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LSE/Oxford – Brazil Forum – Panel: Democracy and society
DR. CAROLINA MATOS
LECTURER IN SOCIOLOGY
CITY UNIVERSITY LONDON
Key points * The re-democratization phase in Brazil – from Fernando Henrique Cardoso to Dilma
* Reasons for the crisis in Brazil, and the disillusionment with democracy
* Equality and democracy: why it matters?
* Historical and intellectual perspectives
* Deliberative democracy versus “antagonistic”: the case of Europe and the UK
* Pluralism, diversity and democracy in Brazil
* Current context, short term scenarios and future challenges
* Conclusions and questions for thought
The democratic period after the dictatorship * Brazil has seen a reduction in inequality levels between 1996 and 2006, during the governments of Cardoso and Lula, and later Dilma
* Model of “consensus” – Governments since the re-democratization phase have combined a commitment to economic growth and to attend to the principles of citizen rights and inclusion upheld by the 1988 Brazilian Constitution
* Success of the Real Plan and insertion of the country in the global market economy
* Boost to social welfare programmes, such as Bolsa Familia, and other public policies for social inclusion
* Changing nature of the old structures of Brazilian society - entry of new players from less privileged backgrounds in public life, expansion of the role of women in the market and politics
Reasons for the crisis in Brazil, and the disillusionment with democracy
* Collapse of the model of governability – a political system composed of a multi-party system of 35 parties, which leads to excessive fragmentation and efforts of co-option from the presidency
* Corruption and promiscuous relationships – Investigations conducted from the Car Wash scandal have shown that all parties have been affected in different periods of Brazilian history, past and present
* Economic recession - The model that prevailed during Lula’s term of economic growth and social inclusion has come to an end. Brazil is in its 3rd year of negative growth.
* Authoritarianism in Brazilian society – Political polarization and the persistence of authoritarian practices of the past (“the abuse of the powerful over the weak”)
* Disillusionment with democratic governance (from FHC to Lula) – Disenchantment with Brazilian politicians and many of its core institutions, including sectors of the justice system.
Reasons for the crisis in Brazil, and the disillusionment with democracy
* Errors of Dilma’s government - Economic mismanagement and inability to revert the recession, followed by an increasing political crisis
* End of the “Lula model” - End of the commodity boom, without another model to put in its place. Rising inflation, debt and unemployment
* Cycle of 15/20 years has ended – Political system is on the break of being destroyed, leading to a rise in authoritarianism and the emergence of extreme right wing politicians (i.e. Bolsonaro), deep hostility and disillusionment towards democratic politics and elections
* Weakening of democracy and of pluralism - Fragility of the presidency system, fears and anxiety over threats posed to a growth of human rights violations and repression of social movements and protests, increase in censorship practices, weakening of diversity in the media, loss of rights for women, workers and minorities.
Equality and democracy: why does it matter?*
From J. S. Mill to Habermas:
Relationship between democracy, equality, and social inclusion:
* The 19th century saw battles for universal suffrage and against the property qualifications of citizenship
* The quality of democratic decision-making depends on sustained conditions of dialogue, deliberation and talk
* Notable, the underrepresentation of women and ethnic minorities threatens the democratic vitality of democratic decision-making.
* Thus democratic struggle is above all about expanding the space for the inclusion of a wider citizen body, avoiding exclusions based on property, gender, race or ethnicity
* Philips (1999) and Matos (2012)
Equality and democracy: why does it matter?*
* Democracies hold a thin promise of political equality and popular participation, but, as many scholars note, no country in the world has managed to live up fully to its ideals (i.e. Blaug and Schwarzmantel, 2000)
* I.e. Similarly to the struggles of the African-American civil rights movements in the US in the 1960’s, voting rights were only conceded to women with a lot of reluctance in the first half of the 20th century
* Social inclusion and the reduction of poverty is good for economic growth – the equality debate has returned to the global agenda
* Thus democratic struggle is above all about expanding the space for the inclusion of a wider citizen body, avoiding exclusions based on property, gender, race or ethnicity
* Philips (1999) and Matos (2012)
The “antagonistic” versus the “consensus” deliberative model of democracy
* In a criticism to Habermas’s public sphere model and Gidden’s third way, Mouffe (2000) has criticised deliberative democracy
* The strive for consensus and the search for the rational consensus can be proven futile.
* Also critical of a supposed end to the left/right wing dichotomy
* Criticisms:
* Disillusionment with democracy as an international trend – Europe/US has also seen the rise of separatist movements, far right politics (i.e. Trump/the Brexit?), disenfranchisement, voter apathy and political cynicism
* An antagonistic model produces what we are currently seeing now in Brazil, when there is a desperate need for a new model of consensus, dialogue and nation building and a strengthening of democracy
Pillars of democracy in the European Union and the UK
* What is the “democratic European consensus”?:
* Promotion and protection of human rights
* Sustainable peace, development and prosperity
* Equal opportunities and equality acts; anti-racism and xenophobia
* The European welfare state (different models throughout Europe) – quality public services, importance of health and education
* Market forces
* Diversity and pluralism in the media, politics and throughout wider society – pressures are for these to expand (i.e. elimination of discrimination and the gender pay gap)
The case of the UK: Conservatives and Labour * Consensus around the core pillars of democracy, including:
* Conservatives have committed themselves to being the party of ending discrimination and fighting for real equality (“The Conservatives have become the party of equality”, David Cameron in The Guardian, 26/10/2015)
* Party that introduced Disability Discrimination Act, and legalised gay marriage
* End to the gender pay gap in a generation
* Commitment to the NHS and public services (with cuts)
* Cuts in public spending and control of the deficit
* Fairness, fair play and respect to the rules of the democratic game
* Britain’s march towards being a more equal society continues
“Women need to be treated as equals”
Paul Healey, Head of Profession Social Development of the UK’s Department of International Development, has argued also over the importance of agency.
“If society does not treat women as equal – they won’t be” (19/09/2014)
Criticisms of the concept in development studies
Current and future challenges for Brazil Current risks and “impasse of democracy”:
* Deepening of economic recession, rise of unemployment and a reversal of the reduction of poverty levels
* Increasing political polarization and return to the authoritarian practices of the dictatorship
* Lack of commitment by elites to efforts to reduce inequality, provide further social inclusion and strengthen democracy
* End to the corruption investigations, or lenience towards certain political parties against others
Challenges:
* To recover the model of consensus (not just between small elite groups), but a model to attend to the development of Brazil, boosting social inclusion and economic growth
Brazil: Diversity, Protests and politics
Short term scenarios and future possibilities Possible short term scenarios:
1) Dilma returns
2) New elections
3) Temer continues
In whichever of them, what is more important is democratic governance and nation building:
* Relationship between the public and private sector
* Wider participation of civil society in democratic decision making and attendance to the needs of social movements and other pressure groups
Short term scenarios and future possibilities * Stronger institutions, fairer and more representative of Brazilian society – from government, to the Justice system
* Improvement of investments to education and health public services
* Political reform and an end to campaign financing
* Tax reform and privatisation
* Strengthening of human rights legislation, commitment to reduce police violence
* Wider commitment by elites to strengthen human capital, pay more taxes from the highest earners and contribute more to the development of the country
* More professionalism, consensus and rationality – against ideological extremes and criminalization or marginalisation of the poor, minorities and sectors of “the left”
Conclusions and questions for thought * Democracy is imperfect, but that is the best model we have so far
* Democracy needs to be properly understood and taken seriously – it does not limit itself to elections only, of having a society where everyone is “exactly like me”
* Antagonistic politics is not the way forward, and will do little to serve us in the long run except increase divisions and hatred amongst groups
* Corruption should continue to be significantly reduced and punished, but it is not the only problem
* Strengthening of political pluralism and diversity across Brazilian society and media
* Wider commitment come from sectors of the Brazilian elite, who should work to advance progress and well being for the population
Thank you!
•Dr. Carolina Matos
•Department of Sociology
•City University London