THE QUESTION OF"ZAIRE" I CONGOThe History of the 1977-78 uprising in the Congo

The Struggle continuesConquer or Die

All for the PeopleNothing Without

the People

by theCongolese National Liberation Front

THE QUESTION OF lgAIRE"/CONGO

The History -78 Uprising

INTRODUCTION

The Congo is a focal point of the revo-lutionary struggle against imperialism, co-lonialism, and neo-colonialism in Africa.Occupying a geostrategical position, eco-nomically and militarily, it stretches fromthe Atlantic coast of Africa in the west,almost to the east coast of the continent.The Congo is bordered by the People'sRepublic of the Congo, Central AfricanRepublic, Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda, Bu-rundi, Tanzania, Zambia and Angola. Itis a country tremendously rich in keynatural resources coveted by imperialism:it is the world's leading cobalt producer,one of the leading copper, manganese, tinand gold producers, and the world's larg-est source of industrial diamonds. Thehydroelectric potential of the River Zaire(Congo) was estimated ten years ago at

13% of the world's potential. This wealthis not in the hands of the Congolesepeople, it is controlled by imperialiststates and transnational corporationswhich have created devastating povertyfor the masses of people. President Mobu-tu, neo-colonial ruler of the Congo, isknown throughout the continent as the"Shah of Africa." He is run by the Inter-national Monetary Fund (IMF) and theCIA. Mobutu's regime is responsible forthe creation of over half a million refugeesand has leased one-tenth of the total landin the country to Germany for missiletests and research. Politically, Mobutu'sgoal is to destroy African national libera-tion and serve as a base for neo-colonial-ism and counterinsurgency throughoutthe continent.

The imperialistnow at their he;intervened in thetury. The BerlinKing Leopold of I"Congo Free StaCongo was macThroughout the 2lese people have Iof the most brutalnation and explo

The US militarymercenaries and agium, France, Moreadvisors from Chilbeen engaged in aCongolese people. '.and its allies that 1butu in power. Thare the guaranteriches flow to theremains a base froilution in Africa.20,000 Belgian andin Zaire.

In 1960 the Cdent under the liAfrican patriot P;movement towardsrevolutionary strugtion throughout thimperialism. Fromcame clear that Lito creating a Cong'and exploitation, 1about planning histaging of indepenassassinated in 196forces with the coNations, whose trmumba's governmeuntil today, the Conational battlefieldimperialism.

The 1960's wasstruggle: in 1964country was liberatary interventionSouth African advRhodesians, and CuOn June 19, 196struggle, the Cong(tion Front was enBased in Angola, thside of the MPLAAngola. In two of1978 the FLNC deland only massive ini

The imperialist powers, with the USnow at their head, have been deeplyintervened in the Congo for over a cen-tury. The Berlin Treaty of 1885 madeKing Leopold of Belgium sovereign of the"Congo Free State," and by 1908 theCongo was made part of Belgium.Throughout the 20th century the Congo-lese people have been subjected to someof the most brutal forms of colonial domi-nation and exploitation in the world.

The US military and CIA, together withmercenaries and armed forces from Bel-gium, France, Morocco, Egypt, China, andadvisors from Chile and Israel have longbeen engaged in a brutal war against theCongolese people. It is the force of NATOand its allies that keeps the regime of Mo-butu in power. The armies of imperialismare the guarantee that the country'sriches flow to the west, and that "Zaire"remains a base from which to attack revo-lution in Africa. Today there are over20,000 Belgian and allied troops stationedin Zaire.

In 1960 the Congo became indepen-dent under the leadership of the greatAfrican patriot Patrice Lumumba. Thismovement towards independence inspiredrevolutionary struggles for national libera-tion throughout the world and threatenedimperialism. From the moment that it be-came clear that Lumumba was dedicatedto creating a Congo free from colonialismand exploitation, the western powers setabout planning his murder and the sabo-taging of independence. Lumumba wasassassinated in 1961 by the CIA and otherforces with the complicity of the UnitedNations, whose troops destabilized Lu-mumba's government. From this point onuntil today, the Congo has been an inter-national battlefield in the struggle againstimperialism.

The 1960's was a period of intensestruggle: in 1964 three-fourths of thecountry was liberated and the first mili-tary intervention by the US, Belgium,South African advisors and mercenaries,Rhodesians, and Cuban exiles took place.On June 19, 1968, after a decade ofstruggle, the Congolese National Libera-tion Front was created in clandestinity.Based in Angola, the FLNC fought on theside of the MPLA in the war to liberateAngola. In two offensives in 1977 and1978 the FLNC defeated Mobutu's armyand only massive intervention by imperia-

list troops prevented a revolutionary vic-tory. The FLNC is the political/militaryvanguard of the Congolese people; it is aMarxist-Leninist organization deeplyrooted in the people's tradition of resis-tance. The FLNC through its practice hasshown itself to be the legitimate represen-tative of the Congolese people and theonly force capable of leading the nationto genuine independence and socialism.

The revolutionary struggle in the Congois confronting neo-colonialism with astrategy of protracted people's war. Neo-colonialism is a world phenomenon, aweapon of imperialism. The FLNC is aleading force in this struggle because ittotally refuses to compromise with the ex-ternal and internal pressures of imperial-ism, refusing to sell the struggle short forimmediate gains.

The Congolese struggle has deep bondsof solidarity with the Black LiberationMovement in the U.S. Lumumba andMalcolm X were contemporaries, revolu-tionary leaders who were killed by theCIA for fighting for national liberation.Black people disrupted the UN whenLumumba was killed, and during theNATO intervention of 1978 hundreds ofBlack G.I.'s from the 82nd Airborne re-fused orders to fight in the Congo.

In the US we have been subjected toracist media campaigns and disinforma-tion for years about the most basic factsconcerning the Congo. In 1977 and 1978as battles raged and NATO troops invad-ed, the only news available was that theFLNC was a "group of savages, secession-ists murdering European nuns." Now, inthe fall of 1981, the crisis of the Mobuturegime is intensifying as is the develop-ment of the revolutionary struggle. Wemust break through our ignorance and thelies about the Congo by creating a solidar-ity movement that will concretely joinwith this struggle in confronting USimperialism.

If you are interested in learning moreabout the Congo and building solidaritywith the FLNC, please contact PrairieFire Organizing Committee at Box 14422,San Francisco, CA 94114, or FreedomRising: Africa Solidarity Committee atBox 22, 3543 18th St., S.F. CA 94110.

VICTORY TO THE FLNC!Prairie Fire Organizing Committee

ill

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*The shaded area was leased to the German firm OTRAG for missile testing. The Germanseffectively have regained colonial control of the land, resources and people in this area.

MES!

Dear Friends,

On behalf cof the Congo,tion.

Our nationour country b;power by thethe U.S. as Za:for himself. Awealthiest men

Today, one2 because of ITand people eathospital or schCIA-trained popie and particitions, there areneighboring coi

Since 1968,overthrow Mobis the legacy oand we are moent country, filabor, and resopast thirteen jpeople, arid itMobutu in pow

Our strugglebut the combinsponsibility ofwell as having ihave fled the co

We ask for 3plies for the rejclinics, to paymade it more (aided other libetion and oppose

We are comr"Victory is Cerlities and knowyou can contrihneocolonialism,imperialism, col

Contributio:ZANU-PF; P.O.send contributeP.O. Box 14422

In Solidarity,

MESSAGE FROM U.S. REPRESENTATIVE OF FLNC

Dear Friends,

On behalf of the FLNC (Congolese National Liberation Front) and of the peopleof the Congo, I would like to ask for your support in our struggle for national salva-tion.

Our nation is struggling to survive under the intolerable conditions imposed onour country by the fascist dictatorship of Mobutu Sese Seko. Mobutu was put intopower by the U.S. CIA in 1965, and has used the wealth of the Congo (Known inthe U.S. as Zaire) to make enormous profits for the multinational corporations andfor himself. As a result, Mobutu - known as the Shah of Africa - is one of thewealthiest men in the world while the people of the Congo are among the poorest.

Today, one out of every two children born in the Congo is dead before the age of2 because of malnutrition and preventable diseases. Our average life span is 32 years,and people eat approximately one meal in 36 hours. During Mobutu's rule, not onehospital or school has been built. And to maintain control, Mobutu has used hisCIA-trained police forces to inflict a reign of terror on the masses of Congolese peo-ple and particularly on those who openly oppose him. As a result of these condi-tions, there are now hundreds of thousands of Congolese refugees living in camps inneighboring countries.

Since 1968, the FLNC has been leading the struggle of the Congolese nation tooverthrow Mobutu and again gain control over our destiny as an African nation. Thisis the legacy of Patrice Lumumba, the great Congolese patriot and revolutionary,and we are mobilizing the Congolese people to realize his vision of a truly independ-ent country, freed from imperialist control and committed to using our vast land,labor, and resources for the development of our people and of all of Africa. For thepast thirteen years, we have lived, worked, and fought with the masses of ourpeople, and it was only the full military might of the U.S. and its allies that keptMobutu in power in the face of the 1977-78 uprisings led by our fighting forces.

Our struggle is a difficult one, fought against not only the Mobutu dictatorshipbut the combined forces of U.S.-led imperialism. We are currently faced with the re-sponsibility of both waging the political and armed struggle inside the country aswell as having responsibility for the refugee camps that house our compatriots whohave fled the country.

We ask for your solidarity and your support. We need clothes and medical sup-plies for the refugee camps. We need funds to pay for supplies, to build schools andclinics, to pay for shipping. The neocolonialist nature of the Mobutu regime hasmade it more difficult to obtain funds from the international agencies that haveaided other liberation movements, and we rely on those who support African libera-tion and oppose imperialist domination of Africa.

We are committed to the full liberation of the Congo; two of our slogans are,"Victory is Certain," and "Conquer or Die." We will fulfill our historical responsibil-ities and know that international solidarity is critical for our victory. We hope thatyou can contribute to the liberation of the Congolese nation from imperialism andneocolonialism, to the cause of African liberation worldwide,and to the defeat ofimperialism, colonialism and neocolonialism.

Contributions on the East Coast can be sent to the Material Aid Campaign forZANU-PF; P.O. Box 1276; Stuyvesant Station; NYC, NY 10009; on the West Coast,send contributions to Regional Young Adult Project, c/o John Brown Book Club,P.O. Box 14422, San Francisco, CA 94114.

In Solidarity, Serge Mukendi, U.S. Representative, FLNC

THE QUESTION OF "ZAIRE"/CONGO

The History of the 1977-78 Uprisingin the Congo

In recent years, we have seen our coun-try, formerly called Congo-Kinshasa andtoday incorrectly called "Zaire," re-emerge onto the international scene.

In fact, since March 8, 1977, "Zaire,"where the rhythm of life was quite un-eventful until then, through the good willof "President-General" MOBUTU, has notceased to be in the news.

The popular uprising that began on thatdate, led by the Congolese National Libe-ration Front (FLNC), marked a majorturning-point in the almost routine po-litical life of our country. The interven-tion of foreign troops, notably French,Moroccan, Egyptian, Sudanese and Ugan-dan, supported by western mercenaries ofdifferent origins, achieved the singulardistinction of allowing "President-General" Mobutu to remain in power. Itdid not succeed, however, in eliminatingthe action of the insurgents, and, stillless, the causes of the insurrection. Infact, these insurgents reorganized them-selves and completely restructured theirarmed struggle against the political re-gime in Kinshasa. This allowed them tolaunch, less than a year after General Mo-butu had announced that the insurrectionhad been crushed, a new offensive whichliberated the town of Kolwezi, an impor-tant mining center in south-east "Zaire," inthe province of Katanga or "Shaba."

Despite reinforcement by foreigntroops—some of those who have inter-vened in his behalf since March 8, 1977,western mercenaries from France, W. Ger-many, Belgium, Great Britain, USA,South Africa, etc., despite the increase inthe number of western military "advisersand technicians," and their great firingpower, Mobutu's army had to retreat.About 15,000 soldiers in Mobutu's armywere dislodged from the town of Kolweziby a little more than 5,000 FLNC troops.

From then, nothing could halt the ad-vance of these troops in all directions, a

major portion of the "Zairian" air-forcehaving been destroyed on the ground atKolwezi. The liberation of the provincesof Katanga and Kasai, strategically impor-tant regions economically, would havebeen achieved. These provinces, in fact,contained most of the "Zairian" mineralwealth: copper, cobalt, diamonds. Thisaction would have cut heavily into thelittle credit the Mobutu political regimestill had at its disposal from the powers,generally western, which supported it,more as a function of the economicwealth which attracts them and whichMobutu has always allowed them topillage.

From that moment, one question wasposed in the west: how to avoid the fallof General Mobutu and his rotten regimeif they lost control of such importantregions at a time when the country hadtotally sunk into the most completeeconomic chaos? This question was askedonly because of the great preoccupationof the western powers with safeguardingthe enormous profits drawn from thepillage of "Zairian" economic riches.General Mobutu, more than any othergovernment since King Leopold II, hasestablished himself as the best guard-dogof their enormous self-interests thatCongo-Kinshasa has ever known.

The political objectives of the Congo-lese National Liberation Front (FLNC), infact, certainly did not correspond to theslavish neo-colonialist aims which westernimperialist powers have always harboredtowards the Congo. The stake was, there-fore, a major one: victory by the FLNCwould basically bring into question againthe slavish domination imposed on theCongo-Kinshasa people for over a century.Which definitely meant the end of thetheft of all Congolese economic wealth-mineral, plant, agricultural, financial, etc.—of exploitation of the Congolese peopleby imperialist monopolies established inCongo-Kinshasa, paying starvation wagesfor exhausting, arduous labor and, finally,the abolition of the trade in luxury itemscoming from western imperialist metro-poles.

1978-Soldiers ofthe neo-colonial IV

Finally, Congo-!be that reservoir oand cheap labor jtbe that wastelancserved for a smalnon-productive go(

The liberationKolwezi, the so-ca"Zaire," reflectedtainly would not iyou. Western impelhad to intervene—aanother major tragithe Indochinese re\r Portuguese

Thanks to a ne\s t

American—the failiMobutu re-establiiover Kolwezi.

Four Imperials

This was the foition by western inthe achievement ofby our country.

1978—Soldiers of the Congolese National Liberation Front led a popular uprising againstthe neo-colonial Mobutu dictatorship.

Finally, Congo-Kinshasa would cease tobe that reservoir of low-cost raw materialsand cheap labor just as it would no longerbe that wasteland for luxury goods re-served for a small minority, or of othernon-productive goods.

The liberation of the single town ofKolwezi, the so-called economic pulse of"Zaire," reflected this plan. And you cer-tainly would not ask a thief not to stealyou. Western imperialist powers inevitablyhad to intervene—and with force—to avoidanother major tragedy since the victory ofthe Indochinese revolutionaries and of theformer Portuguese colonies of Africa.

Thanks to a new military air-borne in-tervention—this time, French-Belgian-American—the failing regime of GeneralMobutu re-established its dictatorshipover Kolwezi.

Four Imperialist Interventions

This was the fourth military interven-tion by western imperialist powers sincethe achievement of political independenceby our country.

Like the first operation, 10 days afterthe proclamation of this independence,like the second, organized on November24, 1964 in Stanleyville (today Kisan-gani), and the third which occurred inApril 1977, this fourth military interven-tion achieved one single objective: it per-petuated the slavish domination by theimperialist west. It perpetuated this domi-nation by breaking anew the unconquer-able will of the Congolese people to livefreely in their own country, free ofany foreign domination.

In fact, by choosing the revolutionarynationalist organizations, led by PA-TRICE LUMUMBA, at the end of thestruggle against Belgian colonialism, in-strument of imperialist slave dominationof the Congo until June 30, 1960, theCongolese people clearly showed their de-sire for true independence and liberty.

For only these organizations alone hadany true objective conception of indepen-dence for the Congo and of the sovereign-ty of the people. In their political pro-gram, it was clearly stipulated that theindependence of the Congo would begenuine only if it satisfied the basic essen-

tial needs of the masses of the Congolesepeople. Thus, the Congolese economymust be oriented to this fact and allow agradual increase in the material and cultu-ral standard of living of the masses.

The political system should have beenbased from then entirely on true democra-cy to really allow the masses of people toexpress their desires as a function of theirhappiness and all the people to exercisetheir sovereignty in their country withoutwhich national independence would beonly an empty illusion.

For a people long scorned, humiliatedand enslaved, true democracy, therefore,remains the best guarantee of nationalsovereignty and independence, just as itwould allow real social progress which canonly be achieved if social equity and jus-tice are initially assured to all.

It was on this political program that thefreely expressed choice of the Congolesepeople was based in the general elections,the only democratic ones known to thisday, organized by the colonial authoritiesin May 1960.

It goes without saying that this choicecould not correspond to the neo-coloni-alist wishes of the imperialist powers. Forthese, the achievement of independenceby the former colonies was not a questionof a change in the economic relationshipswoven during colonialism. For them, whatonly mattered was satisfying the-needs ofthe industrial monopolies of the westerncapitalist metropoles and not the essentialbasic needs of the masses. In this case thenational economy of a former colonyshould remain extroverted and oriented tothe provision of only raw materials andnot independent or oriented to satisfyingthe needs of residents.

How could one then reconcile a gradualincrease in the standard of living with ex-ploitation of the working masses; creationof industries corresponding to the funda-mental needs of these masses with the saleof luxury goods coming from imperialistmetropoles? How to reconcile the devel-opment of an adequate social infrastruc-ture—schools, hospitals and dispensaries,etc.—without public investment? Andwhere would that come from when thereare no public savings due to the financiallevies imposed by the imperialist monopo-lies established in the former colonies totheir detriment: transfer of profits with

income laboriously amassed through thesale of raw materials from public debtscontracted by post-colonial states to fi-nancial institutions in western countries,fiscal privileges, etc.

In sum, how to conceive of neo-coloni-alist slavish domination within a politicalsystem guaranteeing and scrupulously re-specting true democracy? The history ofhumanity has not yet recorded the caseof persons belonging to a nation or to apeople who have freely accepted slavery.It has always been imposed. But since theCongolese people had chosen those whoconcretely reflected their desire for trueindependence and effective liberty, it wasnecessary at all costs to crush this hope.The political elimination of Lumumba—by a military coup d'etat on September14, 1960 by Col. Mobutu on the instruc-tions of the CIA—followed by his physical-elimination and later, the hunting downto death of all his loyal companions in-volved in the hornet's nest that was thenational union government, fit well intothis framework.

All attempts by the Congolese people—who never considered themselvesdefeated—to regain their liberty and torestore the democracy which would assuretheir sovereignty and, therefore, guaranteethe independence of their country, havealways been opposed by the crazy, im-placable will of the imperialist powers tokeep them in slavish domination.

Thus, on November 24, 1964 afterliberating % of their territory, the Con-golese people, under the leadership ofthe National Committee of Liberation(CNL), created by the Lumumbists, sawtheir liberation struggle, interrupted oneyear earlier, resurge following theBelgian-American military intervention.

Having forged a new structure over al-most a decade (1968-1977), revolutionaryarmed struggle of liberation for the na-tion's well-being was resumed from March8, 1977, a struggle which they have per-manently maintained since then despitetwo new military interventions—in April1977 and May 1978—by western imperial-ist powers and their chief African lackeys.

For more than 2 years, consistentlyharassing Mobutu's puppet troops, thesoldiers of the Popular Armed Forces ofCongo-Kinshasa (FAPC), the armed divi-sion of the FLNC, have never stopped

bearing high tlstruggle for theCongolese peop;

The Mobutu

Faced with 1desire to strugg]golese people, ation of the imback to the walito develop othtthe huge profithad earned then

Faithful to thwhich allowed tlnation and maiworld imperialistpulling the oldCounting on subdig up and exteithey hoped to fences existing w:pie. They soughof the masses fcyears of livingmisery equalled 1shanty townsneo-colonialist mior Sao Paulo, Spore, Djakarta, Bca, Dakar-MediAccra, Lagos, E

Once more, eethnic, linguisticRepresentatives ;imperialist powepists whose intenward the greatchiefs and to propeople. Generouended these meeithe dictator of "/ral" Mobutu, worisome means of fceived in 1976 bytary Fund (IMF)-imperialist west—ain his name. Thehim to alleviate scthe masses and,some popular stara big gamble. Tlcalled "Mobutu PItor of "Zaire," atto cut the groundof his opponents i

bearing high the flag of the liberationstruggle for the national well-being of theCongolese people.

The Mobutu Plan—Divide and Rule

Faced with this persistent, implacabledesire to struggle on the part of the Con-golese people, against the slavish domina-tion of the imperialist west which, itsback to the wall, found itself constrainedto develop other strategies to safeguardthe huge profits which this dominationhad earned them for close to a century.

Faithful to the adage "divide and rule"which allowed them to impose this domi-nation and maintain it until now, theworld imperialists immediately thought ofpulling the old irons out of the fire.Counting on subjectivism, they wanted todig up and extend the weaknesses whichthey hoped to find in the natural differ-ences existing within the Congolese peo-ple. They sought to cut into the unityof the masses forged through almost 20years of living together in the darkestmisery equalled today only by that in theshanty towns surrounding the largeneo-colonialist metropoles: Rio de Janeiroor Sao Paulo, San Juan, Manila, Singa-pore, Djakarta, Bangkok, Cairo, Casablan-ca, Dakar-Medina, Abidjan-Trechville,Accra, Lagos, Douala, Franceville, etc.

Once more, emphasis was placed onethnic, linguistic or regional differences.Representatives at Kinshasa of westernimperialist powers became philanthro-pists whose interests suddenly turned to-ward the great "Zairian" traditionalchiefs and to problems confronting theirpeople. Generous handouts generallyended these meetings at the time whenthe dictator of "Zaire," "President-Gene-ral" Mobutu, worked like the devil to findsome means of financing the plan con-ceived in 1976 by the International Mone-tary Fund (IMF)—this conscience of theimperialist west—and baptised since 1977in his name. The plan's success allowedhim to alleviate somewhat the misery ofthe masses and, therefore, to recoversome popular standing. However, this isa big gamble. The success of the so-called "Mobutu Plan" allowed the dicta-tor of "Zaire," at least as he calculated,to cut the ground from beneath the feetof his opponents and also of the Congo-

lese revolutionaries.For if he must in particular avoid swell-

ing the ranks of the Congolese revolution-aries, "President-General" Mobutu mustalso hold his head with all his rivals: thoseopponents—generally newcomers—of hisregime whose strategy consists of seekingto retake from him the support of thewestern imperialist powers and whosetactics consisted of sounding the alarmon the dangers of the victory of commu-nism in "Zaire" if Mobutu still remains inpower due to the radicalization of thewhole opposition. President Mobutu isclearly convinced that with the funds thathe would receive within the financialscheme of "his" famous plan, he wouldagain be able to organize prestigious box-ing matches like that between Foremanand Muhammad Ali or invite other biginternational musical groups like JamesBrown's or Pacheco's—opium to make themasses oblivious to their misery.

Nobody there is a fool. Objectives ad-vocated in the "Mobutu Plan" would notsatisfy essential fundamental needs of theCongolese people and, still less, improvetheir standard of living.

Everyone knows that its partial successdemands yet more sacrifices by the Con-golese people. The austerity advocated inthis plan simply means asking Congolesepeople to further tighten their belts whenthey can no longer do so. This is actuallyalready the .case in the wake of frequentdevaluations of the "Zairian" currency.And the foreign exchange to be gained asa result of the plan's measures in financialimprovement would serve more to easetransfers abroad by subsidiaries of multi-national companies exploiting "Zaire"and the little remaining would go to so-called "Zairian" businessmen to purchaseluxury goods needed by the dignitaries inthe "Zairian" regime. The objectives ofthe "Mobutu Plan" would serve only toprovide the Congolese people with sugar-coated pills to make them believe thatthey were appeasing their hunger, to therhythms of James Brown and Pachecoand others like that.

International imperialist circles knowthis also. They therefore demand poli-cies beforehand. They demand that Mo-butu show that he has regained somecredibility with the people or that he isno longer threatened politically. That

During the colonial period a common punishment for a village's failure to meet Belgianrubber quotas was the random cutting off of hands.

is why he persistsion believe that topposition is no:unless encouragedBrussels, who haicountry. Mobutu,cratic following infe.rence of imperiiof "Zaire," held ogoes so far as to ipolitical oppositiorican tradition. 1

practice of anothcanity," who equinies in Senegal, th<Leopold Sedar SIlished an appearaiism. One can alsopath taken by Nicountries which, tof "Zaire," wouldhe wants us to ag£ing to his famoiticity," the "Zairiin Africa his/her otics. Then why i"Zairian" is the <who takes pleasuiare stubborn and 1of Third World cdenial.

Nevertheless, ohow the same regiistence of opposwhich undertakescertain obliging oto have them com<cree a general amipeatedly to allowto "Zaire" and, ibolical maneuversdermine what does

Until now, thebeen able to provesition, of which •the spearhead, dcspite their good 'still hesitate toPlan." For them,logical conditionwould allow its iezMobutu cannot salost all credibilityuntil their new clport with the peo;the members of tthe Mobutu regiia certain credibili

is why he persists in having world opin-ion believe that the concept of politicalopposition is non-existent in "Zaire,"unless encouraged by vagabonds living inBrussels, who have no influence in thecountry. Mobutu, who wants to be demo-cratic following injunctions from the con-ference of imperialist powers, protectorsof "Zaire," held on June 5, 1978 in Paris,goes so far as to say that the concept ofpolitical opposition does not exist in Af-rican tradition. Which contradicts thepractice of another promoter of "Afri-canity," who equally presides over desti-nies in Senegal, the "father of Negritude,"Leopold Sedar SENGHOR, who estab-lished an appearance of political plural-ism. One can also cite the example of thepath taken by Nigeria or Upper Volta:countries which, to listen to the dictatorof "Zaire," would not be African. Unlesshe wants us to again believe that, accord-ing to his famous theory of "authen-ticity," the "Zairian" individual presentsin Africa his/her own peculiar characteris-tics. Then why not conclude that the"Zairian" is the only one in the worldwho takes pleasure in slavery? But factsare stubborn and the postcolonial historyof Third World countries brings a harshdenial.

Nevertheless, one cannot understandhow the same regime which denies the ex-istence of opposition is the same onewhich undertakes eloquent contacts withcertain obliging opposition organizationsto have them come to terms with it, to de-cree a general amnesty and prolong it re-peatedly to allow all opponents to returnto "Zaire" and, especially, to plan dia-bolical maneuvers to denigrate and un-dermine what does not exist, as he claims.

Until now, the Mobutu regime has notbeen able to prove that the political oppo-sition, of which the FLNC still remainsthe spearhead, does not exist. Also, de-spite their good will, imperialist powersstill hesitate to finance the "MobutuPlan." For them, only favorable psycho-logical conditions among the masseswould allow its realization—which GeneralMobutu cannot satisfy, having completelylost all credibility with the people. Anduntil their new clients acquire some sup-port with the people, or if you like, untilthe members of this fifth column whichthe Mobutu regime denounces, acquirea certain credibility in "Zaire," western

imperialist powers will feed the Zairianregime promises. For better than anyone,these powers are convinced of that "wis-dom" laid down by Abraham Lincoln, aformer President of the U.S.: "You canfool all the people some of the time, youcan fool some of the people all thetime, but you can never fool all thepeople all the time."

Terror and Phony "Liberalization"

Slavish imperialist domination has al-ways been based on force and deceit.Also, you replace dictators when the liesthat they recite no longer distract thepeople from their extreme misery. This isthus the application of the golden rulethat when you have squeezed all the juicefrom a lemon you throw it into the gar-bage and replace it with a juicier one.

The history of dominated Latin Ameri-ca is marked by several examples of "pro-nunciamentos" one after the other tocrush the popular will.

It is this practice that Mobutu has in-troduced into our country, in fact inBlack independent Africa, with the coupd'etat he carried out on September 14,1960, on the instructions of the CIA,against the legal and legitimate govern-ment of Patrice LUMUMBA. GeneralSUHARTO would do the same in 1965against the revolutionary nationalist, non-aligned government of President SU-KARNO, and this tradition would be pur-sued in September 1973 with GeneralPinochet's coup d'etat against the PopularUnity government of President SalvadorAllende.

That is the political destiny world im-perialism reserves for the subjugatedThird World.

That is what the Trilateral Commission,the moving force behind the exploits ofthe imperialist West, made the LatinAmerican "democrats" and "liberals"clearly understand: "democracy is a bigluxury for Latin America"—which meansa Third World slavishly dominated byinternational monopoly capitalism.

Also to allow their new clients to re-inforce their popular base, western pow-ers, protectors of "Zaire," dictated to thearch-corrupt Mobutu regime a so-calledpolicy of liberalization and democrati-zation.

Liberalization of the Zairian politicallife imposed by the Paris Conference isone means of catapulting politicians ofthis fifth column to the political fore-front. Radio and television broadcasts ofparliamentary debates allow new andbetter clients of world imperialism to winfame in the eyes of the masses for dia-tribes addressed to members of the "Za-irian" government. To balance in theeyes of the masses, the harshness of theausterity measures, the new public admin-istration leaders of "Zaire" of which Mr.Blurnenthal is chief, decreed a morator-ium on enterprises owned by Zairian of-ficials closest to General Mobutu. Whichmakes them seem the greatest squanderersof public funds and allows them to"whitewash" the other barons of "Zaire,"members of the fifth column.

However, world imperialism only in-tends to call in the service of its newclients if Mobutu's regime is again sub-jected to a violent, political contest. Inthis way, the newcomers could reach acompromise with the insurgents. Mobu-tu 's offers of amnesty having been rejec-ted by the organized "Zairian" opposi-tion, it, is impossible for the latter toachieve this aim.

For, as always, world imperialismcounts on two checkboards. It can onlyencourage Mobutu's departure in caseof distress and only if its clients are in aposition to control the political situa-tion with the revolutionaries with whomthey would be obliged—increasinglyobliged—to cooperate in his departure.The regime actually being a monarchicand autocratic dictatorship, it goes with-out saying that whatever replaces it, eveninspired by imperialism, would be obligedto restore pluralist democracy. And thereis no guarantee that, in this context, newclients would emerge victorious in a popu-lar vote. The victory of the revolutionarynationalists in general elections of May1960 over organizations created and sup-ported by Belgian colonialism, particular-ly the so-called National Party for Prog-ress (PNP), better known as the Party ofPaid Blacks (Parti des Noirs Payes), isnot yet erased from the memory of thestrategists of slavish domination.

Thus it would be fitting that, in anycase, the process of weakening the revo-lutionary Congolese movement would bedeterred. The proliferation of so-calledpolitical organizations allegedly opposedto the dictator is a ready example of this.

Only the combined might of three Western nations was able to defeat the 1978 FLNC offen-sive. Here French Foreign Legion troops are airlifted to Kolwezi in a US C-141 while theirofficers confer with US advisers. Twenty thousand such troops remain in the Congo today.

10

Western 1

Parallel to theventuality, thetectors of "Zathemselves the rtary security (for direct milillink Zaire withFrance and Bel§with the most <on the policy cwestern imperialcase of MoroccOther African c<African Republiand Burundi—ha\r external rr

"Zaire." To comty measures, trocalist countries—1

Belgium, notablystation troops indisposal: Kaminj(for the Belgian1,250 persons)*Man on o (West (and Ngungu, KinsLikasi and Lubusoldiers). Besidesforth be observinders to detect an;any suspicious grber of "military acoming from allso-called People'sBelgium and Clmake-up or recy<agents of "Zairianly, mercenaries—;from throughouFrance, West G(Belgium, South Ahead the future "2

This division oenough, subversioiside, and it was nelations between 'bors. After Zamhpate normalizatioi"Zaire" and Tanzabutu, to erase hisIdi Amin and to r<intends next to m<member that Tanposed American-F:tion in Kolwezi ar

Western Troops in "Zaire"

Parallel to this, to guard against anyeventuality, the imperialist powers, pro-tectors of "Zaire," have arrogated tothemselves the right to organize the mili-tary security of "Zaire." Agreementsfor direct military intervention todaylink Zaire with some of these countries,France and Belgium notably, as well aswith the most aligned African countrieson the policy of slavish domination ofwestern imperialist powers. This is thecase of Morocco, Egypt and Senegal.Other African countries—Gabon, CentralAfrican Republic, Ivory Coast, Sudanand Burundi—have agreed to serve as basesfor external military intervention in"Zaire." To complete the array of securi-ty measures, troops from western imperi-alist countries—West Germany, France,Belgium, notably—will hence permanentlystation troops in military bases at theirdisposal: Kamina, Kinshasa and Kitona(for the Belgian contingent evaluated at1,250 persons),' Kongolo, Kalemie andManono (West Germany: 750 soldiers);and Ngungu, Kinshasa, Kolwezi, Kananga,Likasi and Lubumbashi (France: 2,000soldiers). Besides, satellites will hence-forth be observing all the "Zairian" bor-ders to detect any movement of troops orany suspicious grouping, while the num-ber of "military advisors and technicians"coming from all over—the neo-mandarin,so-called People's China, Israel, France,Belgium and Chile—would assure themake-up or recycling of soldiers and ofagents of "Zairian" political policy. Final-ly, mercenaries—almost 10,000 today—from throughout the west—U.S.A.,France, West Germany, Great Britain,Belgium, South Africa, etc.—would spear-head the future "Zairian" army.

This division of the country was notenough, subversion could come from out-side, and it was necessary to normalize re-lations between "Zaire" and its neigh-bors. After Zambia and Angola, antici-pate normalization of relations between"Zaire" and Tanzania, where General Mo-butu, to erase his support of the bloodyIdi Amin and to remove any last concern,intends next to make an official visit. Re-member that Tanzania energetically op-posed American-French-Belgian interven-tion in Kolwezi and recently predicted a

fate similar to Idi Amin's for other Afri-can dictators.

All these measures have one aim: tocrush if not weaken the revolutionaryCongolese movement of which the FLNCis actually the advance guard and armedwing. It was a surprise to see Mobutuagain sound the alarm in February 1978and ask western imperialist powers, pro-tectors of "Zaire," to send other contin-gents to reinforce those already there.Without doubt, Mobutu wanted to cut thegrass from under the feet of the famousfifth column which, impatient to changeguard, would want to precipitate his fallby provoking minor disturbances in"Zairian" towns.

For added assurance, the dictator of"Zaire" proposed a pact of collectivesecurity to Angola and Zambia whichwould permit him to track down "Zair-ian" refugees living in these countries ashe does in Congo-Brazzaville, in CentralAfrican Republic, in Sudan, in Uganda(under Idi Amin), in Kenya and in Burun-di. And to gain the adherence of these fu-ture partners (Presidents Kaunda andNeto), Mobutu imagined a monstrousfarce: an attack on "Zaire" by one of histrustees who had gained the trust of someof his obliging opponents.

Suddenly, Mobutu wanted to aim atother targets; to discredit any oppositionto his dictatorship, therefore, to removeany possibility of its external moral sup-port; to regain some standing in Africawhere he enjoys a public notoriety worsethan that of Tshombe and Muzorewacombined and, especially, to prove to hisimperialist masters that his army couldguarantee the security of "Zaire" and thatthey no longer heed the advances of hisopponents. Faced by a squad of 12 ap-prentice mercenaries whom the "Zairian"press converted into a whole regiment,a batallion of "Zairian" paratrooperswould have certainly conquered them.However, the risk of seeing revolutionaryorganizations take advantage of tele-guided scuffles betweeen Mobutu's armyand the 12 mercenaries at Goma to incitea popular uprising, would be great. Muchmore so when the FLNC soldiers, whowere constantly harassing the coalition for-ces under Mobutu's banner, have passedbeyond the Kolwezi-Dilolo-Kapanya tri-angle in which they were confined. Im-

11

FLNC President Lieutenant-General M'Bumba and comrades confer in liberated zone."One does not gain independence on a silver platter, it is taken by force."

perialist circles preferred to thwart thecoup by denouncing the mercenaries'plan.

The CongoleseNational Liberation Front

However, in pursuing the revolutionaryarmed struggle for national liberation,FLNC, like other clandestine organiza-tions which rigidly structured the dailystruggle of the Congolese masses againstMobutu's neo-colonial, fascist dictator-ship, instrument of slavish domination ofthe imperialist west, intends to clearlyprove that nothing in the world couldStop the advance of a people towards lib-erty and social progress. Despite repeatedattempts by imperialist agents to makethem compromise before the altar of neo-

colonialism, sapping their cohesivenessand unity, undermining them internallyso as to weaken them, the FLNC, todaythe only political Congolese organizationwhich best reflects the true, deep legiti-mate aspirations of all the Congolese peo-ple, pursues the struggle for national lib-eration. Relying solely on their ownforces and on the help of the Congolesemasses, not using any foreign assistance,the FLNC has scored several successes inthis long and difficult task. For the FLNChas never had illusions about the difficul-ties or the length of the struggle. But how-ever long, the struggle of the Congolesepeople for their effective liberation willtriumph after surmounting all obstacleswhich world imperialism and local agentswill lay in its path.

12

Members oft!this truth, for o\y in themsel

dination and revcomplished, shiAnd the presenthe continuatioCongolese peop]GU, resumed bymore clarificati<through the Na1eration createdfaithful to thewhose memory istruggle against ition, FLNC is cl<

As long as adent, as longpletely assurrlack the esseithe advantagenation.

But also becaawait furtherknows that soonecessary to recview everything:adapted to ourtence" (LUMUIV

the choice wtfered to us isnative: Liberlgation.

Because "betthere is no conpeople under th"prefers to pay t

For "Libertyall times and th:struggled and die

Everywhere tlhave struggled,struggle for theLiberty. As the 'great hero and dthe struggle of c"Nothing is moand independemory of LUMUIV

Members of the FLNC are convinced ofthis truth, for oppression and exploitationcarry in themselves the germs of insubor-dination and revolt which, to be fully ac-complished, should end in revolution.And the present struggle is nothing butthe continuation of that begun by theCongolese people since Simon KIMBAN-GU, resumed by Patrice LUMUMBA withmore clarification, and finally pursuedthrough the National Committee of Lib-eration created by Lumumbists. Alwaysfaithful to the teachings of Lumumbawhose memory is perpetuated through thestruggle against slavish imperialist domina-tion, FLNC is clearly persuaded that:

As long as a people is not indepen-dent, as long as they have not com-pletely assumed their destiny, theylack the essential. And this, despitethe advantages of a system of domi-nation.

-LUMUMBA

But also because it would be useless toawait further compromise when oneknows that sooner or later, it would benecessary to reconsider everything, to re-view everything: "to create new structuresadapted to our own conditions of exis-tence" (LUMUMBA) because

the choice which has always been of-fered to us is nothing but the alter-native: Liberty or continued subju-gation.

-LUMUMBA

Because "between liberty and slavery,there is no compromise," the Congolesepeople under the direction of the FLNC"prefers to pay the price of Liberty."

For "Liberty is the ideal for which, atall times and through the ages, men havestruggled and died."

Everywhere throughout the world, menhave struggled, struggle and will alwaysstruggle for the triumph of the ideal ofLiberty. As the venerable HO CHI MINH,great hero and defender before the era ofthe struggle of oppressed peoples, stated:"Nothing is more precious than libertyand independence." However, the mem-ory of LUMUMBA reminds the FLNC

that:

History has shown that Indepen-dence is not given on a silver platter.It is taken. But to seize indepen-dence for the Congo it is necessaryto organize to mobilize all the re-sources of the country. It is with thisunified force that we have dealt amortal blow to decaying capitalism.

Today, the time for plans is over inCongo-Kinshasa. As Kwame Nkrumah,father of African independence, said: "Ifwe merely needed words and slogans tobury imperialism, it would have been longburied thousands of kilometers under-ground."

Thus it is that ten years after the for-mation of its first active cells, the FLNCrose up to continue the struggle of theCongolese people for a better future.Leading a tough guerrilla struggle in theprovince of Katanga, it moreover contin-ues the mobilization of the masses andfurther structures their struggle on con-crete bases. And at a moment when itagain will judge appropriate, it will resumenew major offensives to destroy all reac-tionary and puppet forces.

However, the FLNC will never changeinto triumphalism. It knows that the libe-ration of Congo-Kinshasa will still need alot of great sacrifices in human lives andother hardships for the Congolese people.It knows that, like in all wars and espec-ially wars of liberation, some battles willbe won and others will be lost.

But it solemnly proclaims that, sinceMarch 8, 1977, slavish imperialist domina-tion entered into its twilight . . . For to-day, more than yesterday, the Congolesepeople, under its guidance, is persuadedthat:

1. History will remain an endless repe-tition as long as one does not heedits lessons.

(Congolese history is as particularlyrich in the vile maneuvers of worldimperialism to perpetuate their slav-ish oppression as in the weaknessesof political patriotic organizations.)

13

r2. Following the principle of inertia,to stop a force of given strength, itwould be necessary to oppose itwith another force of equalstrength. To overturn it would takea force of strength greater thanits own.

(Therefore, one must know the realstrength of imperialism, a forcewhose power of intervention isknown, but whose capacity defi-nitely depends on internal supportwithin the oppressed nation orpeople. As the great African hero,Amilcar Cabral, said: "However onejudges imperialism, do not forgetthat it only succeeds through col-laboration with internal forces: riceis cooked inside the pot.")

The Congolese people, guided by theFLNC, developed this conviction throughthe experiences of their own daily exis-tence and not on indications coming fromabroad. As the venerable Ho Chi Minhstated:

Beneath the shock of the pestle,the grain of rice suffers,

But once the test passes,admire its whiteness!

Such are humans in the worldin which we live;

To be a man,one needs the pestle of misfortune.

Also, always objecting to an oppositionby simple negation of the dictatorial Mo-butu regime, the FLNC called on all fac-tions now wanting to represent this desireof the Congolese people, to strugglearound a political platform, the objectivesof which are:

1. The struggle against the monarchicand autocratic dictatorship present-ly in power in Kinshasa until its to-tal liquidation;

2. Building a true democratic state:

(a) where all democratic libertiesor rights would be respectedand where the government inpower would always be born

of the freely expressed desireof the great majority of thepeople;

(b) which would guarantee thesovereignty of the people and -the independence of the coun-try;

(c) which would work for the realsocial progress of the Congo-lese masses, i. e., for the con-stant satisfaction of the essen-tial fundamental needs of themasses and an improvement intheir level of material and cul-tural life as well as for estab-lishing social equity and jus-tice;

(d) which would cooperate withall states in the world solelyon the bases of equality, reci-procity and mutual respect.

Reflecting the deep legitimate aspira-tions and guaranteeing the true majorityinterests of the Congolese masses, thisminimum political program of struggleis increasingly gaining support, creatingpanic in international imperialist circleswho are unable to restrain the enthusiasmwhich it has aroused despite several at-tempts at sabotage by their agents—in-cluding certain eleventh-hour oppo-nents—whose mask of opposition can nolonger cover their misdeeds within theCongolese revolutionary movement.

Thus, step by step, the slogans of theFLNC are concretized:

THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES;CONQUER OR DIE.

ALL FOR THE PEOPLE;NOTHING WITHOUT THE PEOPLE.

Unifying party of the struggling Congo-lese people, the Congolese Progressive Stu-dents (ECP) could not but fit their strug-gle into the framework laid down by theFLNC, at whose side they struggle cour-ageously.

Appendix:

Do not confuse the removal of Lu-

mumba on SepterVUBU, which waslese Parliament arreconciliation achpersonalities, dueparliamentarians,intervention of Sito break the revo^mumbists on theconquest of Kataprevent this comtheir government

Mem

14

mumba on September 5, 1960 by KASA-VUBU, which was nullified by the Congo-lese Parliament and by the success of thereconciliation achieved between these twopersonalities, due to the efforts of certainparliamentarians, which caused Mobutu'sintervention of September 14th. Besides,to break the revolutionary zeal of the Lu-mumbists on the verge of their militaryconquest of Katanga (early 1961) and toprevent this conquest from legitimizingtheir government (Gizenga government in

Stanleyville) over that of the governmentof Kasavubu (the second government ledby Ileo) which covered Mobutu's power,the latter, again on the orders of the CIA,interrupted negotiations with Gen. Lun-dula for a reconciliation between their re-spective armies and, therefore, betweenthe Stanleyville and Leopoldville govern-ments. The reconciliation would intervenein the conclave held at Louvanium (Leopoldville) in August 1961, in the earlydays of the government presided over byADOULA.

Members of the FLNC Central Committee meeting in liberated zones.

15

COMMUNIQUES FROM THE FLNC1978-81

Brussels (International Press Center)February 2,1978

In the name of the Central Committeeof the Congolese National LiberationFront, I have to thank the democratic or-ganizations and all persons in love withthe ideals of liberty, justice and peace inBelgium, who have constantly seen to itthat the voice of the Congolese people,who are presently experiencing the mosttragic period of their history, be notstilled by the money powers who, for al-most a century, have been drawing enor-mous profits from their oppression, theirover-exploitation and the systematic pil-lage of all the economic wealth of theircountry.

My thanks are addressed especially toindividuals and democratic organizationsin Belgium who formed the "Zaire—Kommittee" and the Lumumba Commit-tee; two organizations which, in spite oftheir limited means, try, not without suc-cess, to supply objective information onour country, Congo-Kinshasa. To the Pro-gressive Congolese Students (ECP) who,despite the great risk they run as much forthemselves as for their relatives living inregions dominated by Mobutu's fascistand neocolonial dictatorship, have neveraccepted the fait accompli of this dicta-torship, and always bear high the flame ofresistance of the Congolese people withinthe heart of Congolese youth. It is, I be-lieve, concern for informing internationalpublic opinion which motivated this pres-ent press conference. It is without doubtthe desire to objectively inform this opin-ion which made the organizers of this con-ference, the ECP and the "Zaire-Kommit-tee," dare to invite to it the Congolese Na-tional Liberation Front which representstoday the deep legitimate aspirations ofthe people of Congo-Kinshasa.

Since the launching of the armed revo-

lutionary struggle for national liberationby our organization, international publicopinion, particularly Western public opin-ion, has followed the political evolutionof Congo-Kinshasa only through infor-mation largely and favorably commentedon by a major part of the Western press.The latter, as one knows, exercises amajor influence on international publicopinion.

Major events with evident politicalcharacter are knowingly read so as not totarnish further the totally discreditedimage of the political regime presided overby Mobutu, and especially so that the re-gime does not lose the little credit at itsdisposal from those who were called tointervene in the framework of the famous"Mobutu Plan"- a plan prepared by theoffices of world imperialism, notably bythe experts of the International Mone-tary Fund and Belgium, a plan initiallyand falsely called the "Marshall Plan"for Zaire.

Congolese PeopleWage Revolutionary Struggle

Also, major protest actions undertakenby the Congolese working masses, such asthe strikes which still paralyze all socio-economic activity in the Congo, are re-ported in the Western press only as triv-ial and banal. The election boycott bymore than 90% of the Congolese elec-torate recently in our country has notbeen raised in information related to the"Zairian elections." The conspiracy ofsilence organized since the offensive bythe Popular Armed Forces of Congo-Kinshasa (FAPC), the armed branch ofour organization, the FLNC, with a viewto implanting the freedom fighters withinthe country, was quickly exaggerated withthe censorship imposed on the press bythe Ministers of Foreign Affairs of certainWest European countries. This caused all

the information sthe political situaever be publishednational press.

This was the alization of thetaken by the FU>the implementaticott the electior1977 by the FLNbe carried out if 1ly implanted in tmasses throughcthanks to the Fmovements and per form of politicsmajor importancesignificance.

The conspiracythe West, has paibroadcast of the

French Foreign Lidefeated Mobutu's

16

the information supplied by the FLNC onthe political situation in the Congo not toever be published or reported by the inter-national press.

This was the case with the broad mobi-lization of the popular masses under-taken by the FLNC, action confirmed bythe implementation of the plan to boy-cott the elections made in September1977 by the FLNC. This action could notbe carried out if the FLNC was not solid-ly implanted in the heart of the popularmasses throughout the country andthanks to the FLNC partisans, protestmovements and popular resistance, anoth-er form of political struggle, today acquiremajor importance and manifest politicalsignificance.

The conspiracy of silence organized inthe West has particularly prevented thebroadcast of the successes reported by

the fighters of the Congolese Revolutionwhich the FLNC leads today, over Mobu-tu's army. Today in fact, the FLNC free-dom fighters in the provinces of Katanga(Shaba) and Kasai are still spreading andthe operations of harassment of Mobutu'sforces intensify further. It stands to rea-son that from the time the military inter-vention of certain Western countries, not-ably Belgium, France and West Germany,to reinforce the capacity for resistance ofthe Mobutu army, became increasinglyopen, better could not be expected.

In fact, if it is no longer a secret todayfor anyone that mercenaries from theUnited States of America, Great Britain,West Germany, and France are -no longercounted among Mobutu's army—merce-naries whose financial support is borne byWest Germany—one should equally notethat the number of European "counsellors

French Foreign Legion and Belgian troops retook Kolwezi in a reign of terror after FLNCdefeated Mobutu's army.

17

and advisors," chiefly Belgian and French,have greatly increased in Mobutu's army.This also comprises a batallion of Moroc-can soldiers remaining in Kolwezi and 100Egyptian pilots and mechanics for mili-tary airplanes, the number of which in-creased when the Mobutu state was recog-nized as insolvent by all its creditors.

The military "counsellors and advisors"occupy themselves, with anti-guerrilla op-erations, heavy artillery, electronic surveil-lance in combat zones, while the merce-naries spearhead the Mobutu army.

To avoid the daily desertion of "Zairi-an" soldiers from the Mobutu army, andfaced with an increased demand for west-ern mercenaries coming from racist andminority regimes in power in southernAfrica, the money powers which supportMobutu's decaying political regime arenow recruiting African mercenaries. Afterintegrating Angolan looters groups intothe FNLA and FLEC into Mobutu's for-ces stationed in Bas-Congo and Kwango,today it is the turn of the UNITA banditswho were transferred from Namibia toKatanga. From Kolwezi, where SouthAfrican planes landed them, mercenariessupplied by UNITA proceeded to the ur-ban centers located near the zones of thefreedom fighters.

The number of western and Africanmercenaries in Mobutu's army has justpassed 5,000 persons. For several reasons,this number will increase in a few days.The first reason is that the Mobutu armymust number at least 100,000 in a shorttime. The second reason for it is that thedesertion by Zairian soldiers is takingalarming proportions and, finally, thenumber of those killed within this armygrows with the desperation of the moneypowers of whom Mobutu still remains thechief lackey in Congo-Zaire, to liquidatethe FLNC. This latter assumes major im-portance in having the idea of the capaci-ty of the Mobutu regime to assure thesecurity of goods and persons gain creditin financial circles unwilling to respond tothe appeal by the Belgian government toparticipate in the international financialconsortium which must finance the so-called "Mobutu Plan."

For the poison campaign led notablyby Belgium concerning the "democra-tization" of political life in Zaire did not

succeed in swaying the total convictionof these financial circles.

The West Moves toRecolonize the Congo

These constantly raise the pursuit ofthe armed struggle and the existence ofa great revolutionary current in the heartof the Congolese people as a basis fortheir refusal or hesitation to finance the"Mobutu Plan." The takeover by Belgiumof the economic life of Congo-Zaire—definitely recolonization of the Congo byBelgium since economic acitivity is thevery basis of all social activity—is no long-er a guarantee against the armed struggle.With reference to this takeover of theZairian economy by Belgium, the FLNCmust inform international public opinionas well as Belgian opinion, that the inevi-table consequence of the involvementwhich the Belgian state has just madewould be to see Belgium militarily in-volved in Congo-Zaire in a more pro-nounced manner than it is now, that is bysending more and more troops. This risks,contrary to the wishes stated by the Bel-gian newspaper La Libre Belgique (FreeBelgium), further dividing the Belgian andCongolese peoples.

There is evidence today that the Congo-lese people, like other peoples in Africaand the Third World, reject this "regimeof colonialism" without the presence ofthe colonialist, as they rejected for 50years the regime of "colonialism with thecolonizer present" under which they liveduntil June 30, 1960. One must not con-fuse the bitterness that they bear vis-a-visthis political regime which arose after Sep-tember 5, 1960, the date of the fall of theLumumba government—bitterness whichis sometimes expressed by parallels orcomparisons with the political regime be-fore June 30, 1960, the only one underwhich the present population of the Con-go—with the nostalgia for pure colonial-ism and, besides, infatuation with the re-turn of the latter—lived. For, if they foughtfor long years for national independence,the Congolese people will never acceptrecolonization, either partial or indirect;

that is, they will nevealist regime with theparticipation of th<which the money poon them today.

One fact is also eviCongolese people inmore mature than1950's.

And that having reof their misery, viz.money powers of ttof their country, themerciless struggle toseizure. And theyproved it. By blowincompany which supcompanies exploitingof the Congo, the w<kasi carried out an othat of no longer aceCongolese economic rin general and Belgiuconcerns the Congo,recolonization of Afiadvocated with planpacts, called "pacts cdarity" will never biproblems posed todaexploitation of Africpillage of the econoicountries by a handfiare proprietors of thewhich exploit a largewith, notably in the r.laboration of somewho seized political ]it by force thanks to csupport that the meconstitute this handsupply them.

And, exactly as tof Foreign Affairs saillitical regime, with orits head, is definitelywestern interests in tlit is always understooexploitation of Thirdlage of the economcountries, safeguard oished products suppliwestern countries anctheir nationals by

On his return froment Belgian Minister (Outers, emphasized i

18

that is, they will never accept this coloni-alist regime with the presence or limitedparticipation of the former colonizerwhich the money powers wish to imposeon them today.

One fact is also evident today: that theCongolese people in 1977 are politicallymore mature than they were in the1950's.

And that having realized the true causeof their misery, viz. the seizure by themoney powers of the economic wealthof their country, they intend to wage amerciless struggle to put an end to thisseizure. And they have just recentlyproved it. By blowing up the AFRIDEXcompany which supplies explosives tocompanies exploiting the mineral wealthof the Congo, the working masses of Li-kasi carried out an obvious political act:that of no longer accepting the pillage ofCongolese economic riches. Also, the westin general and Belgium in particular as itconcerns the Congo, must know that therecolonization of Africa, as it is alreadyadvocated with plans for new colonialpacts, called "pacts of Euro-African soli-darity" will never be a solution to theproblems posed today by the continuedexploitation of African peoples and thepillage of the economic wealth of theircountries by a handful of individuals whoare proprietors of these grand enterpriseswhich exploit a large section of humanitywith, notably in the Third World, the col-laboration of some corrupt individualswho seized political power and maintainit by force thanks to considerable militarysupport that the money powers—whichconstitute this handful of individuals-supply them.

And, exactly as the Belgian Ministerof Foreign Affairs said it, the Mobutu po-litical regime, with or without Mobutu atits head, is definitely the last one to servewestern interests in the Congo, and only,it is always understood, insofar as there isexploitation of Third World peoples, pil-lage of the economic wealth of theircountries, safeguard of the market for fin-ished products supplied by enterprises inwestern countries and a labor market fortheir nationals by western interests.

On his return from the Congo, the pres-ent Belgian Minister of Cooperation, Mr.Outers, emphasized it well: To western

interests, it is only the profits withdrawnfrom the Congo by a handful of Belgians,allied with other nationals of westerncountries, who exploit the Congolesepeople by paying them starvation wages inexchange for brutal toil and who pillagethe wealth of the Congo in collaborationwith Congolese traitors of whom Mobutuis the leader.

Western interests have always spokenof the interests of western peoples. Forthe latter have never been and could neverbe opposed to those of the peoples of theThird World, and particularly, of the Con-golese people. The Belgian, even whenworking in Congo-Zaire, lives and will liveoff of his labor. And nothing says that ifthe Congo is no longer subject to seizureby monopolies, that the Belgian, theFrenchman or any other national of theWest could no longer return there towork. The FLNC must emphasize oncemore: the struggle for national liberationof the Congolese people which it is lead-ing is not aimed at any people, is notaimed at any state. It is aimed essentiallyat ending the misery of the Congolesepeople, the fundamental cause of which isthe domination of the Congo by moneypowers. It is only to end this dominationand to work for the true well-being of allthe Congolese peoples that the FLNC isstruggling. And it will perhaps not be use-less to remember that this well-being canonly come from an economic develop-ment conceived as a function of the grad-ual increase in the standard of living ofthe working masses and of the constantsatisfaction of their basic needs. This iswhat the arch-corrupt and decaying re-gime presently in power in Kinshasahas never been able to and will neverknow how to do, given its congenital na-ture and in spite of any plan that it wouldhave conceived and to which major finan-cial assistance would have been designated.For it is public knowlege that a part ofthis aid will return to European bank ac-counts of well-known citizens of "Zaire";the part designated for the so-called eco-nomic recovery, as it is called today, willonly affect the economic sectors whichinterest the western monopolies and notthe sectors involving the satisfaction ofthe basic needs of the people of Zaire.Misery could therefore never end.

19

The FLNC Fights for Total Liberation

It is to end this misery that the FLNCfights against the domination of the Con-go by the money powers. And wherethere has been domination, there hasnever been even formal democracy. Forno people likes slavery or servitude. Con-sequently, working within the frameworkof the Supreme Council of Liberation(CSL) with the People's Party of the Rev-olution, the FLNC struggles for the estab-lishment of true democracy, for true na-tional sovereignty of the Congolese peo-ple, i.e. for the absolute right of the Con-golese people to freely determine theirown destiny. Thus in Congo-Kinshasa, theFLNC will tirelessly pursue the struggleagainst all agents of the money powers totheir total destruction. On the interna-tional level, the struggle by theFLNC aims to substitute relationships ofdomination which presently characterizethe foreign relations of the Congo, withcooperative relations with all the peoplesof the world, i.e., all states which mani-festly express this.

Definitely, for these relationships ofdomination, the FLNC intends to substi-tute relationships based on mutual inte-rest and collaboration on a basis of equal-ity and with reciprocal respect for the sov-ereignty of each people. Then, the FLNChas to solemnly advise all internationalpublic opinion that any investment madein the Congo under the present climate ofdomination, or if you wish, any aid sup-plied to the present regime to maintainitself, must be classified as lost funds. Forthe Congo will never know peace unlessthere is an end to the system of domina-tion by the money powers which the fas-cist regime of Mobutu established 17years ago. Finally, in conclusion, theFLNC wants to emphasize for all thosewho, for humanitarian reasons, invoke,like the Belgian Minister for Cooperation,Mr. Outers, the danger of civil wars andthe subsequent loss of lives, that it is thedomination of the Congo by imperialistpowers which remains the primary reasonfor the civil wars which the Congo has al-ways known. That, by its policy char-acterized by a generalized neglect on the

African people all over the world denounced the murder of Patrice Lumumba in 1961.Above, demonstrators in Cairo Egypt burn US embassy car.

Black people shoutwhitewash of Lumu

social level, Mobutu'still remains the prirdeath which monthling hundreds of th<and which, in anycause of the presentCongo. And to putthe civil war, but ;sassinations and to twidespread in theone solution: Mobut

Let his friends, lihim understand thipeople, under the leknow, since Lumithat liberty has itsthey prefer to payfernal cycle—orpharorphan's father—whsociety in which thicenturies.

However, to wagefor national liberatiithe development oCongolese people, uithe FLNC will alwa:ces. Since March 8,not stopped proviniobject and will no

20

Black people shouting "You are all murderers, you murdered Lumumba," disrupted UNwhitewash of Lumumba's assasination.

social level, Mobutu's regime has been andstill remains the principal cause of naturaldeath which monthly plunges into mourn-ing hundreds of thousands of Congoleseand which, in any case, is already thecause of the present civil war raging in theCongo. And to put an end, not only tothe civil war, but also the political as-sassinations and to the early natural deathwidespread in the Congo, there is onlyone solution: Mobutu's resignation.

Let his friends, like Mr. Outers, makehim understand this. But the Congolesepeople, under the leadership of the FLNCknow, since Lumumba's assassination,that liberty has its price. And this pricethey prefer to pay to end forever the in-fernal cycle—orphan, orphan's son, andorphan's father—which characterizes thesociety in which they have lived for fivecenturies.

However, to wage their struggle—todayfor national liberation and tomorrow forthe development of their country—theCongolese people, under the leadership ofthe FLNC will always rely on its own for-ces. Since March 8, 1977, the FLNC hasnot stopped proving it. But it does notobject and will not object to any dis-

interested support from progressive, free-dom-, justice- and peace-loving peoples.And as stated by the late, lamented heroof the Congo, Patrice Lumumba, forwhom we commemorated the 17th anni-versary of his assassination with the delib-erate assistance of the present leader ofthe Congo, Joseph Desire Mobutu: "Tothe concerted action of the imperialistpowers, of which the Belgian colonialistsare only the instrument, we must opposethe united front of free and strugglingpeoples. We must confront the enemiesof liberty with the coalition of free men."

Also, the FLNC appeals to all westernpeoples and particularly to the Belgianpeople to oppose the maneuvers of theirleaders to drag some of their sons intonew colonialist adventures which will ruinforever their relationships with the Congo-lese people.

However, conscious today more thanever that ". . . independence is not givenon a silver platter but is seized," theFLNC affirms and will always affirm:

THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES:CONQUER OR DIE!

-FLNC

21

PRESS RELEASE-CONGO-KINSHASAMarch 8, 1978

External RepresentationBenelux

Message from the President of the FLNCto the Congolese People

Congolese Comrades,

March 8 is a date which will forever re-main memorable in the history of theCongolese people.

In fact, it marks the launching of thearmed struggle for national liberation bythe FLNC to liberate the Congolese peo-ple^from imperialist exploitation and fromthe oppressive regime of Mobutu.

Since its creation almost ten years ago,the FLNC as a Movement of national lib-eration, has constantly reinforced itselfpolitically and militarily. And after ana-lyzing the situation of misery in which theCongolese people was plunged by a pup-pet regime, in the service of internationalcapitalists, the FLNC took the firm deci-sion to launch an armed struggle for na-tional liberation on March 8, 1977 tobring down the anti-people regime in Kin-shasa characterized by a total incapacityto manage the affairs of state for the goodof the people.

Mobutu, hard-pressed, found the pre-text to mask the agony of his regime byimputing to the FLNC the responsibilityof a "sabotage" of the national economywhen that was already in chaos. It mustbe remembered once again that the armedstruggle conducted by the FLNC from theprovince of Shaba did not have a seces-sionist aim, as Mobutu and his imperialistmasters claimed.

The Congolese people understood thatit was a maneuver by their enemies to sowdivision and thus prevent all the Congo-lese people from supporting the just strug-gle conducted under the leadership of theFLNC.

Not only did the Congolese people un-derstand but, besides, are in solidaritywith the FLNC. That is the meaning ofthe popular uprisings which are wide-spread throughout the country and which

are met by massacres, favorite arms of adying regime. These massacres, far frompreventing the struggle from continuing,only reinforce the conviction of the Con-golese people of the justness of theirstruggle under FLNC leadership. Far fromdeterring the people, they only retard thevictory which is, however, inescapable.

That is why, strengthened by this pop-ular support, the FLNC continues thearmed struggle relying on its own forceswithout waiting for any help from out-side. While he prides himself on the con-fidence of the Congolese people and, de-spite a well-armed army, Mobutu has yetnot hesitated to ask and obtain merce-naries from several foreign countries, whohave fought and continue to fight againstus.

Is there any more convincing proof thatthis guard-dog of imperialist interests doesnot have popular standing?

The Congolese people can be assured ofvictory, thanks to their courage and de-termination to support the legitimatestruggle led by the FLNC.

This is why, in the name of the CentralCommittee of the FLNC and in my per-sonal name, I ask the Congolese people tojoin me in observing a moment's silence inmemory of all fighters who have fallen onthe battlefield. . . .These martyrs of theRevolution, our heroes, who accepteddeath in the liberation of our people fromthe claws of imperialism and thus, in sav-ing the Congolese nation, I can assure thattheir memory will be respected by contin-uing the armed struggle until total libera-tion of our country.

As for you, liberation fighters in theFLNC, the Congolese people can be proudof you on seeing the courage and the de-termination with which you showed theworld that you are capable of defendingtheir cause. In any circumstance,throughout the struggle, you have, in fact,proved your strength in facing the puppetarmy despite the military support thatMobutu received from his French and Bel-gian imperialist masters through intermed-iary regimes such as Morocco, (IdiAmin's) Uganda, Egypt, etc.

22

And at this pr(cannot claim, desphe has won the w*tinues throughoui

Comrade liberators

Thanks to youtermination, you]discipline, you coiare not afraid of iIn fact, since the cyou have faced ssides Mobutu's pu]

For all those Fdan and Egypticrushed were not'

The FLNC, "ressocialism," fightpeople.

And at this precise moment, Mobutucannot claim, despite all his support, thathe has won the war, for the struggle con-tinues throughout Congolese territory.

Comrade liberators,

Thanks to your conviction, your de-termination, your experience and yourdiscipline, you constantly prove that youare not afraid of mercenaries of any type.In fact, since the offensive of last March 8,you have faced some major powers be-sides Mobutu's puppet army.

For all those French, Moroccan, Ugan-dan and Egyptian pilots whom youcrushed were nothing but soldiers in the

regular armies of the above-mentionedcountries.

Thus, in the name of the Central Com-mittee and in my personal name, I askyou to persevere with the same determi-nation and the same discipline; do notgive the enemy any respite, for he must beconstantly harassed until the total libera-tion of our country.

THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES!CONQUER OR DIE!

March 8, 1978Lt. General Nathaniel MbumbaPresident of the FLNC

The FLNC, "resolutely committed to the struggle for total independence, democracy andsocialism," fights to put control of the Congo's enormous wealth back into the hands of thepeople.

23

PRESS RELEASE-CONGO-KINSHASAMarch 18, 1978

Mobutu Killswith the Complicity of Imperialism

and the Collusion of "Zairians"

The Congolese National LiberationFront informs world opinion of the fol-lowing:

Once more, the fascist, neocolonial re-gime in power in Kinshasa has just beencaught in another major shameful crime.After Lumumba, Okito, Mpolo, afterKimba, Bamba, Mahamba and Anany,after Lubaya, Mulele, the students at Lou-vanium in 1969 and 1971, as well as tensof thousands of Congolese taken awayand discreetly eliminated in the caves ofBinza, Mobutu has again killed morechildren of the Congo.

But if we must condemn the author ofthis odious and infamous crime, we mustnot forget all those who, in one way oranother, armed the murderer and thosewho lent assistance.

Once more, the complicity of represen-tatives of world imperialism and particu-larly the Belgian government is obvious.In fact, to forestall popular attacks orcertain surprises on the Mobutist regime,which has been, remains and will alwaysremain the best guarantee of its enormousprofits, imperialism has managed and willalways manage to denounce any actionwhich will implicate Mobutu's bloody re-gime. This operation is easy for it if itknows the authors and all the modali-ties of this action.

This would be even better facilitatedif there are Congolese willing to—con-sciously—inform imperialism of the ac-tions conceived by other Congoleseagainst Mobutu's bloody regime. This isprecisely what happened.

After Mampa was condemned to death,you have Kalume and his companions ex-posed, condemned to death and assassi-nated with the complicity of intelligenceagents of the Belgian government, over-seer of the imperialist undertaking in theCongo, agents who are members of the so-called opposition movement, M.A.R.C.

In fact, convinced that without the sup-port and complicity of the Belgian govern-

ment, it was impossible for them tochange the political situation in the Congo,the members of M.A.R.C. contacted Bel-gain imperialist circles to whom theyreported information concerning prepara-tions for actions that some patriotic sol-diers of the Mobutist army wanted toundertake. These soldiers had submittedtheir proposals to Congolese political or-ganizations in either false or real opposi-tion to the regime so as to obtain theirsupport.

But M.A.R.C., so as to obtain the sup-port of the Belgian government, indispen-sable in its eyes, let them pass as its mem-bers and from then, presented itself asauthor of these preparations. And to con-vince its listeners, it delivered up thenames of the true authors, its so-calledmembers.

This allowed the Belgian government tocome into possession of "first-hand" in-formation and to report it faithfully tothe bloody Mobutu. In fact, the Belgiangovernment which is the official represen-tative of the money powers exploiting theCongolese people and pillaging the eco-nomic wealth of their country, does notintend to see the regime presently inpower in Kinshasa toppled, as long as theFLNC, the most important revolutionaryorganization and true reflection of thedeep, legitimate aspirations of the Congo-lese people, poses a major threat to thecontinuation of the enormous profitswhich the money powers withdraw fromthe Congo.

Also, thanks to the Members ofM.A.R.C., the Belgian government trans-mitted Col. Mampa's intentions toMobutu.

Thanks to M.A.R.C. again—there is nomore scorn on this point for it is the sec-ond time—the Belgian government trans-mitted to Mobutu the intentions ofKalume and his friends.

Condemnations by members ofM.A.R.C. will no longer deceive anyone:they must make them to allow themselvesto continue wearing the mantle of opposi-tion and to continue thus to expose otherCongolese who will inform them of their

24

plans against the IVThe Congolese,

tisans, will not foigian governmentMampa, Major KThey will not for§bers of M.A.R.C.gian governmentMajor Kalume and

The FLNC hasthat revolutionaryonly way to nati<safety of the Congi

Also, the FLN(reservations on it

General Mobutu, the Shah of Africa.

plans against the Mobutu regime.The Congolese, particularly FLNC par-

tisans, will not forget that it was the Bel-gian government which exposed ColonelMampa, Major Kalume and his friends.They will not forget that it was the mem-bers of M.A.R.C. who informed the Bel-gian government on Colonel Mampa,Major Kalume and his friends.

The FLNC has to remind all Congolesethat revolutionary armed struggle is theonly way to national liberation and thesafety of the Congolese people.

Also, the FLNC, which had noted itsreservations on the outcome of the ac-

tions planned by these patriotic soldiersof Mobutu's army, calls all Congolese pa-triots and particularly the patriotic sol-diers who remain in Mobutu's army, torejoin its ranks, like a good number ofsoldiers of the Kamanyola division, ratherthan continue to be faithful to the worksof agents of imperialism and neo-colonialism.

THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES!CONQUER OR DIE!

(signed) N. MbumbaLt. General and Presidentof the FLNC

25

S O

£*u

: ;I !

FLNC fighter placing mine for surprise attack on Mobutu's troops.

Section: Europe

PRESS RELEASE-CONGO-KINSHASAMarch 21,1978

The Congolese National LiberationFront (FLNC) brings before world opin-ion the information that at the end ofa desperate struggle which brought theFLNC freedom fighters against the pup-pet Mobutuist forces, in the region of Ka-saji, from March 18 to 20, 1978, the gen-eral of the Zairian brigade, Ikuku, 3 ma-jors and a captain were killed.

At the same time, a train which wastransporting some military equipment ex-ploded on a mine placed by the FLNCfreedom fighters 20 kilometers from Lu-budi. These freedom fighers, after neutral-izing the Mobutuist soldiers who wereescorting this train, took possession ofseveral heavy and light arms as well as ofammunitions. The rest was destroyed.

The FLNC recalls that the action un-dertaken since March 8 of last year(1977), is presently pursued with moredetermination by the freedom fightersand explains the recent events relatedhere.

The FLNC states besides, that the inter-national press, fed by the Zairian pressagency (AZAP), organizes a true conspira-cy of silence on the actual situation inCongo-Kinshasa (Zaire) and thus makesitself an accomplice of the Zairian dicta-tor and assassin, Mobutu Sese Seko.

Finally, the FLNC insists on the factthat the armed struggle it is waging inCongo-Kinshasa aims to liberate the Con-golese people completely from the cor-rupt and antisocial regime at Kinshasa andwarns the imperialist powers who do notalways understand that Mobutu's regimeno longer has any internal democraticcredibility and therefore is obliged to or-ganize violence to maintain itself in power.

THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES!CONQUER OR DIE!

The President of the FLNCLt. General and Commander-in-Chief of the Popular ArmedForces of Congo-Kinshasa,Comrade in Struggle,

(signed) N. Mbumba

26

The Congolese NtContinue*

National Liberal

Two months wthe Popular Arm*shasa (FAPC), thCongolese Natio(FLNC), to restruof the new situatsuited, notablyin the presence iforce—allegedly Ltroops from MoIvory Coast, CeiTogo and Gabon-tu's army compriries from the wesGerman, English,African) as well iUNITA, FNLA, :organizations) ascountries in imp<In the latter case,of Belgian soldithroughout the clince of "Shaba":kasi, Lubumbashquarters were atWest German soldthe towns of Man<lo) and a reinfc(1,100 men betweKolwezi and Kaianother battalionquartered in theZaire" to Kinshasa

Thus, after settharass Mobutu's iFLNC guerrillas 1;1978 a far-reachinroccan battalion (in the town of Salater, the FAPC wtire Sandoa area,soldiers who, on :dead, 87 wounded

The shelling cplanes piloted bypersonnel and usincraters 8 to 10 meas napalm bombs,commanded by 1

PRESS RELEASE-CONGO-KINSHASASeptember 26, 1978

The Congolese National Liberation FrontContinues the Struggle for

National Liberation in Congo-Kinshasa

Two months were hardly adequate forthe Popular Armed Forces of Congo-Kin-shasa (FAPC), the military branch of theCongolese National Liberation Front(FLNC), to restructure itself as a functionof the new situation in "Zaire." That re-sulted, notably on the military level,in the presence in "Zaire" of a militaryforce—allegedly Inter-African—comprisingtroops from Morocco, Egypt, Senegal,Ivory Coast, Central African Republic,Togo and Gabon— in the ranks of Mobu-tu's army comprised largely of mercena-ries from the west (French, Belgian, WestGerman, English, American, white SouthAfrican) as well as Africans (members ofUNITA, FNLA, FLEC, puppet Angolanorganizations) as well as troops fromcountries in imperialist western Europe.In the latter case, there were: a battalionof Belgian soldiers (850 men spreadthroughout the chief towns of the prov-ince of "Shaba": Kipushi, Kamboye, Li-kasi, Lubumbashi, and whose generalquarters were at Kamina), a battalion ofWest German soldiers (750 commandos inthe towns of Manono, Kalemi and Kongo-lo) and a reinforced French battalion(1,100 men between Lubumbashi, Likasi,Kolwezi and Kananga to Kasai) whileanother battalion of French troops werequartered in the chief towns of "Bas-Zaire" to Kinshasa.

Thus, after setting several ambushes toharass Mobutu's forces to the maximum,FLNC guerrillas launched on August 22,1978 a far-reaching attack against the Mo-roccan battalion (800 soldiers) stationedin the town of Sandoa. Less than an hourlater, the FAPC was in control of the en-tire Sandoa area, routing the Moroccansoldiers who, on fleeing, left behind 150dead, 87 wounded and 32 prisoners.

The shelling carried out by Mirageplanes piloted by French and Egyptianpersonnel and using bombs hollowing outcraters 8 to 10 meters in diameter, as wellas napalm bombs, compelled the FLNC,commanded by Major George Mansoji,

to fall back, taking away the bodies oftheir three companions killed during thebombing and their 8 wounded.

The massive intervention of the "Zair-ian" military air force at Sandoa was pro-longed for 2 days, to allow the arrival of3 battalions sent as reinforcements fromKasaji. These were harassed some kilo-meters from Kasaji and had to turn back,abandoning on the ground 48 dead, 38 ofwhom were.from the west.

in two months (from mid-July to mid-September), the FAPC laid 153 ambushes,putting out of combat more than 1,30Usoldiers from the coalition troops in"Zaire" under the NATO banner (includ-ing wounded); they destroyed 57 armoredvehicles, more than 350 lorries ana mili-tary jeeps and recovered a lot of militaryequipment of all kinds originating in ma-jor western imperialist countries and evenfrom "People's" China. During this time,the FAPC recorded only 18 dead and 22wounded.

The FLNC recalls for international pub-lic opinion that: no longer would the con-spiracy of silence knowingly laid around"Zaire" on the instigation of the slavishpowers, protectors of "Zaire," crush thevoice of the Congolese people in claimingtheir desire for liberty, the different meas-ures desired by these powers and executedby Mobutu under their guard could notdistract their attention from the fixedobjective:

The reconquest of national indepen-dence in Congo-Kinshasa taken byworld imperialism three months afterits proclamation thanks to the activeinvolvement of the present dictatorof "Zaire," President-General Joseph-Desire Mobutu Sese Seko.

The fascist neo-colonial "Zairian" couldthen normalize relationships with allcountries bordering "Zaire," undertakewith some of these governments to for-cibly repatriate "Zairian" refugees wholive there, in flagrant violation of interna-tional law "so that they do not swell theranks of the FLNC"—as is the case in theSudan and in Zambia—and resort to elec-

27

tronic or satellite surveillance of the bor-ders of "Zaire." He could no longer evenprevent the FLNC from continuing to or-ganize the Congolese people inside"Zaire," as has been done since 1976, andto pursue its struggle for national libera-tion.

The only cleavage existing today in"Zaire" is political. It is that which op-poses the oppressed and superexploitedCongolese people to the neo-colonial fas-cist, monarchical and autocratic regime inpower in Kinshasa.

Thus, no more will the increase in thoseloyal to world imperialism, such as Karl I.Bond, mean respect for personal libertiesby the dictatorial regime of Mobutu, noreconciliation on a tribalist or regionalistbasis which was its principal motivation,would be considered democratization ofthe political life in "Zaire."

Consequently, the Congolese NationalLiberation Front (FLNC) will continuethe revolutionary armed struggle fornational liberation as long as true de-mocracy is not re-established: that whichwould allow all the Congolese people toinvolve themselves in an irreversible wayin the path of social progress, which willguarantee Congo-Kinshasa its true inde-pendence and the Congolese nation, totalsovereignty in its own country.

THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES!CONQUER OR DIE!

For the Congolese NationalLiberation Front (FLNC),

Lt. General Nathaniel Mbumba,President of the Central Committeeand Commander-in-Chief of thePopular Armed Forces of Congo-Kinshasa

Belgian puppet Moise Tshombe greets one of the white mercenaries hired to defend thesecession of mineral rich Katanga province from the nationalist Lumumba government.

28

The FLNC andon the 1

Regarding the Efollowing powers aGermany, Englamgium, Canada, Uniland, Iran (underPahlavi), Italy, IiFund, and the EElCommunity) a meing the implemenlplan for Zaire's ec<butu Plan "-the FI

—Recalls that ittation and repressitension of the Molplains the econoiasphyxiation presei

—Notes that theirian regime has beby the capitalist ]which establishedpower;

—Observes that1978, when the Zileadership, expressthemselves from tbetter assume thabove-mentioned ptarily on the sidelegitimate aspiratiiCongo-Kinshasa. In1978, in Paris, thejtary force, which tZairian territory,violation of the clthe OAU; while, iJuly 1978, theseso-called emergencbutu's regime, assiibetter called andying government.

—States that deeconomic assistancguided by it, has itne economic and ihas continued to ithis time Mobutu rhis village sanctuaat the expense oftransferral of the bi

EXTERNAL DELEGATION OF THE FLNC

November 9, 1978

The FLNC and the Brussels Meetingon the Mobutu Plan

Regarding the Brussels meeting of thefollowing powers and organizations: WestGermany, England, Saudi Arabia, Bel-gium, Canada, United States, France, Hol-land, Iran (under Shah Mohammed RezaPahlavi), Italy, International MonetaryFund, and the EEC (European EconomicCommunity) a meeting aimed at examin-ing the implementation of the recoveryplan for Zaire's economy, called the "Mo-butu Plan "-the FLNC:

—Recalls that it is the policy of exploi-tation and repression, revived by the pre-tension of the Mobutu regime, which ex-plains the economic decay and socialasphyxiation presently existing in Zaire;

—Notes that the bankruptcy of the Za-irian regime has been universally declaredby the capitalist powers, the same oneswhich established it and maintain it inpower;

—Observes that twice, in 1977 and in1978, when the Zairian people, under itsleadership, expressed the desire to freethemselves from the Mobutu regime, tobetter assume their own destiny, theabove-mentioned powers intervened mili-tarily on the side of Mobutu against thelegitimate aspirations of the people ofCongo-Kinshasa. In the same way, in June1978, in Paris, they set up a so-called mili-tary force, which up to now is occupyingZairian territory, in great defiance andviolation of the charters of the UN andthe OAU; while, meeting in Brussels inJuly 1978, these same powers grantedso-called emergency assistance to Mo-butu's regime, assistance which would bebetter called an "oxygen tank" for adying government.

—States that despite this military andeconomic assistance, the Zairian people,guided by it, has not disarmed; and thattne economic and social situation in Zairehas continued to worsen, even if duringthis time Mobutu receives, with pomp, inhis village sanctuary, foreign delegationsat the expense of the Prince, during thetransferral of the body of his late wife and

which he offers in the style of the Vati-can's Sistine chapel;

—Says that the Mobutu Plan is a delay-ing tactic by imperialism aimed at hoaxingthe Zairian people and destined to pro-long the reprieve for the Mobutu regime.To this end, it could not surprise the vigi-lance of the Zairian people;

—Draws the attention of the powersconcerned that the system of forced laborwas abolished in Zaire, that this countryacceded to independence on June 30,1960, that in no way will the Zairian peo-ple implement a task or register with theMobutu Plan, that the above-mentionedpowers do not have to pretend to createour happiness in our countries and espec-ially against our will;

—Insists on the fact that sending na-tionals of the powers concerned and IMFexperts to Zaire with the purpose of re-adjusting the economy is a sign of polit-ical blindness or in any case, of bad faitn.Zaire's recovery depends on Zairianstnemselves first of all and demands acnange in structure and implies the resig-nation of tne Mobutu regime:

—Is surprised that the powers con-cerned say that they belong to the "free"and "democratic"world, when their dailypractice in the Third World shows thecontrary; the Zairians, like elsewhere to-day, the Iranians, Nicaraguans, Chileans,like other peoples of the world, have theright and liberty to choose their institu-tions and their social and economic sys-tem, without the powers concerned hav-ing each time to speak of alternatives todictatorships;

—Invites all Zairian peasants, workers,laborers and intellectuals to boycott anypresent and future activity arising fromthe Mobutu plan; and

—Makes an appeal for solidarity to allprogressive humanity who favor the juststruggle of the Zairian people.

THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES!CONQUER OR DIE!

29

EXTERNAL DELEGATION OF THE FLNCNovember 11, 1978

The FLNC and the Organization for theLiberation of the Congo (OLC)

From the article in the newspaper, LeSoir, from November 9,1978, comment-ing on the creation of the Zairian opposi-tion group within the OLC, the ExternalDelegation of the FLNC recalls that theFLNC, created since 1968 by the Congo-lese, is the only political and militarygrouping struggling for the overthrow ofthe dictatorial, corrupt and antisocialMobutu regime. It consists of com-patriots from all regions in the Congo(Zaire) and objects to all tribal, regionaland other distinctions. In the search forthe unification of the Zairian oppositionMovement, the FLNC initiated attemptsat dialogue which ended, in 1977, in theformation of the CSL (Supreme LiberationCouncil) comprising the PRP (People'sRevolutionary Party) and the FLNC.

The CSL opens its doors to all Congo-lese patriots who intend to work for trueliberation and for the re-establishment ofdemocracy in the Congo. The FLNC issurprised, however, to find out that in-stead of rejoining the CSL, certain organi-

zations manifestly inspired and manipu-lated by the hidden forces without realstanding in the country, are doing theirutmost to multiply common fronts tovague objectives and have the unadmittedaim of sowing confusion and delaying na-tional liberation. FLNC invites the publicto surround themselves with vigilance vis-a-vis such phantom organizations, and re-affirms its faith and determination tocontinue the armed struggle under all itsforms with a view to accelerating theliquidation of the neo-colonial systemrepresented by Mobutu and his "barons."The FLNC is in no way bothered by theOLC and has no idea, given that it is theonly legitimate movement in Congolesehistory, to rally to such a non-represen-tative organization. It denounces thenumerous maneuvers aimed at discre-diting it and sowing division within it.Finally, the FLNC denounces the con-spiracy of silence of which it has beenthe victim in recent times by the press,particularly the Belgian press, which,however, largely echoes organizationswhich often represent only their authors.The struggle continues.

The F.L.N.C.of the internatiorparticular, the jfollowing:

In light of theour country, Conall fronts (politicalomatically), the <fascist and unpopuof Africa" Mobutiin his usual mannerepression on tthrough attacksZairian CIA) andThe army, insteF.A.P.C. (the mF.L.N.C.) which ison imperialism andescalated attacks 01

Mobutu is nagents outside thekill his opponents aimembers. For inst;an ex-C.N.D.I. chParis. In Belgium,bassador the ex-ch

FLNC President/Lieutenant-General M'Bumba fires US-made M-16 captured from Mobutu'stroops. Women's Battalion

the Congo (FAPC),

30

EXTERNAL DELEGATION OF THE FLNC1981

The F.L.N.C. brings to the attentionof the international community and, inparticular, the American public, thefollowing:

In light of the escalation of the war inour country, Congo-Kinshasa (Zaire) onall fronts (politically, militarily, and dip-lomatically), the corrupt and moribund,fascist and unpopular regime of the "Shahof Africa" Mobutu Sese Seko has reactedin his usual manner. He has increased therepression on the Congolese peoplethrough attacks by the C.N.D.I. (theZairian CIA) and by the Zairian Army.The army, instead of attacking theF.A.P.C. (the military wing of theF.L.N.C.) which is relentless in its attackson imperialism and the Zairian Army, hasescalated attacks on the people.

Mobutu is\w sending C.N.D.I.agents outside the country to attack andkill his opponents and particularly F.L.N.C.members. For instance, he has appointedan ex-C.N.D.I. chief as ambassador toParis. In Belgium, he appointed as am-bassador the ex-chief prosecutor of Zaire

who sent many opponents to death.Now in the U.S.A. he has sent killer

agents such as Aka and Makemo to thiscountry. Aka was formerly in Belgiumwith the purpose of killing opponents.Aka and others were then sent to Tan-zania and Zambia where they kidnappedmany F.L.N.C. members in collaborationwith corrupt elements of the secret serviceof those respective countries. Theycrossed the borders into Zaire where ourcomrades were killed.

The F.L.N.C. urges all progressive-minded people to publicize this informa-tion and to speak out against this height-ened level of attack against the Congo-lese people and its vanguard and fightingarm, the F.L.N.C.

For more information, contact theUnited States representative of theF.L.N.C. in care of the Material Aid Cam-paign for ZANU-PF at 212-868-3330.

For more information contact theCongolese National Liberation Front,U.S. Section, P.O. Box 2919 Grand Cen-tral Station, New York, N.Y. 10007.

Women's Battalion of the Popular Armed Forces ofthe Congo (FAPC), military branch of the FLNC. I

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The Statutes of the Congolese National Liberation Front M

CHAPTER I: GENERAL PRINCIPLES

Article 1. The creation of the CONGOLESE NATIONAL LIBERATIONFRONT (F.L.N.C.) represents the triumph of the thought of Patrice Lumum-ba, the logical consequence of the political experience of the Congolese peoplein the neocolonial situation to which the Congo-Kinshasa has been subjectedsince independence on June 30, 1960.

Article 2. THE F.L.N.C. is the vanguard revolutionary organization of thepeople of Congo-Kinshasa, which is known today as the Republic of Zaire.

The purpose of the F.L.N.C. is to regroup all of the active forcesof the country, notably the peasants, the workers and the revolutionary in-tellectuals, in order to build a popular political-military FRONT. Its funda-mental task is to lead a national liberation struggle which will bring about theannihilation of the fascist dictatorship now in power in Kinshasa, and institutein its place a popular government which will end the regime of exploitation ofman by man imposed upon our people by imperialism and its total lackeys.

Article 3. The F.L.N.C. is a revolutionary and a progressive movement. Itseeks to become the leading nucleus of the Congolese people, drawing itspower from the masses of workers and peasants, the militants and the revolu-tionary intellectuals resolutely committed to the struggle for total indepen-dence, democracy and socialism.

The F.L.N.C. exists for the people.

It serves the people, that is to say, it serves the exploited masses ofthe Congolese people.

Three general principles characterize the F.L.N.C.: revolutionarytheory, political-military discipline, and a oneness with the masses, a militantsolidarity with all the oppressed people struggling in the world.

FIRMLY committed to the struggle of oppressed people, theF.L.N.C. resolutely unites with all parties and movements which pursue thesame objectives as it does, and it supports all movements and peoples engagedin the national liberation struggle against colonialism, neo-colonialism, andimperialism.

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Published by:

John Brown Book Club,Prairie Fire Organizing Committee

Available from:

FLNC US SectionP.O. Box 2919Grand Central StationNew York, NY 10007

John Brown Book ClubP.O. Box 14422San Francisco, CA 94114

Solidarity DistributorsBox 2532520 North LincolnChicago, IL 60614

Price:

1-10 copies: S2.00 + .40 postage10 or more: $1.20 plus .25 postage eachProceeds from this go to the FLNC.

$2.00