae5b6e2... · Department of Hindi Department of Literary Studies

International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

NAME: PRABODH

PRABODH is a multi-lingal jouranal of School of Education,Desh Bhagat

University. This journal is being run by faculty of social sciences and languages

ISSN (Online and Printed):

Publisher: Desh Bhagat University,Mandi Gobindgarh

Frequency: biannual

AIM of the Journal; To intiate a dialogue with emerging issues in the field of social sciences and

languages.Social dynamism leads to a bundle of transformations in different fields of life.

Consecoently the space of knowledge is being enhanced. This journal tries to adress the issues

related to social sciences and language. It is an open access, peer-reviewed and refereed

journal published by Desh Bhagat University.The main objective of journal is to provide an intellectual

platform for the scholars. PRABODH aims to promote interdisciplinary studies in humanities and social

science and become the leading journal in humanities and social science in the world. The journal

publishes research papers in the fields of humanities and social science such as anthropology, business

studies, communication studies, corporate governance, criminology, crosscultural studies, demography,

development studies, economics, education, ethics, geography, history, industrial relations, information

science, international relations, law, linguistics, library science, media studies, methodology, philosophy,

political science, population Studies, psychology, public administration, sociology, social welfare,

linguistics, literature, paralegal, performing arts (music, theatre & dance), religious studies, visual arts,

women studies and so on. The journal is published

in both print and online versions.

School of Education ,Desh Bhagat University publishes original papers, review papers,

conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research,

technical notes, and book reviews. Special Issues devoted to important topics in humanities and

social science will occasionally be published.

Vision of the Journal; Journal is an effort to present the modulation of different domains of

knowlegde

on particular phenomenon covering the area of Social work, Education, International relations,

practice, Social psychology, History, Humanities, Public administration, Women's studies,

Economics, Human geography, Family Counseling, Psychology, Sport and leisure, catering, School

Counseling, Political science, Hospitality and Linguistics, Exceptional Children Studies, Statistics and

data, Education, Linguistics, Cultural Studies, Arts, History, Law, Learning Studies, Language Study,

Literature and So on

Mission of the Journal.; The journal upholds inter-disciplinary approach by being a journal

different shades on a single theme. To provides a single space for academic trends in different fields

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

of knowledge. PRABODH has the mission to publish original research papers, related to Social

work, Education, International relations, practice, Social psychology, History, Humanities, Public

administration, Women's studies, Economics, Human geography, Family Counseling, Psychology,

Sport and leisure, catering, School Counseling, Political science, Hospitality and Linguistics,

Exceptional Children Studies, Statistics and data, Education, Linguistics, Cultural Studies, Arts, History, Law, Learning Studies, Language Study, Literature and So on, written by

researchers from universities and research organizations, which are a real contribution to

knowledge. Manuscripts are peer reviewed in order to maintain high scientific standards.

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

Volume -2.

Contents

Title: Page

Number

Political aspects of Sustainable Development 1-10

Present Position of Higher Education in our Country 9-10

The Center -State Relations in India

11-16

Guru Gobind Singh; Path of Equality and Mankind 17-19

gurbKS isG pRIqlVI dI vwrqk ivclI SbdwvlI 20-24

Mother Fixation in D.H Lawrence's Sons and Lovers 25-27

A Comparative study of different Motor Abilities among College Level 28-32

Volleyball and Ha ndball female players

Political and administrative relations of the governor with the chief 33-39

minister with special reference to punjab and Haryana

40-45

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

(Page: 1)

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

High Level Political Forum, 2017

Voluntary National Review of Implementation of SDGs in India

* As a signatory to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, India is committed to participate

in the international review of progress of Sustainable development Goals (SDGs) on a regular

basis. The central platform for international follow-up and review of the 2030 Agenda is the High-

Level Political Forum (HLPF), which has started meeting annually since 2016 under the auspices

of the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). In the HLPF, UN member countries are

expected to present their Voluntary National Review (VNR) on implementation of SDGs. The

VNRs thus serve as a basis for international review of progress of SDGs. * The 2017 HLPF was held during 10th -19th July at the United Nations, New York. It focused on

the theme: 'Eradicating poverty and promoting prosperity in a changing world' and on the SDGs 1

(No Poverty); 2 (Zero Hunger); 3 (Good Health and Well-Being); 5 (Gender Equality); 9 (Industry,

Innovation and Infrastructure), 14 (Life Below Water) and 17 (Partnerships for the Goals).

* As a part of its role, NITI Aayog has presented the 1st Voluntary National Review on

Implementation of SDGs in the country to the 2017 HLPF on 19th July 2017. For this review,all

available information on relevant aspects of the identified SDGs and related targets has been taken

into consideration.

A Universal Game Changer

NITI Aayog has been entrusted with the role to co-ordinate 'Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda

for Sustainable Development' (called as SDGs). Moving ahead from the Millennium Development

Goals (MDGs), SDGs have been evolved through a long inclusive process for achievement during

2016-2030. The SDGs cover 17 goals and 169 related targets resolved in the UN Summit meet 25-

27 September 2015, in which India was represented at the level of Hon'ble Prime Minister. These

SDGs will stimulate, align and accomplish action over the 15-year period in areas of critical

importance for the humanity and the planet.

The task at hand for NITI Aayog is not merely to periodically collect data on SDGs but to act

proactively fructify the goals and targets not only quantitatively but also maintaining high standards of

quality. Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) has already undertaken a

parallel exercise of interaction with the ministries to evolve indicators reflecting the SDG goals and

targets. To achieve these tasks, the draft mapping of the goals and targets as an initial step on

proposed Nodal and other Ministries has been carried out in consultation with MoSPI. Further, as an

illustration, the Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSSs),including the 'core of the core', 'core' and

'optional' Schemes being implemented by the States have been mapped alongwith some of the

recent initiatives undertaken by the Central Government. In addition, Ministries are implementing

Central Sector Schemes and States are also implementing various State Schemes aligned with one

or more SDGs. This mapping can be accessed from the NITI Aayog site.

(Page: 2)

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

NITI Aayog, in collaboration with RIS is also holding a Consultation on SDGs, during 9th and 10th

February 2016 with stakeholders including States, Ministries, academia, International organisations,

NGOs etc. at New Delhi.

India's Commitment to the SDGs

PM's statement at the UN Summit for the adoption of Post-2015 Development Agenda

* Elimination of poverty in all forms everywhere is at the top of our goals. It is a vital necessity for

ensuring peaceful, sustainable and just world.

* The goals recognize that economic growth, industrialization, infrastructure, and access to

energy provide the foundations of development.

* The distinct goal on ocean ecosystem reflects the unique character of its challenges and

opportunities. Equally important, it focuses our attention on the future of the island states.

* Blue Revolution which includes the prosperity, sustainable use of marine wealth and blue skies.

* New bank accounts for 180 million direct transfer of benefits; funds to the unbanked insurance

within the reach of all and pension for everyone's sunset years.

* New personal sector of individual enterprise, micro enterprises and micro finance, drawing

also on the strength of digital and mobile applications.

* Housing, power, water and sanitation for all – important not just for welfare, but also human dignity.

* Making our farms more productive and better connected to markets farmers less vulnerable to

the whims of nature.

PM's main statement in the BRICS Leaders' Meeting

* Effective implementation of Sustainable Development Agenda 2030 and ensure adequate

funding for it.

* Greater collaboration between multilateral and regional financial institutions.

* Enhanced long term finance for infrastructure in developing countries.

* Developing next generation, climate resilient infrastructure. This would also include converting

waste into inputs for infrastructure.

* Speeding up the completion of the Doha Development Agenda.

* Enhance research and development on clean and renewable energy to increase access,

efficiency and affordability of clean energy.

* Stopping the flow of arms and explosives to terrorist groups

(Page: 3)

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

Lead Intervention by PM at G20 Working Lunch on Development and

Climate Change

* G20 must align itself with the SDGs. In doing so, we will also stimulate faster and a more

broad-based economic growth.

* We are promoting growth and investing in skills to create employment for our youth.

* We have the world's largest financial inclusion programme and we have definite target dates

for meeting all the basic needs of our people.

* Ambitious plans for addressing the challenges of climate change which includes additional

capacity of 175 GW of renewable energy by 2022.

The Indian Parliament in Action

The Parliament of India has taken exemplary initiatives to propel the SDG agenda forward. The

Lower House of the Parliament, for instance, has organized several discussions on the SDGs with parliamentarians from both Houses as part of the Speaker's Research Initiative. A number of

the initiatives have focused on the importance of gender equity in the context of the SDGs.

These include the National Women's Legislators' Conference as well as the second BRICS Women

Parliamentarians Forum. The Forum observed that women parliamentarians can make a significant

contribution towards shaping public opinion in favour of the new global development goals. The

Forum brought out the 'Jaipur Declaration' expressing its commitment to the SDGs.

The South Asian Speakers' Summit on SDGs was another regional initiative organized in 2017. The

Summit deliberated on the theme 'Strengthening Regional Cooperation and Resources for SDGs'. It

urged parliamentarians to collectively advance action among all stakeholders for mobilizing additional

resources in order to achieve the SDG targets in a timely manner.

National Review 2017

India has played an important role in shaping the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Therefore,

it is no surprise that the country's national development goals are mirrored in the SDGs.

The expression “Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas,” which translates as “Collective Effort, Inclusive

Growth” and has been popularized by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, forms the cornerstone of India's

national development agenda. To fast track this agenda, the Government of India has just released a

draft Three-Year Action Agenda covering years 2017-18 to 2019-20. In parallel, work is in advance

stages on a 15-Year Vision, which will also include a 7-year Strategy. Reflecting the country's

commitment to the SDG agenda at the highest levels of Government, the Indian Parliament organized

several forums including the South Asian Speakers' Summit in February 2017. These forums have

focused on the elimination of poverty, gender equality, climate change and resource mobilization for

SDGs. Additionally, the Speaker's Research Initiative has been launched for providing SDG-related

insights to Members of Parliament.

(Page: 4)

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

For implementing the SDG agenda, the Government of India has launched several ambitious

programmes, some of which are highlighted below. A noteworthy example of a crosscutting initiative

is the Pradhan Mantri Jan DhanYojana (PMJDY) which is the world's largest financial inclusion

programme. By leveraging PMJDY, Aadhaar (biometric identity system) and mobile telephony, the

Government has disbursed a cumulative amount of INR 1.62 trillion (USD 25 billion) to 329 million

beneficiaries through Direct Benefit Transfers.

Goal 1: End Poverty in All its Forms Everywhere

Key initiatives:

· PM Jan DhanYojna(World's largest financial inclusion programme).

· National Rural Drinking Water Programme.

· Swacch Bharat Mission

· Housing for all by 2022.

· PM's Rural Roads Programme

Goal 2: End hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable

agriculture

Key initiatives:

· Doubling Farmers income by 2022.

· Integrated Child Development Services.

· Public Distribution System.

· Mid-day Meal Programme.

Goal 3: Health and well-being

Key initiatives:

· National Health Mission.

· National Vector Borne Disease Control Programme

· National Programme for Prevention of Non-Communicable Diseases.

(Page: 5)

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

Goal 5: Gender Equality, Women Empowerment

Key initiatives:

· Beti Bachao Beti Padhao(Save the Girl Child, Educate the Girl Child).

· Maternity Benefit Programme.

· Women Transforming India.

· Standup India.

Goal 9: Infrastructure, Industry and Innovation

Key initiatives:

· Deen Dayal Upadhyaya Gram Jyoti Yojana(Rural Electrification Scheme).

· Make in India.

· Atal Innovation Mission.

Goal 14: Ocean, Seas and Marine Resources

Key initiatives:

· Mangroves for the future.

· National Oil Spill Disaster Contingency Plan, 2015.

· National Policy on Marine Fisheries, 2017.

· Sagarmala (port-led development)

Goal 17: Global Partnership for Sustainable development

Key initiatives:

· Direct-tax reform.

· Goods and Services Tax.

· Public-Private Partnerships.

· South-South Cooperation.

State-Level Initiatives on SDGs:

* Assam has set up a Centre for SDGs under the Planning and Development Department and

an integrated framework for implementation has been adopted. The state has also developed

its own vision for realizing the SDGs namely ASSAM 2030. A pilot is being undertaken in a

few villages and towns for demonstrating full attainment of the SDG agenda. Further, a robust

technology platform is also being set up for tracking the progress pertaining to the SDGs.

* Andhra Pradesh as part of its Vision 2029 has identified indicators for each of the 17 SDGs. It has

also outlined the baseline targets, milestones as well as key strategies for realizing the SDGs.

* Bihar is in the process of finalizing the roadmap for SDG implementation. The state

government isalready focusing on a number of areas that are covered under the SDGs

including road connectivity anddrainage, toilets, clean drinking water, electricity, higher

education, skill development and gender equality

(Page: 6)

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

* Haryana has prepared its Vision 2030 document following extensive consultations with a

range of stakeholders. The strategies outlined in the document are based broadly on five

principles – integrated planning and decentralized implementation, equitable development,

building human capital, promoting citizen centric services and green growth.

* Maharashtra is focused on balanced regional development and emphasizes sustainable

livelihoods,taking initiative to improve management of water, land and forests, improve access

to health andeducation, and developing skills for employment generation.

* Kerala has set up elaborate indicators and standards for achieving the SDG 3 on health. The

state hassector specific plans for 2030 with emphasis on encouraging entrepreneurship in

production sectors,developing the key bases of knowledge economy in the areas of education,

S&T, etc., and ensuringenvironmental and social sustainability. * Karnataka focuses on technology in 12 sectors: education, medical science and health care, food

& agriculture, water, energy, environment, habitat, transportation, infrastructure, manufacturing,

materialsand ICT.

* Tamil Nadu focuses on infrastructure development in six major sectors: energy,

transportation,industrial and commercial infrastructure, urban infrastructure and services,

agriculture and human development.

* Punjab has set in motion a SDGs support process under the Planning Department. The

Process involves extension of technical assistance at the state level and facilitation support to

different departments for improving programme implementation, and generating information

and evidence for public policy analysis and delivery in the context of SDGs. * Madhya Pradesh has also established an SDG cell. The Madhya Pradesh State Planning

Commissionhas also established Planning and Policy Support Unit, Project Monitoring Unit,

Knowledge Management Unit and International Division, in order to meet challenges of

perspective planning and SDGs.

Role of Punjab in SDG:

24*7 Metered Water: Improving water supply in rural areas of Punjab.

Aiming to maximize coverage of villages availing water supply schemes, the 24x7 Metered Water Supply initiatives has successfully involved the community in planning and implementation and metering

water consumption for judicious use in Punjab. The nodal department, the Department of Rural Water

Supply and Sanitation (DRWSS), Government of Punjab, has also introduced a novel pull-model of proactively calling beneficiaries to obtain beneficiary feedback and to address grievances on water

supply service. In order to inculcate sustainable practices in the usage of water, to ensure parity in its

usage, and to ensure that water charges are paid, water meters and a system of pay-per-use has been introduced in 15 villages of Punjab. Funds that are left over after the completion of tasks are ploughed

back into water and sanitation-related projects in the village as they are not permitted to be used for other

purposes.

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

(Page: 8)

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

Present Position of Higher Education in our Country The key to harnessing India's demographic dividend is education. Indian higher education currently the

third largest in the world, is likely to surpass the U S in the next five years and China in the next 15 years to be the largest system of higher education in the world. Indian higher education has a complex structure

riddled with many contradictions, still has great possibilities. With the increase in population, there has been surge in the number of students

seeking admission in universities and colleges for higher education. In the field of higher education in

India there was the time when population of the country was much lesser and higher education was accessible to all everyone.

After passing the higher secondary examination students may enroll in general

degree programmers such as bachelor's degree in arts, commerce or science, or professional degree programs such as engineering, low or medicine. The main governing body at the tertiary level is the

university grants commission. Which enforces its standards, advises the government and helps coordinate between the center and the state? Accreditation for higher learning is overseen by 12 autonomous institutions established by the university grants commission. In India, education system is reformed in the future; India will be one of the largest education hubs.

Indian higher education system has expanded at a fast pace by adding nearly 20,000

colleges and more than 8 million students in a decade from 2000-01 to 2010-11. As of 2011, India has 42 central universities, 275 state universities, 130 deemed university, 90 private universities, 5 institutions established and functioning under the state Act and 33 institutes of national importance. Other institutions include 33,000 colleges as government degree colleges and private colleges, including 1800 exclusive women's colleges, functioning under the universities and institutions as reported by the U.G.C in 2012. The emphasis in the tertiary level of education lies on science and technology.

Indian educational institutions by 2004 consisted of a large number of technology institutor. Distance learning and open education is also a feature of the Indian higher education system, and is looked after by the distance education council. Indra Gandhi national Open University is the largest university in the world by number of students, having approximately 3.5 million students across the globe.

Some institutions of India, such as the Indian Institutes of Technology( IIT's), National Institutes of Technology ( NIT's), Indian Institutes of Management( IIM's), International Institutes of Information Technology ( IIIT-H), University of Mumbai and Jawaharlal Nehru university have been globally acclaimed for their standered of education. The IIT's enroll about 8000 students annually and the alumni have contributed to both the growth of the private sector and the public sectors of India.

A part from the several hundred state universities, there is a network of research

institutions that provide opportunities for advanced learning and research leading up to a P.hD in

branches of science, technology and agriculture. Several have won international recognisation. 25 of

these institutions come under the umbrella of the CSIR (Council of scientific and industrial research) and over 60 fall under the ICAR-(Indian council of agriculture research. In addition, the DAE (Department of Atomic energy) and other ministries support. Various research laboratories. High cut off rate: - Students find a staggeringly high cut off percentage for admission such as 80%, 85%

even 90% in some subjects in prestigious universities and colleges. This again is a grim scurries, causing

distress disappointment even leading to deep depression exams the admission seekers. Such situation affects the mental condition of the students. However, It is true that only deserving should seek admission

and granted admission. Diversified streams for higher education: - The streams for higher education have been diversified in a large way. There are several options for the admission seekers, but qualification and competitions at every stage are to be presented and forced. Loan schemes: - For the brilliant student poor , there should be educational loans schemes by the

banks, which should be available after due strutting of qualifications and means, repayable in easy installments or even after getting duly employed. Many banks have come up with education loan schemes for students.

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

Limited stay: - Students at the universities should be allowed to stay as students only for limited period of

study and research period. Beyond it, none should be allowed to stay after past graduation. Professional students, who just want to stay on as they have nothing better to do, turn into student leaders, indulge in

politics, and become active members of some political party. Such disoriented students have no place in

a university or a college. Role of Teachers: - Here again the final on us falls on teachers. They, but their precept as well as by their example of uprightness and devotion to duty should become the real torch bearers for the student community and win regard and reverence from them. That alone can place the university or the college

campus above narrow gain. Private coaching: - Private coaching has become a wide – spread malady among university teachers. This needs to be curbed and controlled even by low, if required. Distance higher education: - For those who have failed to get admission to a university or a college, distance education is the only answer. The Indra Gandhi open university and similar other universities all over the country with full recognized courses could be and are the only answer to the aspirant for higher education. There can be multifarious courses offered by these universities which can even be different from these offered at the regular universities or their associated or affiliated college and this can be an

added attraction to students and can abroad a large number of the crowed waiting at the brinks of the universities and colleges. While gaining the chance of getting a degree, such seekers can keep working somewhere, if they can along with pursuing a course of study of their choice.

Reference: - 1. International journal of educational planning & Administration . ISSN 2249-3093

Volume 4, Number 1 (2014) PP 37-48. 2. Higher education in India at a Glance: UGC report. April. 2012. 3. Article on Present Position of Higher Education in India. By- Ankita Mitra (July29, 2013). 4. Higher Education in India from Wikipedia. 5. Mukerji, S.N: Education in India : Today and Tomorrow, Acharya Book Depot, Baroda, 1964. 6. Journal of Higher Education, Vol. 8, 11001, University Grants Commission, New Delhi, 1982.

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Jasvir Kaur

(Assistant Professor)

Department of Political Science

Desh Bhagat University

Mandi Gobindgarh , Punjab (India).

The Centre - State Relations in India

The relations between the Centre and the states in Indian politics are of great importance.Consequences of central and states affect the whole country. History is a witness. Good relationship between the centre and its states is the unity of the country and It is essential for integrity. The relationship between the centre and the states has their own resources. The unity, integrity, peace and development of the country are dependent on the relations between them. For the sake of the Indian Constitution, The Centre has given more powers than the states, which have its own characteristics. The dependence of the states on the center makes this subject even more interesting. A key role in the politics of the country is to deal with both of them.The relationship between these two In the Indian politics, ideologies such as Centralism, Regionalism, Casteism, Cooperative Federationism have taken birth. Centre and relations of the states have shared the political participation of the people. It has also contributed in the promotion of the two. It affects every Indian citizen in relation to both of them. The impact of the relations between the centre and the states falls on every common person of India. Legislative, Administrative and Financial Relations with the states of the Centre The topics have their own importance to the relationship between the central and the states for political parties. Based on the central and state relations, try to gain power through various political parties.Political parties always keep an eye on the relations of the center and states. Anarchy does not spread in the country, therefore the good relations between the centre and the states are expected to remain. Every section interested in the relationship between the centre and the states Talks about the relations between the Centre and the states are always going on in the people of the country. Citizen's Voting Behavior is also sometimes used to refer the Centre and states. In present time, on every aspect of the relations of the Central and the States, the Indian citizens , political parties, industrial groups,religious institutions, educational institutions,health institutions, etc. keep track of Reflects the importance of the subject

Article 1(1) of our constitution says-``India that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States.''

Dr.Ambedkar, the chairman of the drafting committee 'stated that ``although its

constitution may be federal in structure'', the committee had used the term ``Union” because of certain advantages.1

These advantages, he explained in the constituent Assembly, were to indicate two things, viz.,(a)that the Indian federation is not the result of an agreement by the Units, and

(b) that the component units have no freedom to secede from it.2 The new constitution of ent.

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India provides for a federal system of Government, which means that the division of powers between the Union and the states. The word `federation' has been derived from Latin word `foedus' which means treaty. Therefore, a federalism means a union of several states brought about through the Instrumentality of treaty or agrement.

Whether India is a federation or not is a controversial issue. Broadly speaking, the are two different schools. The first school led by Professor K.C.Wheare is not prepared to accept that the Indian constitution is a federal one. He points out: 'the constitution establishes indeed a system of government which is almost quasi-federal, almost devolutionary in character, a unitary state with subsidiary unitary features''.On the other hand,Dr.D.N.Banerjee,who represents the other school, is of the opinion that India has a federal system with a pronounced bias for the centre.3

The Framers of the constitution deliberately provided for a centralized federation. In the whole text of the constitution India is never called a federation. K.C. Wheare defines federalism as, ``by the federal principle mean the method of dividing powers so that general and regional governments are each, within a sphere, co-ordinate and Indipendent''.4

According to D.D. BASU,``The constitution of India is neither purely federal nor purely unitary but is a combination of both. It is a Union or composite state of a noval type. It enshrines the principle that in spite of federalism the national interest ought to be paramount.''5

Prof. Alexandrowicz has taken great pains to combat the view that the Indian federation is ``quasi-federation''.6

Sir Iver Jenings says that 'India has a federation, with a strong centralizing tendency.''7 The text of the constitution does not use the term `federal' or `federation'. The Supreme Court has spoken of the Indian Union as `federal',quasi federal or `ambhibian' meaning sometimes `federal' and sometimes `Unitary'.8

In a federation, the powers are divided between the centre and the states changed from time to time. Both the governments, despite being independent in their respective spheres are also related with each other. Centre – states relation are very unique. Centre and state relations are different in every country .according to their time, circumstances. In the xith and xiith part of the constitution the relations between the centre and states have been described which can be divided into three parts:

Legislative relations

Administrative relations

Financial Relations.

A detailed study of the centre –state relations in India reveals that in India the centre is very strong. Centre is more power full than state. Although the constitution has divided the subjects and sources of revenue, yet in spite of this the centre can interfere in the jurisdiction of states.

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The framers of the Indian constitution deliberately provided for centralized federation. The framers of the constitution were aware of the fissiparous tendencies prevalent in India. The prolonged foreign domination over India may very well be ascribed to the lack of unity in the country. They had not yet forgotten the bitter memories of the partition. So in order to maintain the unity and integrity of the country a federation with a strong centre was provided by the framers of constitution .9

The creation of a strong centre is also due to the fact that the process of formation of the

Indian Federation is form centralization to decentralization, whereas in other Federations

normally the process of formation is forms decentralization to centralization. The

Centralization is not peculiar to India. It is a feature of all the federation of the world. Even

in the American federation there are evident signs of centralization.

Modern states are undertaking many programmes of social and economic development. Centre and state relations like relationship between Government to Government. Both are interrelated to each other. They are two side of the same coin. They cooperate to each other. They bond with each other. 1950 to 1967, we can say that it is a centralization Era of Indian Politics. Than in 1967, we can say as cooperative federalism Era and decline of one party dominance in India.

Before the 4th General Elections, the relations between the centre and the states were extremely cordial because one and the same party, namely, congress ruled the centre as well as the states but after 4th General Elections, the situation radically changed because while in the centre the congress continued to rule, in the states opposition parties formed the ministries by combining themselves in United Democratic Fronts . Conflict between the centre and states ensued because the non-congress Ministries did not tolerate the interference of the centre on many points. Some non-congress Ministries like Haryana, west Bengal, Punjab, Tamil Nadu has been consistently demanding more powers and autonomy of states. 10

The Late Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi deplored this tendency and held that the

constitution gave sufficient autonomy and powers to the states. According to her the states

had adequate sources of income and there was no undue interference of the centre in the

states than use of Para-Military Forces in stated by the centre in 1968 central

encroachment upon state autonomy in 1971. That centre Government made Arbitrary use

of Article-356 and imposed president's rule.

The 42nd

constitution Amendment Act was passed by the parliament and assented

to by the President in 197. Which clearly established the Predominance of the centre over

the state.

The Janata Party come to power at the centre in the elections of 1977 when Morariji

Desai become the Prime Minister. As Internal and external emergencies were lifted than

there was again a demand for more autonomy by the states. Than centre rejects the

demand for greater autonomy or modification of ties with the states. 11

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In 1980 the Late Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi had lost Power in Tamil Nadu.

Than she lost the power in Andhra, Karnataka and Tripura also. Than Prime Minister Indira

Gandhi announced on march 24, 1983 in parliament the appointment of a commission that

is sarkaria commission, to review the exiting arrangements between the centre and states

.

The anti-congress atmosphere continued to prevail at the closing session of

AIADMK meeting of the General Council even on the 2nd day when the members cost

aspersions on the Prime Minister for sending the central forces into Tamil Nadu without

its consent.

At the time when the subjects related to the Constitution are studied in the Indian

Political System, the Act of 1919, the Act of 1935, is given special importance to Canada's

federal system. The Constitution of India contains the characteristics of the federal

system. Therefore, the Constituent Assembly has written a very detailed account of the

relations between the Center and the States .Because these include legislative,

governance, administrative and financial Relations are very important. Even though some

scholars have said that "this division is in favor of the center because the central

government has been made very strong."

The relationship between the central government and the state governments in India is similar to today's relations between father and son. Both of them take care of each other and argue too be , both of them conflict on the subject, both them collide. Take special care of their freedom, both give their freedom, both give their demands priority, sometimes there are conflict in both, according to time, there is also a conflict resolution , both demand for autonomy, but then Vacancy unity are the priority. The some way is the centre and the state government. Which change according to time. Both are worried about their existence. Both affect each other. The relationship between the Center and the states in the Indian Constitution has been detailed. The Indian Constitution has an exhaustive description of the affairs of the Center and states from 245 to 307. Including administration related finances. The powers of the Central and the States have been freely disclosed in which the central list of state list is displayed. Which refers to the distribution of powers in the center and states. Which makes it seem that the powers of the Central states are more than the power of the states. The center is seen in the form of fathers and as the son of the state.

According to the division of powers, the weight of the weight seems to be shoulder of the center. The center seems best before the states. The topics of national importance are visible in the central list. The division of powers in the center and states by the Constitution seems like this, such that the division of powers is more towards one side or the central government. Although the state list has its own importance, the Concurrent List is the leader of both. But due to being in the power of the residuary power center, the power of the states is decreasing. But if it is seen then the center must be empowered to maintain union of states. Father can never think of a bad child. Therefore, the Center also seeks maximum help from State Governments.

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Indian politics is experiencing centrality in the period from 1952 to 1967. In which the

influence of the party of the same party in the center shows the effect of the existence of

the party. From which it seems that the state governments are functioning under the

central government and centralization is the strongest center of the center .and being

superior to the center by the states. The centralization of the Indian federation has been

justified by Professor D.N. Banerjee. He observed, `` To my mind the strong central

government is indispensable to the maintenance of unity, solidarity and Integrity of India''.

But there was a turning point in Indian politics when the government of a long-standing government at the Center from 1967 had been terminated and the new party started

working as a union government with the state government showing its existence to be very serious. Strengthening the center's grip on strengthening

This led to the changing of the relations between the central government and the state government, the state government was informed about its power, efforts were made to increase the effect of the centralization of Indira Gandhi's Central Government, but still the demand was given by the state government. The Central Government has tried to show its clout. The Central Government has continued to make good relations with the state government. More welfare contributions for governments. To fill more air than required in balloon and he exploded. The same situation was done by the state government by the Center. Because of the rising state of autonomy, the rising influence of centralization took the form of state autonomy. This led to the increased development of the spirit of religion, with this resulted in the creation of Punjab Jammu and Kashmir Assam Nagaland, Andhra Pradesh, etc. have caused tension over their relationship.

From time to time Centre and state relations are changing. Although there have been a lot of conflict between the Center and the state, but since independence, no state has been able to separate from India to the new country. The time till 1967 was of centralization, after which many conflict was born. Although there is no stability in the relationship between the state and the center, yet they still like to maintain the unity and integrity of India. The state government wants the support of the Center. After 1967, the strength of the states has been strengthened. For some time, the Center started feeling pressure, but the Center has proved that he is a supreme. India's unity has contributed more to the Central Government than the states. Even though the present Union Government has a feeling of co-operation with the states. But still there seems to be a bit of bitterness. Despite the government of a single party, there are instances of unsteady situation, sometimes in UP, Maharashtra, MP, the center and the state's status seems like a runway. He feels that the Central Government has always discriminated against him. East governments rarely agree with the Central Government. Mamta Banerjee's government in West Bengal does not exonerate from criticizing the existing center. Whether it is a demonetization, or some other. The dissent with the central government is also evident by the Delhi government. The Captain government of Punjab seems to have taken a beating with the Center. The situation of Bihar's Government is like the Pendulum with the central government. Goa's C.M. Who had earlier served as Union minister in the Union government He also resigned that Goa was right to go back and Goa expressed excitement.

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That which was done by the Center and the state government. Individual leaves the bond. In the MP, though it is the BJP government, even then the Union Government is not able to solve the problems of CM Shivraj Chauhan. The condition of the farmers in Maharashtra is also felt by the Central Government that ``Maharashtra has its responsibility. When he does not want to discriminate with other states by helping a state''. Although the latter said that the interest rate on farmers' debt should be reduced from 9% to 4%. After that, it seems that this step by the Central Government is promoting cooperation federalism. The Government of Kerala has opposed the Center's ban in the case of procurement of cattle and buffaloes. Even though corporate federalism is spoken,

but the fog of the conflict seems to be seen in some way. The fight for supremacy is continuing. After the formation of the Punjab government, the state government has taken loan from the central government for the purchase of wheat and the union government has released it immediately. Which shows cooperative federalism

1. C.A.D., vol.vii, pp.35-38. 2. Vii C.A.D., 2,242; XI C.A.D., 613,616. 3 .Dr.Hari har Das,`Political system of India', Anmol Publications Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi, 2001, p.no.287. 4. K.C. Wheare, ``Federal Government'', Third edition, London: Oxford

University Press, 1953, p.1. 5. D.D. Basu, ``Introduction to the constitution of India'', Prentice Hall of India

Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi, 1978. P.56. 6. C.H. Alexandrowicz, ``Constitutional Developments in India'', 1957, p.157-70. 7. Iver Jenning, ``Some Characteristics of the Indian Constitution, London'',

1953, p.1. 8. States of Rajasthan v. Union of India, AIR 1977 SC/361. 9. Dr. Hari Har Das,`` Political System of India'', Anmol Publications Pvt.Ltd.

10.Dr. Ashtagi Shivkari C.D., “ Issues & Problems in Indian Politics, A.K.

Publication, 2012. P.11.

11.Dr. Ashtagi Shivkari C.D., “ Issues & Problems in Indian Politics, A.K.

Publication, 2012. P.20. th

12.Nav Bhart Times, New Delhi dated 27 Dec. 1993. P.1. Column 5-8; P.12 Column

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Jaspreet Kaur

Astt.Prof. A.S.College, Khanna.

98148-32063

Guru Gobind Singh; Path of Equality and Mankind.

“I tell the truth that all may hear

He who loves ,he alone has found God”

Guru Gobind Singh

Guru Gobind Singh, tenth guru of Sikh's was the most dynamic figure of his time. He was a saint-

soldier. He transformed an oppressed and depressed society into a heroic force ready to resist evil

with great courage and full confidence.

It was at Patna in bihar that Mata Gujri gave birth to a son on poh7, 1723. When Guru Tegh

Bahadur was on a sojourn to Assam . The child was named Gobind Rai. The child Gobind played with toy

arrows and weapons thus developing martial qualities right from the beginning of his life

The Sikh tradition right from the days of guru Nanak dev taught him to resist evil with all his

might and the glorious example of Guru Hargobind give him the iron will to fight injustice and uphold the

truth at any cost. The circumstances in which Guru Gobind Singh lived were characterized by large scale

corruption rebellions against the Mughal Empire in the south, and extreme fanaticism of Aurangzeb.

After the execution of his father Guru Tegh Bahadur in 1675, Guru Gobind Singh

realized that he had to get ready to play a militant role in order to protect his religion by fighting the

tyrants and to restore confidence among the exploited people.

“And like all great men who have helped in the advancement of

humanity, he felt That he himself was the man required by the times…..

Though deeply im The doctrine of divine incarnation viz. God's coming

to the rescue of humanity. In times of need, he regretted that the various

messengers and prophets sent by God had either claimed divine honors for

themselves or the world had raised them to the position of God. Therefore,

while strongly believing in his heaven ordained mission, he himself declared

that he was but a servant of the supreme being, and anybody calling him God

would pass life after life in hell'

The mission of Guru Gobind Singh was very clear and concrete in Bachittar Natak he says ,' “Understand this, holy men, I assumed human form for this alone;

To spread religion to protect the saints and to destroy the wicked . ”

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Thus the holy mission of his life was to punish the wicked and the evil doers and to let truth and

justice prevail in the world. He had made it clear in his writings that he was only a humble servant of

God and warned his followers against identifying him with lord.

He rejected the caste system and established the equality of man through the creation of

khalsa.It was a revolutionary step from religious and social point of view. Khalsa is a symbol of

equality and liberty. The creation of khalsa on the day of vaisakhi on 14th, april 1699.drastic changes

were required in the thinking and acting of the people for enforcing the kind of spiritual socialism

which the guru had in mind . The way Guru Gobind Singh created khalsa is an wonderful example of

equality. All the five volunteers of which three are shudra ,one kashatriya and one was jatt from Dehli.

The Amrit , was prepared and offered in five palmfuls each to the five one by one. Thereafter, the

guru himself undertook Amrit from the five and established their supremacy in the new social order.

Physically and spiritually, all men are alike; this guru ji stated in his bani. If there is any difference

among men, it was only between the oppressors and oppressed the evil and innocent.

'Sikhism was out to fight any type of tyranny and any form of subjugation

Religiously, it stood for tolerance, respect, love and cooperation among all the religions

of India; politically, it was intolerant of imperialism of any type and was the sworn enemy of political

subjugation;socially,it stood for fraternity, brotherliness and equality. Good of humanity is real

religion of Sikhism”

For guru Gobind singh , the Muslims,the Hindu or all other were all human beings with their good

or bad energy. He tried to make them noble through his deeds and set before them a model which

they could emulate easily.

In the light of above, one can easily conclude that Guru Gobind Singh was a spiritual leader

and a revolutionary social reformer. Guru Gobind Singh was great historical figure; he transformed a

peaceful community into a self-respecting society which could tolerate injustice no longer and which

could take up arms to restore justice and truth when all measures of conciliation and persuasion

failed. He established a fearless society which could face all odds and meet all challenges resolutely.

And this is not confined to a particular region. In fact, it was a model for the humanity at large because

it considers all human beings alike.

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There was no scope of any hatred; there was love and service for all; there was no malice or

intolerance against the non-Sikhs who enjoyed equal rights and self respect. If his message is

understood and followed in the right spirit, it can provide a true perspective to the mankind and

show the path of love to human beings in this age of mistrust and skepticism.

References;

1. Gokul Chand Narang ,Transformation of Sikhism.

2 .Taran Singh “Sikhism; An Experiment in National intergration of the country .

3. S.N.Sewak;Guru Gobind Singh apostle of universal botherhood. 4. Bachittar Natak ;Translated by Dr. Gopal Singh. 5. J.S. Grewal and S.S.Bal , Guru Gobind Singh.

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j?. fJjd/ ftu pZfunK bJh fgnko j?, gsBh bJh g/qw j?, wksk bJh ;fseko j?, ;kEhnK bJh t|k j?, wB[Zysk bJh dod

j?, ihtB bJh i'P j?, }[bkwh bJh fxoDk j?. I[bw bJh sbtko j?, j[Bo bJh edo j?, o{g bJh o; j?, fJB;k| bJh e[opkBh

j?.”3 fJ; g?oQ/ ftZu gfjb/ s/ nkyoh Ppd ftueko i'V j?. fit/A pZfunK^fgnko, ihtB^i'P, wksk^;fseko s/

fJB;k|^e[opkBh. fiBQK s'A T[;dh Ppd tos'A, Ppd^;zuko ;wfoZXh ns/ Ppd^iVQs ebkekoh dk gsk bZrdk j?.

r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh PpdK dh u'D s/ tos'A ;w/A Gkt noE, ;[ji s/ ;{ywsk dk g{ok f\nkb oZydk j?. T[j uzr/ s'A uzr/

PpdK B{z fJ; soQK soshp fdzdk j? fe fe;/ tos/ j'J/ Ppd B{z nk;kBh Bkb BjhA pdfbnk ik ;edk j?. “w/o/ dkdh ih p[ZY/ jB,

pj[s p[ZY/, fszB T[s/ sfonkBt/A tfoQnK d/. fJj S'N/ jB, pj[s S'N/, w;K uko s/ nZXk c[N. fJj \[P jB, pV/ \[Pl iheo ;[fBjoh

feoBK^u[zfwnK eztb. fJj e'wb jB, pV/ e'wb, T[; fBZeh Bdh tKr fijVh wfjed/ pk} d/ fyVd/ p{fNnK B{z S{zjdh trdh j?.”4

fJjBK ;soK ftZu T[j dkdh ih dh nt;Ek, \[PhnK, rwhnK ns/ ihtB dh Gog{osk dh s;tho fJ; soQK eodk j? j? fit/A n;hA

gqfeosh ns/ dkdh d/ ;kwosZy doPB eo oj/ j'JhJ/. T[j PpdK dk nkg wkbe j? fijVk fe Ppd B{z b'V nB[;ko s'V e/ s/ ;ztko e/

tos'A ftZu fbnkT[Adk j?. “fgnko dh y{z^ykoh B{z f;nkD/ wB[Zy B/ ;dhnK dhnK e'fPPK Bkb f;Xk fbnk j?.”5 fJ; tke ftZu

T[;B/ fgnko B{z tfjPh dfozdk fejk j? idA'fe fgnko B{z jh wB[Zy B{z wB[Zy Bkb i'VB dk p[fBnkdh t;hbk wzfBnk iKdk j?.

T[j n"os dh nkIkdh bJh 'y[ZbQk do' ;{ue tosdk j?. fJ; soQK jh 'vke{* B{z 'oks dk okDk' d/ 'j'Nb w/v' j'Nb dh B"eokDh

BjhA ;r'A 'j'Nb phph' gqshs j[zdh j?. fJ;/ soQK iIfpnK bJh ';kt/A gZXo/' j'Dk tofsnk frnk j? s/ ;\Phns bJh ';[ykthA ;[Xoh'

tosDk th g[okD/ PpdK B{z Bt/A fdZs/ noE jB. fJ; soQK jh Ppd 'T[bko' fiZE/ gfjbK rZfvnK bJh tofsnK

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

iKdk ;h T[E/ fJ; Ppd B{z 'ihtB p/Vh' bJh tos'A ftZu fbnKdk j?. Xkofwe fbysK ftZu doi gqufbs Ppdktbh dh EK fBogZy

Ppdktbh dh u'D ehsh rJh j?. r[o{ noiB d/t ih bJh 'fgnko^g[zi' ns/ r[o{ r'fpzd f;zx ih bJh 'gow wB[Zy' ;wk; u[fDnk j?. idA'fe r[o{

r'fpzd ih f;zzx bJh 'ebrhXo fgsk' iK 'pzdh S'V' nkfd BK gqufbs jB. r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh B{z r[o{ r'fpzd f;zx ih fJZe gow wB[Zy

BIo nkT[Ad/ jB s/ T[j T[jBK pkps fbydk j?, “gzdoK tfoQnK dk fJj B"itkB Xko b?Adk j?, fe T[;B/ nkgD/ fjzd{ GoktK dhnK

w[odk BkVK ftu BthA fIzdrh dk bj{ d[Vk d/Dk j?, s/ vodhnK jo jo eodhnK fuVQhnK B{z ihT[Adk e"wh pkI pDk d/Dk j?, e"wh

;[szsosk Ikbw pkdPkj e'b'A s/ wB[Zyh ;[szsosk wIQph pzXBK s'A fiZs b?DhnK jB.”6 fJ; soQK ikgdk j? fe r[op\P f;zzx

gqhsbVh PpdK dk ;wokN j? s/ Ppd f;gkjh dh soQK T[;d/ j[ew dh T[vhe ftZu jw/PK fsnko ofjzd/ jB. T[;dk nkgD/ PpdK T[go

ekp{ j? s/ wBwoIh Bkb nkgD/ PpdK B{z pDkT[Adk s/ T[jBK s'A ezw b?Adk j?.

fe;/ th b/ye dh p'bh f;o| T[jh jh BjhA j[zdh fi;dh Ppdktbh e'PK ftZu'A bZGh ik ;e/ Gkt PpdK dh ikd{froh T[jh

j[zdh j? fi; *s/ b/ye dh P\;hns dh w'jo bZr ikt/. r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh d/ e[M PpdK B{z d/fynk fJj rZb ;gZPN j' iKdh

j?. fit/A 'Gydh, ihtB, uzfrnkVh' Ppd gzikph e'PK ftZu'A fwb ikDr/ gozs{ 'Gydh ihtB uzfrnkVh' fij/ Ppd f;oiDk e/tb

T[;dh gqfsGk dk jh ewkb j?. fJ;/ soQK jh 'Pesh^Gog{o^soshp' nkfd T[dkjoB d/y/ ik ;ed/ jB. T[;B/ g[okD/ ;wk;K dh

tos'A eoB d/ Bkb Bt/A ;wk;K dh f;oiDk th ehsh j?. T[;dh ;wk; pDkT[D dh gqfsGk p/fw;kb j?. T[;B/ fiZE/ fJZe GkPk

d/ ;wk; f;oi/ T[E/ T[;B/ d' GkPh s/ fto'Xh ;wk;K dh th f;oiDk ehsh. T[;dh ;wk; f;oiDk dh fJZe fw;kb j?, “g[Pg^ebh

BjhA, T[j e'Jh e'V^p{Nh j't/rh, fijVh p/rkBh Pk\ T[s/ M{zw e/ nkgD/ pk} B{z thokB jz[dk t/y ;edh j?. ;kvh Pk\ T[s/

Gkt/A eJh ezv/ jB, go fJBQK ezfvnK d/ o; Bkb jh f;zfink ;kvk firo bkb j?. fe;/ fuZNh oZs^jhD^uzp/bh dh tfbzrDh

t/b T[s/ fJj r[bkp^r[zu/ fgT[Ad BjhA ehs/ ik ;ed/.”7 fJBQK ;soK ftZu tos/ g[Pg^ebh, os^jhD^uzp/bh, r[bkp r[zu/ s/

bkb firok nkfd ;wk; T[go rop\P f;zx gqhsbVh dh Skg j?.

“r[op\P f;zx B/ ;qh r[o{ BkBe d/t ih d/ BeP^J/^edw T[go N[ofdnK, nkgDh P?bh ftu |ko;h, noph, nzro/Ih,

fjzdh s/ T[od{ dh Ppdktbh ;w'Jh j?. fJ; Ppdktbh B{z fJ; soQK gzikph ;funK ftu Ykfbnk j? fe T[j Ugoh BjhA ikgdh

;r'A T[j gzikphns d/ ozr ftu Gk;D br iKdh j?.”8 Gkt T[j GkPkJh, ;dkukoe, Xkofwe, ;wkfie ns/ nkofEe b'V nB[;ko

d{ihnK GkPktK d/ PpdK B{z th tos b?Adk j?. T[j nkgDhnK fbysK bJh PpdK dh u'D fiZE/ gozgok ftZu'A eodk j?

T[E/ jh T[j d{;ohnK GkPktK ftZu'A gqGktPkbh Ppd u[D e/ s/ Bt/A PpdK dh f;oiDk eoe/ nkgDh Ppdktbh ftZu n;hw

tkXk eodk j?. T[j d{ihnK GkPktK d/ fInkdkso ss;w PpdK B{z fJ; soQK tos'A ftZu fbnkT[Adk j? fe T[j Ppd gzikph

GkPk d/ Ppd ikgd/ jB. fiZE/ T[;B/ d{ihnK GkPktK B{z ss;w o{g ftZu tos'A ftZu fbnKdk T[E/ T[;B/ ek|h PpdK dk

nB[tkd th ehsk T[; d[nkok f;oi/ ;wk; ewkb jB. T[; d[nkok f;oi/ ;wk; s/ d{;ohnK GkPktK d/ e[M e[ Ppd fJ; soQK jBL

;wk; L o;wh wIQp, bk wIQp, e[dosh wIQp, wIQph b'e, wIQph ftPtk;, wIQph iIfpnK, wIQph P\;hnsK,

wIQph nkdwhnK, wIQph d[BhnK, wIjph r'oy Xzdk, fbzr ;wkBsk, fbzr ekwBk, fbzr u/sBsk, fbzr^frnkB,

gqhsbVh, fgnko G[y, ihtB^:ksok, ihtB ;ehw, ihtB o", ihtB fJZSk, ihtB BZJhnk, ihtB ufoZso, ihtB nkdoP, gow

wB[Zy, gow Xkw, fgnko g[zi, fgnko szdK, fgnko tbtfbnK, fgnko fuzB, fgnko Mksh, Pesh ;kro, JhPto gq/wh,

JhPto^Grsh, d/P^Grsh, nzso sKx, ;op fwZso, ;op xksh, ;op okj, ;op wep{b, ;op ftnkgh, T[wo xVh, T[wo

g"Vh, fwZso nkekP, Ppd^fuZso, bj{^fbpVh, fJPe sKx, nzso nktkI/, i[ow ofus, nkokw gkoe, e'wb ;[gB/, shpo

b'uBk, ekfJfd^nkIw, noE^Gog{o, ;_?^;seko, ;_?^G[bkt/, ;_?^;BwkB, skohyh o", bhoK^trd/^e[ozr, fBnK

nfXekoh, gZEo fdb, w'No^bkohnK, nkswe X{, wB[Zy nkswk, BtK fPtkbk, gkto jkT{;, ukBD wzpk, gqhs

wzvb, gqhs gops, w{b^ohM, nksw o;hJ/, ;dhth Boe, ;z;ko BIkw, nkfp^j:ksK nkfd.

fto'Xh PpdK d/ ;wk; jBL IwhB n;wkB, fdB oks, ;okgh s/ gko;k, e'M/ ;[jD/, nrQK fgSQK, nwho

rohp, r'o/ ekb/, T[u/ Bht/A nkfd.

d' GkPktK d/ PpdK B{z i'V e/ pDkJ/ ;wk; jBL g[fbNheb f;Ebsk, skbhwh f;;Nw, }?ph nkoN, y/s fpqr/vK, n?Nw

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

pzp, skbhwh ;z;EknK, wziB g/;N, yzvo^fBPkB, o'Irko^SKr, Bhu^fdwk}h nkfd.

fszB PpdK B{z i'V e/ pDkJ/ ;wk; jBL ;z;ko^gqhs^wzvb, Go';k^gqDkbh^gouk, ;op^P[G^fuzse.

|ko;h, ;z;feqs s/ nzro/Ih Ppdktbh B{z r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh fJ; soQK go'Adk j?, “fjzd[;skBhnK B{z j[D

bVkJh dh nt;Ek d/ w[skfpe fIzdrh B{z soshp d/Dh ukjhdh j?. jo/e uhI dh tos'A ftu ;ziw ehsk ikJ/, o/bK ftu

;|o xNkfJnk ikJ/, g?No'b s/b pukJ/ ikD, nzB dkDk, egVk xN s'A xN tos/ ikD. fizBhnK xN uhIK Bkb r[Ikok j'

;e/ ehsk ikJ/. eko ftjko pzd Bk j'D. g?dktko tXkJh ikJ/. ezw eoB d/ xzN/ fInkdk ehs/ ikD. p?AeK, vke\kfBnK

s/ ;G e"wh ;z;EknK tb'A s;Zbh oZyh ikJ/. ;G ezw J/;/ soQK jh ubd/ ofjDr/. e'Jh o[gJhnk fe;/ EK BjhA

wkfonk ikJ/rk^^f;o| xo ftu dp dpk ofynk o[gJhnk \so/ ftu j?. i' e[M eoB dk f\nkb nky/, p/Pe eo'.”9

|ko;h PpdL wfj|{I, wIQp, n;pkp, esbnkw, }?p'A, PkfJ;sk, ijkIokBh, Iksh, }wK, |fsj, w[eZoo,

fBt/ebh, r[oI, g?dkfJP, ;kfjok, j;sh, gkoktko, w[Bk|/, P'\, IfjBhns, eko;kIh, fenk;, P\;h, Iksh }wK, frod,

nIb'A, tke|hns, fwnkB', r[ops, n;rkj, o|sko, uPwk, g?rzpo, e[we nkfd.

nzro/Ih PpdktbhL vf;gfbB, ;kfJz;, oh;ou, vkfJB'w', n?wgkfJo, Bof;zr, jkJhe'oN, ;kfJz;, :{Bhtof;NhnK,

;?ezv, fvT{Nh, wBhnkovo, e?o'NhB, n?IhN/PB, wkfJe, gqkJhw wfB;No, fiwB/Ihnw, n?wchEhJ/No,

gqkg/r/Avk, gkobhw?AN, |?f;;N, pkJhekN, ;kfJzNfce, vkeNo, ;kJheb'ghvhnk, o?v eok;, gkfb;h nkfd.

nB[tkfde PpdL we?Bheb (wPhBh), jkJhfezr (bzw/ g?Av/ g?db s[oBk), ek;w"gkfbNB (;koh d[BhnK

dh ;KMh), w[Peb^e[;k (n"fynkJhnK d{o eoB tkbk), fJbjkwK (nkekPh pkDhnK), T[Zuh f;|s (high quality).

;z;feqs d/ Ppd fijV/ gzikph GkPk ftZu oufwu u[Ze/ ;B T[jBK B{z jh ngBkfJnk j?. fit/AL n;zGt, nfjz;k, ;z;Ek, nEo{,

gftZsosk, g[oksBsk, nfXnkd/P nkfd. ;w[Zu/ s"o s/ T[j e/Adoh Pfjoh GkPk B{z nkgDhnK fbysK ftZu g/P eodk j?. nkgD/

ftukoK B{z gqGktPkbh o{g d/D bJh r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh PpdK d/ d[jokT[ dh ftXh th tos'A eodk j?. d[jokT[ tkb/ fJj fBZe/

fBZe/ Ppd ;zrhswJh o; g?dk eod/ jB. d[jokT[ tkb/ Ppd rZb B{z tX/o/ gqGktPkbh pDkT[Ad/ jB. T[j d[jokT[ dhnK eJh tzBrhnK B{z ngBkT[Adk j?. fit/AL

1H v[bQ v[bQ, e[opb e[opb, NN'b NN'b, x/o x/o, x{o x{o, fGzB

fGzB, pV/ pV/, tkj tkj, S[j S[j.

2H x[N x[N e/, fezBk fezBk fuo, yk yk e/, r[nKYh r[nKYh dk, c{e c{e e/.

3H fe;/ B{z fe;/, xZN s'A xZN, e'Jh Bk e'Jh, ekrI s/ ekrI,

o{^p^o{, t/y/^nDt/y/, nwb do nwb.

w[jkto/ gzikph ihtB dk nzr jB. fJ; bJh r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh B/ fJjBK dh th tos'A ehsh j?. 'eK nZy

fBebdh ;h, uKJh uKJh gkDh fgbkT[D tkfbnK d/ f;tk e'Jh ikrdk th BjhA j'Dk.' fJ; s'A fJbktk j'o pj[s ;ko/

w[jktfonK dh tos'A ehsh fwbdh j? fit/Al

beho dk ceho, u/Ne bkDk, wB fSZEk g? ikDk, nkvK pzB pzB gkDh d/Dk, nZy dk skok, u[zfXnk

e/ nzBk eo fdZsk, nZrk fe;/ d/fynk BjhA, jZek pZek ofj iKdk, ey GzB e/ d{jok Bk eoBk, ekc{o j'

rJ/, jZE g?o wko fojk, wZfEnk T[Zs/ fBZek fijk tN.

r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh d[nkok tosh gzikph Ppdktbh d/ eJh Ppd fit/A pkJhf;eb, nfXnkBh, tpknK ni'e/

;w/A ftZu gqufbs BjhA oj/ jB. fJ; soQK e[M Ppd nkgDk o{g pdb u[Ze/ jB. fit/A r"AdhnK s'A rkT[AdhnK,

pzuK s'A p?uK, rzftnK s'A rkfJnk.

r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh B/ nkgDh Ppdktbh B{z nr/so bke/ j'o gqGktPkbh pDk fbnk j?. fJ; soQK

T[;dk ;kok dko'wdko nkgD/ PpdK B{z uwekT[D s/ bZfrnk j'fJnk j?. T[;B/ fGzB fGzB nr/so tos/ jB.

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

p/^w[jskI, p/^v'b, p/^nfj;k;, p/^fMie, p/^ikfJdkd, p/^BeP, p/^fJBsjk, p/^;zskB, p/^wdd, p/^gotkj,

p/^e;{o/, p/^soshp.

Bktkfe|, BkfJs|keh, Bk^ekpbhns, Bk^fBPkB, Bk w[wfeB, Bk^pokpo, Bk\[P, Bk\[Pkwd.

fBf;XKs, fB^;z;/, fBok;sk, fB;|b.

r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh dhnK ouBktK nzdo fgS/sokwesk dh o[uh th gkJh iKdh j?. T[j nkgD/ PpdK

B{z fgS/so brk e/ j'o th shyD o{g fdzdk j?. T[;dh Ppd xkVs dh fJZe T[dkjoB j?, “n;b ftu nZi pj[sh d[BhnK

Bk;se j?, d[BhnK d/ pj[s/ wIQp oZp d/ BK j/mK Bk;sesk dk gouko eo oj/ jB. ;kv/ ihtB dk ;kok tshok

Bk;sekBk j?.”10 fJjBK ;soK ftZu 'Bk;se' Ppd Bkb fgS/so 'sk' s/ 'nkBk' brk e/ d' Ppd 'Bk;sesk' s/

'Bk;sekBk' pDkJ/ rJ/ jB. fJ; s'A fJbktk j'o fgS/so dhnK T[dkjoBK jBL

;KMhtkbsk, nB[Gtsk, ;wkBsk, fBowkBsk, fuozihtsk, eo{gsk, wjkBsk, T[s;[esk, nk;sesk, JhPtoisk,

w[spoesk.

}IpBke, PowBke, dodBke.

ikrhodkoh, ;owkJ/dkoh, Pfjodkoh, ephbkdkoh.

T[vhetkB, w[befroh, T[ZuskJh.

nr/so s/ fgS/so brk e/ pDkJ/ Ppd jBL ekpbhns, n:'rsk, ng[ZSsk.

gzikph ftZu Ppd^i'VK bJh ni/ sZe e'Jh pZMt/A fB:w nwb ftZu BjhA fbnKd/ ik oj/ jB. T[; ;w/A th

Ppd^i'V d/ fB:w gZe/ s"o *s/ BjhA pD/ ;B. fJ; bJh r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh dh Ppdktbh ftZu PpdK d/ d' o{g d/yD

B{z fwbd/ jB. fit/AL GkT[Adh s/ G"Adh, n?AihBhno s/ fJzihBhno, wIQp s/ wIjp, nwohek s/ nwqhek, rZb s/

rb, o[Irko s/ o'Irko, wB[y s/ wB[Zy, okfJ s/ okJ/. d{i/ o{g ftZu T[j Ppd^i'V t/b/ 'D' B{z 'B' ftZu gfotofss eo fdzdk

j?. nZXe s/ fNZgh dh tos'A th fXnkB BjhA oZfynk frnk j?. fit/AL ;fGnZsk, f;Zyh, f;yh, frZbk (frbk), Pzofwzdk.

r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh dh PpdK d/ fJZe tuB s'A pj[ tuB pDkT[Ad/ ;w/A 'tK' dh EK 'nK' dh tos'A

eodk j?. fit/AL nkswknK, jtknK, ;z;EknK, wjkswknK.

eJh nkb'ue r[op\P f;zx gqhsbVh d/ Ppd Gzvko ftZu'A PpdK s/ tkeK pDso dhnK rbshnK eZYd/ jB

gozs{ vkH jouoB f;zx efjzdk j?, “e[M nkb'ueK B/ T[;d/ Ppd Gzvko, PpdK dh tos'A s/ tke ouBk ftZu rbshnK

eZYhnK jB. don;b r[op\P f;zx th gq'H g{oB f;zx tKr GktK d/ nXhB j' e/ fbydk j?. fco gZsoeko j'D d/ Bks/

T[;B{z ekjb ftu th fbyDk fgnk. fJ; eoe/ e[dosh eJh ftnkeoDe G[bK ofj iKdhnK jB go T[;d/ pj[s/ n"r[D p'bh dh

ikd{roh b[ek b?Adh j?.”11

fJj BjhA fe T[;B{z Ppd^i'VK s/ ftnkeoB }bshnK dk gsk j? ns/ T[;d/ gkmeK B{z th

T[;d/ Ppd^i'VK ftZu }bshnK BIo jh BjhA nkT[AdhnK jB. T[j sK ftuko gVQ e/ jh ;zs[PN j' iKd/ jB. T[;B{z th eJh

tko j?okBh j' iKdh j? fe T[;dh b/yDh d/ }bs Ppd^i'V B{z gkme nDr"fbnk eoe/ nkgD/ fgnko^j[zrko/ Bkb T[;B{z

BfPnkJh oZyd/ jB. T[j fbydk j?, “eJh tko w?A nkg j?okB ofj iKdk jK, fe w/oh b/yDh d/ }bs Ppd^i'VK s/ }bs

ftnkeoD B{z w/o/ gkme r"bd/ se BjhA, s/ nkgD/ fgnko^j[zrko/ Bkb w?B{z BfPnk d/Ad/ jB. T[jdk ekoD w?A

fJjh ;wfMnk j? fe id'A ;kB{z fes'A fgnko^gqs nkT[Adk j?, T[jd/ Ppd^i'VK s/ ftnkeoD tb fXnkB ;kvk iKdk jh

BjhA, T[jdh ;so ;so ftu T[xV/ ;B/j s/ gqPz;k Bkb n;hA ;zs[PN j' iKd/ jK.”12

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

MOTHER FIXATION IN D.H. LAWRENCE'S

SONS AND LOVERS

The most interesting and important of all the women in novel, Sons and Lovers, Mrs.

Gertrude Morel is the central woman character around which all other characters revolve. It is

well known that her character approximates very closely to that of Mrs. Lydia Lawrence, the

novelist's mother. The heroic figure of this novel is not Paul Morel, who covers the major part

of the book, but his grim little mother, who had married beneath her, and was forced to turn to

her sons for satisfaction of her instincts for devotion which had been so cruelly wasted on her

husband.1 Mrs. Morel is the strongest motive force in the novel. She and only she, is involved

in all the relationships dealt with .; she is the factor common to all of them.

Mrs. Morel comes of a respectable middle class family- Coppards, her father being an

engineer. She meets Walter Morel, her husband, for the first time, when she is twenty-three,

at a Christmas party. Full of colour and animation, he is pleasant by his rich kind of soft, non-

intellectual and warm humour. So they get married the next Christmas. She is perfectly happy

for the first six months. But gradually her happiness begins to fade away. She gives birth to

four children namely William, Annie, Paul and Arthur, and she leans a heavily upon them for

companionship when they grow up. Mrs. Gertrude she and her husband are temperamentally

too unlike each other to be harmoniously adjusted. She loves ideas and is considered very

intellectual. Sometimes, she tries to talk to her husband but he listens without understanding

and this kills her efforts at a finer intimacy. She ignores Walter Morel more and more and he

also begins to neglect her and spends more of his spare time drinking in the pub. She is

bitterly disillusioned when the first child arrives, and she gives the boy some of the love that

she has once given to her husband. A second Child is born : but all the time her love for

husband has been ebbing away, so that she dreads the arrival of the third child, and at its

birth she feels that she and her husband are guilty:

In her arms lay the delicate body.... She no longer loved her husband; She

had not wanted his child to come, and there it lay in her arms and pulled at

her heart. It's clear, knowing eyes gave her pain and fear. Did she know all about ?... She felt the marrow melt in her bones, with fear and pain.

2

The third child is Paul Morel. And then Arthur, the fourth child, is born. "The children

see their father through their mother's eyes and all unite against him. So the children grow up

to depise their father, and Mrs. Morel determines that her sons will never become miners."3

Frustrated in her own life, Mrs. Morel wants for her children what she could never have

for herself. Her intense ambition is an extension of herself and she seeks a kind of vicarious

pleasure from the lives of her sons. Unable to find any fulfilment in her relations with her

husband, Mrs. Morel gradually casts him off and turns to her sons- first William and then Paul

for emotional satisfaction.

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International Journal of Languages and Social

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The sons, too, are deeply attacher to her. Once William brings for her, from the fair two

egg-cups with some roses on them. He says that he likes them but Mrs. Morel knows that he

wants them for her. And when he wins a first prize at school, he comes home running to show

it to his mother and she takes it like a queen. Then there is a scene in which Paul and Arthur

go for wild, searching for black-berries, for the mother wants them for pudding.

As long as Paul and William are young children, their attachment to their mother is a

healthy one and Mrs. Morel takes every interest in them. But as they grow, she falls for them.

Initially, it is William, the eldest son, who is the focus of her attention and efforts. "In him she sees

the chance of fulfilling as it were by deputy those aspirations social, intellectual and emotional that

her marriage with Morel stifled."4 Her protective possessiveness for her son William is clearly

seen when William gets a job at London, Mrs. Morel is hurt at his going away from her:

She loved him so much. Indeed, as the days drew near for his departure,

her heart began to close and grew dreary with despair. More than that, she

hoped in him so much, Almost she lived by him. Now he was going away.

She felt almost as if he were going as well out of her heart.5

She is disappointed to see him infatuated with Gyp, a girl of superficial beauty, to whom

William gets engaged in London. She openly disapproves of the affairs and advises William

against marrying her and rudely insults her in his presence. She feels disturbed when William

is with Gyp. She can't sleep when she thinks of his marriage with her. She warns William

against marrying:

"My boy, remember, you're taking your life in your hands' said Mrs.

Morel, 'Nothing is as bad as a marriage that's a hopeless failure. Mine

was bad enough, God knows and ought to teach you something 6

William realises that he has gone too far to leave his girl friend at this stage. But at the

same time, he realises that his mother is the fountain of his life and he can't snap his ties with

her. This causes an acute conflict in his mind. Thus he is torn between passion and his love

for his mother, and unable to overcome this conflict. He ultimately dies of pneumonia in

London. Mrs. Morel does realise that by coming the way of William's love for Gyp she has had

him suffer extreme anguish and ultimately causes his death. She is torn from inside after his

death and she remains aloof for sometime.

This realisation doesn't make Mrs. Morel cautious and prevent her from taking Paul,

when Paul falls ill with pneumonia. She comes to exercise an even stronger spiritual hold on

Paul, his second son, which incapacitates him to strike a healthy, balanced emotional

relationships with any other girl. Mrs. Morel can feel Paul being drawn by Miriam, who is good

friend to Paul. She disapproves of her. She remarks to herself about Miriam:

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

'She is one of those who will want to suck a man's soul out till he has

none of his own life", she said to herself; and he is just such a baby as

to let himself be absorbed.7

Ironically, what she says about Miriam is more true of herself. It is she who sucks him

up, so that he is never a man of his own will. She can't bear Miriam as she is jealous of her.

She thinks that she would take Paul away from her. She tells this to Paul also:

'I can't bear it. I could let another woman but not her. She'd leave me no

room, not a bit of room'8

And in fact, Paul, like his elder brother William, too wastes himself. William dies and

Paul turns into a derelict and experiences a drift towards death. As long as she lives he can't

give himself completely to another women.

Thus Mrs. Morel takes her sons as husband-substitute. The moment the children grow

economically independent, they instinctively step into the role of their mother's husband. But

howsoever satisfying their relationship might be to Mrs. Morel, it causes a great strain on their

minds and they have to pay a heavy price for this. In the end, Paul is determined to get away

from her mother. He realises that he must separate himself from his mother's dominance in

order to survive and ultimately he gives her an overdose of morphia to hasten her end. Mrs.

Morel is actually so domineering and so over possessive that she doesn't respect the

'otherness' of other individuals in the house. It is because of her failure to recognize that her

husband and sons possess distinct personalities with individual emotional requirements,

there is complete disintegration and disharmony of the entire family.

REFERENCE

1. R.P. Draper, D.H. Lawrence - the Critical Heritage, (London: Routledge & Keagan Paul

Ltd., 1970) p.60 2. Lawrence, Sons and Lovers (London: Richard Clay (The Chaucer Press) Ltd. 1981), p. 74 3. Antony Beal, D.H. Lawrence (London: Oliver and Boyd Ltd., 1968) p.17. 4. Hanson, D.H. Lawrence Sons and Lovers (Britain Basil Blackwell & Mott Ltd. 1967), p.

44 5. D.H. Lawrence, op.cit., p.94 6. Ibid, p.176 7. Ibid, p.211 8. Ibid, p.267

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

A Comparative study of different Motor Abilities among College Level Volleyball and

Handball female players

Ikram-Ur-Rehman

Govt. College Malerkotla, Sangrur, Punjab

In the present study, attempt has been made to compare the different motor abilities like agility, power,

speed among college level volleyball and handball female players. The study was carried on 40 female

sports person consisting of 20 volleyball and 20 handball players. The data was collected by applying

certain test items like medicines ball put, standing broad jump, 50 yard dash run, shuttle run etc. Data was

analyzed and compared with the help of statistical tools such as arithmetic mean, standard deviation,

standard error mean, and t-test. The study concludes that there is no significant difference observed

between both volleyball and hand ball female players with regard to speed, leg power, arm power and

agility.

Keywords: Motor abilities, female players, Volleyball,

Handball Introduction Motor abilities plays important role in achieving proficiency in games and sports. It is assumed that

with participation in sports the level of motor ability also improves. Motor ability has been defined by

Barrow (1964) as "the present acquired and innate to perform motor skills of a general and fundamental

nature, exclusive of highly specialized sports and gymnastic techniques". Motor abilities are an

inseparable part of sports performance and achievement. The term 'motor ability1 has been synonymously

used with 'physical fitness'. However, it differs from physical fitness, since the modern definition of

physical fitness takes into its account not only motor fitness components but also health-related

components. The efficiency of basic movements, involves such elements, as power, agility, speed,

flexibility, strength. The motor abilities for performance commonly recognized are strength, speed, power,

agility, flexibility, reaction time, speed of movement balance and co-ordination. In most sports, other

factors; such as, physical skill, training, rest, nutrition being equal, it is important notice that performance

in motor abilities depends to a large mt on the state of health of the person concerned (Carpenter, 1938;

Cureton, 1939) Performance in different sports disciplines including handball and volleyball is influenced

by so many factors such as motor abilities, techniques, tactics, physiological assets and physical

characteristics. Motor ability components play a vital role in achieving top level performance in different

sports disciplines. To achieve International standard of physical "abilities and the best training of

individuals are important factors (Hirata, 1979).The competitive sports and games are the organized and

refined forms of play. Volleyball is a recreational game, which is enjoyed by millions of people, who play

or watch this game being played. Each country has made and is still making all possible efforts to raise

the standard of the game of Volleyball so as to win the laurels in International and world class

competitions. As the game of Volleyball involves continuous bouts of play at a faster rate, a high level of

aerobic as well as anaerobic endurance must be developed. Handball is only second to the Ice Hockey as

the fastest game. Handball game, played with hands, is very easy to play as one can work better with

hands than with legs. The skill in this game is very easy and simple to perform. Handball is one of the

fastest, attracting and interesting game. In the classic book 'Aerobics' Dr. Kenneth Cooper states: "The

best exercises are running, swimming, cycling, walking, handball, football, volleyball, basketball etc. and

in just about that order." Handball develops all the components of physical fitness. The purpose of the

study was to compare the speed, leg power, arm power, agility, of volleyball and Handball players of

Punjabi University, Patiala.

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

Material and Method For the purpose of study 20 female players each from volleyball and Handball were selected who

had played at college level from Punjabi University, Patiala. The age group of subjects was ranging

between 17-25 years. For the purpose of study standard test as explained by Johnson and Nelson (1982)

in their book was used to measure motor fitness components. List of test is given below: 1. Speed: 50-Yard Dash Run test 2. Arm Power: Two hand Medicine Ball put test. 3. Leg Power: Standing Broad Jump 4. Agility: Shuttle Run test

The 50 Yard dash run, Shuttle run and Harward Step tests were measured by stop watch in 100th seconds, Vertical Jump test was measured in inches and two hand Medicine Ball put test was measured in meters. Inches and meter reading were taken by measuring steel tape.

Statistical Technique: The data was analyzed and compared with the help of statistical procedure. In

which arithmetic mean, standard deviation, standard error mean and't' test were used to compare the

data.

Results: Table 1 Significance of Mean Difference between Volleyball and Handball Female Players on the Speed Variable

GROUP NUMBER MEAN S.D D.f’ ‘T’

BOLLYBALL 20 9.05 0.53 38 1.21

HANDBALL 20 8.84 0.62

* Significance at 0.05, Tab 't' at 0.5 = 2.02

A perusal of table-1 indicates that a mean and standard deviation values with regard to Volleyball on the speed variable were 9.05 and 0.53 whereas in case with Handball the same were recorded as 8.84 and 0.62 respectively. There were no significant difference between volleyball and Handball players was found as the calculated t-value (1.121) was less than tabulated t-value (2.02) at .05 level.

Figure 1: The Comparison of Mean Difference between Volleyball and Handball Female Players on

the Speed Variable

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International Journal of Languages and Social

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Table 2: Significance of Mean Difference between Volleyball and Handball Female Players on the Leg

Power Variable

GROUP NUMBER MEAN S.D D.f’ ‘T’

BOLLYBALL 20 1.754 0.123 38 0.2679

HANDBALL 20 1.74 0.62 0.098

* Significance at 0.05, Tab 't' at 0.5 = 2.02

The table 2 indicates that the mean and standard deviation values with regard to volleyball on the leg

power were 1.754and 0.123 whereas in case with Handball players the same were recorded as 1.7 and 0.098 respectively. the results found shows insignificant difference between Volleyball and Handball players as the calculated 't' value 90.2679) was less than the table value of 't' (2.02) at 0.05 level. Figure 2: The Comparison of Mean Difference between Volleyball and Handball Female Players on

the Leg Power Variable

Table 3: Significance of Mean Difference between Volleyball and Handball Female Players on the

Arm Power Variable

GROUP NUMBER MEAN S.D D.f’ ‘T’

BOLLYBALL 20 2.54 0.165 38 0.6827

HANDBALL 20 2.59 .1942

* Significance at 0.05, Tab 't' at 0.5 = 2.02

The above table shows that mean and standard deviation values for Volleyball on the arm power variable were 2.54 and 0.165 respectively whereas incase with Handball the same were recorded as 2.59 and 0.1942 respectively. There were no significance difference observed between Volleyball and Handball players on the arm power variable as the calculated t- value (0.6827) was lower than tabulated 't' value (2.02).

(Page: 30)

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

Figure 3: The Comparison of Mean Difference between Volleyball and Handball Female Players on

the Arm Power Variable

Table 4: Significance of Mean Difference between Volleyball and Handball Female Players on the

agility Variable

GROUP NUMBER MEAN S.D D.f’ ‘T’

BOLLYBALL 20 11.27 0.6219 38 0.138

HANDBALL 20 11.54 0.6724

* Significance at 0.05, Tab 't' at 0.5 = 2.02 The table-4 reveals that mean and standard deviation values for Volleyball on the agility variable were 11.27 and 0.6219 respectively whereas in case with Handball 11.54 and 0.674 respectively. There was no significant difference between volleyball and Handball female players as the calculated 't' (1.28) was lower than tabulated 't' (2.02) at the 0.05 level.

Figure 4: The Comparison of Mean Difference between Volleyball and Handball Female Players on

the agility Variable

(Page: 31)

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

Conclusions

From the statistical analysis the following inferences were derived: * No significant difference was observed in the speed, leg- power, and arm power among

Volleyball and Handball players. * No significant difference was noticed on the agility between Volleyball and Handball players.

REFERENCES

Barrow Harold, M. Me. Gee rosemary, "A Practical Approach to Measurement in Physical Education, " Philadelphia": Lea Febiger, (1979.

Barrey, L., Johnson and Nelson; Jack K., "Practical Measurement for Evaluation in Physical

Education". Delhi: Surjeet Publications, 91982)

Barrett, H., "Health Education Guide: a design for teaching." Philadelphia Lea & Feebiger, (1974).

Clarke, H. Harricon and Degutis Ernest W., "Relationship between Standing Broad Jump and

Various Maturational, Anthropometric and Strength Tests of 12 years old Boys:. Research

Quarterly. (1965, vol. 35-3), p. 246.

Harrison, H.Clark, "Definition of Physical Fitness" Journal of Physical Education and Recreation,

(1978, Vol. 50-8 Oct. p. 103.

Sodhi & Sidhu , "Physique and Selection of Sportsmen", Punjab Publications, Patiala,. (1984), p. 155.

Thomas, Stephen, "A comparison of The Relationship Between Running, Speed and Agility". M.S. in

Physical Education, Research in Health, Physical Education and Recreation. 6: (1964 Vol. 2-

10), p. 30

Verma, S.K. Mohindro, S.K. and Kausal D.K., "The Maximum Anaerobic Power of Different Categories of

Players." The journal of sports medicine and physical fitness (1979).

Yadav, B.s., "Exercise and Fitness", SNIPES Journal, (1986 Vol. 9-3), p. 43.

(Page: 32)

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE RELATIONS OF THE GOVERNOR WITH THE

CHIEF MINISTER WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO PUNJAB AND HARYANA Dr.

Kiranjit Kaur

Prior to 1967 the era was known as one party dominance. The Congress had clearly majority

both at the centre and in most of the States. The ministries at the State level enjoyed a degree of

stability. During this period the role of the governor was taken for granted and the role was beyond

public controversy. But after 1967, the office of the Governor suddenly shot into both importance and

controversy. There have been occasions when the Governor has been an ornamental figure while on

the contrary, there have been occasions, when the office of the Governor has often become

controversial one.

In this paper an effort has been made to study the relationship of Governor with the Chief Minister

of Punjab and Haryana. Emphasis has been laid on the appointment of Chief Minister, dissolution of

Assembly, dismissal of ministers, exercise of discretionary powers in administration, report on the failure

of constitutional machinery of State, reserving Bill for the consideration of the President etc.

Appointment of Chief Minister

\

Article 164(1) of the Constitution lays down that the Chief Minister shall be appointed by the

Governor and the other ministers by the Governor on the advice of the Chief Minister. In the

appointment of the Chief Minister, the Constitution has given the Governor unbridled powers. He can

choose any person as Chief Minister who at the time of appointment may not be a member of State

Legislature. There are only two limitations in this regard.

First, if he is appointed from outside the legislature, he shall cease to be Chief Minister unless he

becomes a member of the legislature within six months of the appointment.1 Thus Governor is free

to appoint any person as the Chief Minister. Moreover, where Legislative Council.2

The second most significant limitation is that the person appointed by the Governor as Chief Minister

must have the confidence of majority of members of the Legislative Assembly.In reality, the

Governor has no choice except to invite the leader of the party or combination of the parties that has

clear majority in the Legislative Assembly to form the Government. When a party or combination of

parties secure a stable majority in the Assembly, the Governor's role in appointment of Chief Minister

is only formal and non-controversial. But when no party obtains a clear majority, his role assumes

much importance. In such a situation he may invite the leader of the largest single party in the

legislature to form the government, irrespective of the fact whether such a party commands a stable

majority or not. In such a situation the leader has to prove the majority on the floor of the House. He

may appoint a person about whose capacity he is satisfied that he commands a stable majority in

the legislature. No single formula prevails with the Governor and the Governor took different stand in

different States under similar circumstances.

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International Journal of Languages and Social

Sciences Volume 2. (2017)

Ordinarily the claim of the leader of the largest party should not be bypassed in the first instance

unless its leader declines the invitation. This principle was followed in Punjab after the General

Elections of 1967. The claim of the Congress party which had the strength of 48 in a House of 104,

was bypassed only when its leader Sardar Gian Singh Rarewala refused to form the Government.

Rarewala said, “I accept that the majority is with the United Peoples Front.”3

In Assembly elections of May 1982, no political party or alliance was able to secure an

absolute majority in Haryana. The Congress (I) got 36 seats and the Lok Dal-BJP alliance secured 37

seats in the 90 member House. Both the Congress (I) and the Alliance staked their claims to form the

government. The Congress (I) claimed the first chance to explore the possibility of ministry making on the

plea that it had emerged as the single largest party in the elections. They argued that no doubt BJP-Lok

Dal alliance was commanding more seats but both had contested the election on separate symbols and

without common programme.4On the other hand, leader of the alliance, Ch Devi Lal, claimed that he was

in a position to form the ministry with the support of four independents and also submitted their names to

the Governor. Under such circumstances, G.D. Tapase, the Governor of Haryana, asked Devi Lal on May

22, 1982 to present before him at the Raj Bhawan all the legislators who stood for the alliance at 10 a.m.

on May 24, 1982.5 In the evening of May 23, 1982 the Governor invited Bhajan Lal, the leader of the

Congress (I) Legislature Party to form the government. Immediately ceremony, he did not claim a majority

support in the House and submitted a list of supporters which, according to the Governor himself,

contained 42 or 44 names.6 In fact 46 members were required for a bare majority in the House of

90. Thus, the action of the Governor became the subject of heated controversy and criticism. He took

the decision in an unusual haste because he had invited the leader of Congress (I) Legislature Party

to form the government a day before Devi Lal was supposed to prove his majority before the

Governor on the morning of May 24, 1982.

On May 24, 1982 Devi Lal accompanied by 45 legislators, met the Governor and demanded that Bhajan

Lal be dismissed immediately and to test the strength of the parties, session of the assembly be

summoned without any further delay. The Governor was also reported to have been hackled during

heated exchange of dialogue with the legislators.7 In the afternoon of May 24, 1982 the Opposition

leaders presented a memorandum to the President of India, Sanjiva Reddy and demanded the dismissal

of G.D. Tapase, the governor for his unconstitutional act. The President of India was reported to have

expressed concern over the happenings in Haryana.8 It is worth mentioning here that the Governor was

very well aware that he was installing a minority government, as he himself had conceded that Bhajan Lal

had given him the list of supporters containing 42 or 44 names, whereas 46 was necessary for a bare

majority. Tapase, however, took the plea that he had followed the criterion of inviting the largest single

party and therefore, invited the Congress (I) to form the government.9

The criticism that the Governor allowed Bhajan Lal to form the government in order to please

the central leadership of the Congress (I) cannot be dismissed so lightly.10

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To conclude, choice of Chief Minister does not pose any problem of the Governor, when there is

clear majority of a political party after the general elections. It is only in a situation when no single

party or a combination of parties secure clear majority only then the Governor ahs to play a crucial

role to make a careful choice.

Dissolution of Assembly

It is important to note that when the Governor is favourably inclined towards the Chief Minister, he

may not compel the Chief Minister to face the floor of the House even when there is a reasonable cause

to believe that the majority of the Chief Minister is doubtful. For sometime, B.N. Chakravarty, the

Governor of Haryana, adopted this attitude towards Rao Birendra Singh's SVD government. When the

SVD Government had a doubtful majority, the Governor said, “it is not as yet necessary for him (Rao

Birendra Singh) to submit the resignation of his Government.”11

The Governor had suggested to the Chief

Minister that an early session of the Assembly might be convened for a trial of strength. The Chief

Minister, however, felt that the trial of strength should take place after the by-election of Hassangarh

Assembly constituency due to the held on December 3, 1967. The Governor considered it as a

reasonable proposal, and, did not press his point.12 Subsequently, the Governor had to change his

stance in view of large scale and frequent defections in the State of Haryana.

Similarly, the majority of the coalition government of Punjab headed by Prakash Singh Badal

became doubtful following the withdrawal of support of their partner Jana Sangha from the ministry

as well as the defection of a section of Akali MLAs from the ruling group on June 30, 1970.13

B.N. Charavarty, the Governor of Haryana, in his report to the President of India recommended

the dissolution of the Assembly. On the basis of his report the President of India dissolved the Legislative

Assembly on November 21, 1967 through a proclamation. President rule was imposed on the State as a

result thereof, the SVD Government of Haryana was dismissed.14

The Governor, in his report had rightly

pointed out that the State administration had been totally paralysed on account of frequent defections. To

quote him, “In an Assembly with an effective strength of 79, some 30 members have defected one way or

the other. Some members have defected not once but even three or four times. To some members,

changing the party is apparently of as little consequence as changing a coat.”15

Moreover, as the

governor noted, the SVD Government, had sought to maintain itself precariously in power by creating too

many ministerial berths which was “an abuse of its constitutional powers.”16

Dismissal of Minister

According to the well established norm of Cabinet government, if a minister differs with the Chief

Minister on any policy matter or is not liked by the latter, it is customary for him to resign immediately.

Otherwise, the governor, on the advice of the Chief Minister, may dismiss the recalcitrant minister. There

are a number of instances of the dismissal of the individual ministers by the Governor on the advice of the

Chief Minister. On June 14, 1974, Mrs. Chandravati, Minister of State for Revenue of Haryana, was

dismissed by the Governor on the advice of Bansi Lal, the Chief Minister of Haryana.17

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Governor and Dissolution of the Assembly

The role of the Governor in relation to the dissolution the Assembly has also become controversial

and acute after the Fourth General Elections. In Punjab, the opposition parties comprising of Akali Dal,

Jana Sangha, SSP, Republicans and independents formed a coalition government on March 8, 1967,

under the leadership of Gurnam Singh. On November 22, 1967, a group of 17 defectors from the United

Front led by Lachhman Singh Gill, Minister of Irrigation, with the help of the Congress caused the fall of

the Gurnam Singh Ministry. The Governor D.C. Pavate asked the Chief Minister to continue in office till

the alternate arrangements were made. However, he did not act on the advice of the Chief Minister to

dissolve the assembly. The Governor offered Gurnam Singh to reconstitute the government if he thought

that was possible for him to enjoy the confidence of the majority in the legislature. On showing his

inability, the Governor, then, invited the Leader of the Congress Legislature Party Gian Singh Rarewala

who had a following of 43 members in a house of 104 for forming a government. The Congress Party

leadership also declined the offer to form the government but assured fully to support to any government

formed by Gill. As a result, Pavate offered L.S. Gill, leader of the newly formed Janata Party, to form the

government. On November 25, 1967, Gill was sworn as Chief Minister. Referring to the demand of

Gurnam Singh for dissolving the Assembly and for holding fresh elections in the State, the governor

categorically said, he was not bound to accept the advice of Gurnam Singh.18

In Punjab, thus, the Governor did not act on the advice of the outgoing Chief Minister

regarding the dissolution of Assembly and holding mid-term elections. Gurnam Singh insisted on his

legal right and wrote to the President of India stressing that the Governor had acted undemocratically

and unconstitutionally by refusing to accept the advice of the Chief Minister, for mid-term elections.

The Governor had installed in office a Ministry of defectors headed by Lachman Singh Gill. He was

legally bound to accept his advice to dissolve the Assembly.19 But apparently, he failed to convince

the President. The legality of the Gill Government was challenged on three counts by the Opposition

on the floor of the House.20 One of the three arguments put forwarded by the Opposition was that the

Governor's action to install the Gill Ministry was to the utter disregard of the advice of the Chief

Minister of the United Front to dissolve Assembly and order a fresh poll. But the Speaker rejected the

Opposition contentions and affixed his seal of approval on the constitutionality of Gill Government.21

The Speaker of Punjab Legislative Assembly did not question the validity of Governor's action. In

Haryana, Bansi Lal Government was reduced to minority because of defection of 41 legislators. He

legislators who had severed their relations with the Government met the Governor on December 9,

1968 and demanded that the session of the Legislative Assembly be called in to test the strength of

the Government.22 But the Governor did not pay any heed, and said there was no need to convene

the session.23 The Assembly was convened on February 27, 1969.24

In Haryana, the Legislative Assembly was abruptly adjourned sine die in February 1970, after a vote of no

confidence motion had been admitted by the Speaker and fixed for discussion on March 3, 1970. B.N.

Chakravarty, the Governor, prorogued the House and did not compel the Chief Minister to face the nod

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provision for search and seizure was reserved for the consideration of the Prconfidence motion

although he was in minority. Rao Birendra Singh, the leader of the opposition in the Assembly

commented that the Governor had “murdered the democracy” by its move and no Chief Minister

could be ousted from office under such circumstances.25 The Home Minister justified the action of the

Governor and defended him. He said, “As a head of the State, the Governor was bound to accept the

advice of the Chief Minister.26This did not seem to be a plausible stand. It appears that the Governor

was acting at the behest of the Central Government. Jagat Narayan, an independent M.P. of Rajya

Sabha questioned the Home Minister, if he, as a follower of Mahatama Gandhi could call what had

happened in Haryana proper or moral. He said that it was wrong to assume that the Chief Minister

enjoyed the majority support. In fact, the nominee of the Chief Minister had been defeated in election

to the Public Accounts Committee of the Haryana Assembly.27

The Governor may reserve a Bill for the consideration of the President. In Punjab, in 1965, the

Punjab Sales Tax (Amendment) Bill 1965 which haesident.28

Reporting About the Failure of the Constitutional Machinery

Under Article 356 of the Constitution, it is the duty of the Governor, as a representative of the

Centre, to see that the Government of the State is carried on in accordance with the provisions of the

Constitution. The Governors have acted in various ways in submitting their reports. On May 12, 1987 the

Punjab was placed under President's Rule on the basis of report submitted by the Governor, S.S. Ray.29

Concept of Stability

The concept of a stable government has played an important role in the appointment of the Chief

Minister and the Governors have quite frequently used it either to favour a particular party or for making a

discrimination against the other party. In fact, it seems that the stability of a government is a very vague

expression and it does not always depend upon the substantial majority alone. D.C. Pavate, the former

Governor of Punjab, seems to be right when he says that “stability meant not only the numerical

superiority of the ruling party but also its ability to hold on to the majority strength and continuing with it.”30

This fact can substantiated in the sense that a party having a substantial majority in the Legislative

Assembly may become a minority party any time. The example of Haryana can be quoted in support of

this contention.31

While recommending the President's Rule in Haryana when Rao Birendra Singh had a

majority, the Governor in his report to the President said, “If the Assembly is convened and either the

ruling party or the opposition can establish, its majority even then there will no peace or stability in the

present circumstances. As I see the position, the Congress Legislature Party may, perhaps, be able to

topple the present Samyukta Dal Government with the help of Devi Lal Group.32

Conclusion

In conclusion it can be said that in practice of office of the Governor has been a subject of

controversy between the Chief Ministers on one hand and the Centre on the other hand. In the

functioning of the Governor Constitutional arrangements have also been violated. Their functioning has

been controversial particularly when he has acted in discretion while appointing Chief Minister of

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minority, or dismissing Chief Minister of majority or dismissal of a Minister. They have not acted

desirably in connection with proroguing or dissolution of Assembly.

REFERENCES

1. Article 164(4) of the Constitution of India.

2. Article 171(3) (e) of the Constitution of India.

3. The Statesman, New Delhi, March 8, 1967, p.1.

4. No.1, January-March, 1968. pp. 78-79.

5. The Statesman, Calcutta, May 22, 1982.

6. The Statesman, Calcutta, May 23, 1982.

7. The Statesman, Calcutta, May 24, 1982.

8. Indian Express, New Delhi, May 25, 1982.

9. The Statesman, Calcutta, May 25, 1982.

10. The Statesman, Calcutta, May 24, 1982.

11. The Statesman, Calcutta, May 24, 1982. Charan Singh, the Lok Dal leader, alleged that the

Governor had acted on the “dictates of the Prime Minister”.

12. Ibid; February 13, 1969, p. 16.

13. The Tribune, Ambala, October 31, 1967.

14. The Haryana Governor's letter to the President of India, as published in the Tribune, Ambala,

November 22, 1967.

15. The Statesman, Calcutta, July 1, 1970.

16. Ibid; December 10-16, 1967, p. 8065.

17. Supra note 13.

18. Ibid.

19. Asian Recorder, New Delhi, July 9-15, 1974, p. 12094.

20. Asian Recorder, New Delhi, December 10-16, 1967, pp. 8064-8065.

21. Patriot, New Delhi, January 22, 1968.

22. Harcharan Singh, “Mid-term Elections in Punjab: Emerging Trends”, The Indian Political

Science Review, Vol. IV, April-September 1970.

23. The other two arguments were (a) Janta Party was no party as it did not have a programme, a

Constitution and a branch outside the Assembly; (b) Gill had not been elected by the majority

members of the House as the Congress had merely extended support to him and not

combined with the Janata Party.

24. The Tribune, Ambala, December 7, 1967.

25. The Tribune, December 10, 1968.

26. The Statesman, New Delhi, December 24, 1968.

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27. The Tribune, Chandigarh, February 28, 1969. 28. Ibid; March 6, 1970. 29. Ibid. 30. M.S. Dahiya, Office of the Governor in India-A Critical Commentary, Delhi, 1979, p. 195. 31. The Statesman, New Delhi, February 13, 1969. p.16.

32. After the general Elections of 1967, in Haryana the strength of the Congress Legislature Party

was 48 out of 81 and it fell on the 13th day from the date of assuming office. 33. Lok Sabha Debates, 4th Series, Vol. 9, Nos. 6-10, November 23, 1967, col. 2319-20.

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