kenya poverty
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Measuring and Monitoring Poverty
The Case of Kenya
Jane Kabubo-Mariara
University of Nairobi
and
Godfrey K. Ndeng¶epresentation at the PADI workshop Serena-Beach Hotel,
Mombasa-Kenya May 7th-8th 2004.
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Outline of Presentation
Background and introduction
PRS/ERS in Kenya
Measur ing and Monitor ing pover ty- Kenya
± Quantitative surveys
± Qualitative Assessments
Pover ty levels from the two methods
Utilizing the statistics/information
Mixed qualitative and quantitative
Conclusion and recommendations
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Background and introduction
In 1997, the WB and the IMF endorsed the preparation andimplementation of pover ty reduction strategy papers (PRSPs) byborrower countr ies seeking to benef it from the enhanced HIPCinitiative.
The PRSP framework entails governments working with their respective stakeholders to draw up pover ty reduction strategy
papers, which once approved by IMF and the WB, provide the basisfor negotiations and agreements among these stakeholders on theplanning and implementation of pover ty interventions in a country.
The PRSP replaced the policy framework paper ( PFP) as the over-arching document that outlines the policy directions and resourceallocation frameworks for IMF and Wor ld bank lending in countr ieseligible for concessional assistance.
Cover ing a three-year time frame, it is envisaged to become thecentrepiece of policy dialogue in all countr ies receiving concessional lending f lows from the WB and the IMF.
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In Kenya, the PRSP is the product of a broad based andinclusive consultation that took place at national,regional, distr ict and divisional level in the country. Thecountrywide consultative process was launched inOctober 2000 at a National Stakeholders For um held inNairobi.
It inc
luded a
lls
take
ho
lder ca
tegor
ies
withspec
ia
l attention to the civil society, vulnerable groups (women,
youth, pastoralist groups and people with disabilities)and the pr ivate sector. To ensure inclusiveness andbroad-based par ticipation, the consultations wereorganized within a national framework consisting of:Divisional consultations; Distr ict Consultative For ums,Provincial Workshops: National Consultative andStakeholders For ums; Thematic Groups; and Sector Working Groups.
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The PRS process
The process received continuous policy guidance from
Cabine
t,
the Cab
ine
tS
ub-Comm
ittee on Econom
icManagement, the National Consultative For um, a
National Steer ing Committee compr ising of Chairpersonsof the var ious Sector Working Groups, Permanent Secretar ies, Civil Society organizations and the pr ivate
sector.
The entire PRSP Consultative and Strategy development process was co-ordinated by a Technical PRSPSecretar iat compr ising of Kenyan professionals from the
Government, civil society, pr ivate sector and the donor community. Kenya¶s Pover ty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) outlines the pr ior ities and measures necessaryfor pover ty reduction and economic growth.
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PRS cycle
The PRS is central to the development of a pro-poor and pro-growth
Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) budget.
The three year MTEF is designed to implement the pr ior ities aimed
at improving the quality of expenditure and the shif ting of resourcestowards pro-poor activities and programmes.
The monitor ing and evaluation component of the PRS seeks to
ensure effectiveness and eff iciency in the allocation of economic
resources to pro-poor development initiatives.
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Strategies identif ied through the PRSP consultation
formed the basis of the Medium Term ExpenditureFramework budget for 2001/2002 and 2002/2003.
Initially agr iculture and r ural development emerged as
the highest pr ior ity nationally. The people indicated thatthis sector whose growth over the years had slowed
down was one major contr ibutor to the r ising pover ty
levels.
Thi
s emph
asis
has no
ws
hif ted and
the
hig
hes
tpr
ior
ity
today is given to human resource development, physical
infrastr ucture and agr iculture and r ural development
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Measures to strengthen the PRS monitoring and
evaluation
to
improve
transparency, acco
un
tab
ility andresponsibility of all stakeholders in the
implementation of the PRS/Economic RecoveryStrategy (ERS), the Ministry of Planning andNational Development has been working with stakeholders in coming up with an integratedsystem for Monitor ing and Evaluation (M&E).
The aim of the integrated M&E is to provide thegovernment and stakeholders with reliablemechanisms to measure the eff iciency and theeffectiveness of public policy in service deliveryto the people.
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PRS/ERS
At the time the NARC government took over from
KANU, the economy was right at the bottom and
there was a feeling that the PRSP alone would not
lead the economy back to a sustainable growth path.
The new government therefore decided to develop a
strategy that would give a short term remedy to the
economic problems facing the country. This led to the
PRSP being validated into an Economic Recovery
Strategy for Wealth and Employment Creation
(Republic of Kenya, 2003a).
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PRS/ERS cont
Today the government recognizes that the sector that would
revive the economy is the Physical infrastructure sector and
also recognized the need to identify with the PRSP priorities of
agriculture and human resource development for the provision
of basic needs.
Government has developed an investment programme that will
lead to growth in employment and reduction of poverty.
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PRS/ERS cont¶d
The PRS/ERS process has tr iggered an increased
demand for detailed pover ty data and the monitor ing and
evaluation of pover ty programmes.
The Government has in turn responded to this demandby establishing two units in the Ministry of Planning and
National Development, namely:
The Pover ty Analysis and Research Unit (PARU) in theCentral Bureau of Statistics and the Monitor ing and
Evaluation Unit (MEU).
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Measur ing and Monitor ing Pover ty- Kenya
± Quantitative Pover ty surveys
Since 1990 3 wms ±1992, 1994, 1997
10,000 hhlds
± Qualitative Pover ty Assessments
Since 1990 3 PPAs 1994, 1996, 2001
10 districts each time
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Def inition of Pover ty from the Assessments
Pover ty is multidimensional and complex in nature and manifestsitself in var ious forms.
No single def inition can exhaustively capture all aspects of pover ty.
According to the Par ticipatory Pover ty Assessment surveys (PPAs),
³pover ty is hunger, lack of shelter; sickness and being unable to seea doctor (afford medical care). Pover ty can also be def ined as not
being able to go to school, not knowing how to read, not being able
to speak proper ly. Pover ty is not having a job and fear for the f uture,
living one day at a time. Pover ty is losing a child to illness brought
about by malnutr ition and unclean water.
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PRSP/ERS definition of poverty
The PRS/ERS similar ly recognized that pover ty is multi-
dimensional and pover ty was def ined to include
inadequacy of income and depr ivation of basic needs
and r ights, and lack of access to productive assets as
well as to social infrastr ucture and markets.
The quantitative approach of measur ing pover ty def ines
the poor as those who cannot afford basic food and non-
food items. The PRS/ERS adopted the quantitative
measures of pover
ty based on
the 1997 WMS da
ta. T
he1997 Welfare Monitor ing Survey estimated the absolute
pover ty line at Kshs 1,239 per person per month and
Kshs 2,648 respectively for r ural and urban areas.
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IN SUMMARY pover ty def ined
Using the qualitative approach based on var ious Par ticipatoryPover ty Assessments (PPAs) under taken since 1994, the peopledef ine, view and exper ience pover ty in different ways.
In the third PPA of 2001, people mainly def ined pover ty as theinability to meet their basic needs. Pover ty was associated with
features such as lack of land, unemployment, inability to feedoneself and one's family, lack of proper housing, poor health andinability to educate children and pay medical bills. Though different
people and communities def ined pover ty differently, pover ty wasinvar iably associated with the inability to meet/afford cer tain basicneeds.
It is clear from the multi-faceted nature of pover ty that the natureand character istics of pover ty go beyond income measures alone.This means that cer tain aspects of pover ty can be captured byquantitative surveys while others can be established by qualitativestudies. In Kenya the two approaches have been used to generateinformation on the magnitude, extent, nature and character istics of pover ty.
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Who are the poor?
Generally, from bo
th the q
ua
lita
tive and
the q
uan
tita
tivepover ty assessments, the poor in Kenya tend to be
clustered into cer tain social categor ies namely: the
landless; people with disabilities; female headed
households; households headed by people without
formal education; pastoralists in drought prone ASALdistr icts; unskilled and semi-skilled casual labourers;
AIDS orphans; street children and beggars; subsistence
farmers; urban slum dwellers; and unemployed youth.
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But how acceptable and comparable are pover ty
measures?
Quantitative:1239 kshs per month per person e.g amongnomadic/pastoral communities«who consume non-marketableproducts that are not typically captured by the food basket..wildfr uits/berr ies, animal blood etc..
This overstates pover ty« among the nomads/pastoralists
Allows compar ison of different communities and therefore objective.
Qualitative.. Wealth ranking presents relative type of pover ty anddoes not allow objective compar ison eg. Kajiado and Makueni distr icts which are quite different.. Ethnic-cultural..livelihoods etc..
Communal ownership« etc The poor in Kajiado are r ich in Makueni.. Based on land, animals,
wifes, children ,and conversely the r ich in Makueni distr ict are poor in Kajiado.. And what do we tell policy makers?
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Monitoring Poverty in Kenya
Frequency of surveys
The welfare monitoring surveys conducted in 1992, 1994 and1997 attempted to monitor the welfare of the people of Kenya.Since then no other quantitative survey based onincome/expenditure has been undertaken since 1997, but plansare underway to conduct a national survey (Kenya Integrated
Household Budget Survey (KIHBS) 2004/05. After this longyear survey, there are plans to conduct a Core WelfareIndicators Questionnaire type of survey once every five yearsor in between a major sample survey such as the KIHBS.
Non-income/expenditure surveys- KDHS every 5 years.. Maternal and
child health indicators.. Immunization, malnutrition, morbidity, mortality,fertility levels and regulation, HIV/AIDS
± MICS 2000, labour force 1998 and many other smaller and area/institutionspecific surveys..eg ILRI, Tegemeo, Universities,Aga Khan etc not to mentionPPAs
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Compar ing quantitative surveys over time
Th
e compar ison of
the res
ults of
the We
lfare Mon
itor
ing S
urveyser ies (WMS I, II and III) may not be completely appropr iate.
methodological concerns that may render compar isons untenable
± Sampling and non-sampling errors: recall errors,memory lapse,
± Timing of Welfare surveys/Seasonal effects: WMS I was carr ied out inthe months of November and December 1992; WMS II between June
and Aug
us
t1994; and WMS III
were cond
uc
ted from Apr
il to J
une 1997
± Questionnaire differences: Questionnaire differences may alsocontr ibute to the differences in survey results. There has beenconcer ted effor t to improve on the questionnaire design and content based on exper iences gained from each of the rounds. For instance,the questionnaire for 1997 WMS III gathered information on more non-food items, (par ticular ly by urban wage earners) than the 1994 WMSII
± WMS ser ies covered only people living in µdwelling str uctures¶. Thismeans that some urban groups living in the most desperate conditionsescape the sampling frame because they are either not living inidentif iable dwellings or are diff icult to reach. This applies for example tobeggars, street children and women in destitute conditions.
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Incomparable quantitative survey results
In the calculation of regional deflators, low income item weights and prices
for the reference region (Nairobi) are used for all rural districts and urban
areas. This method of deriving regional deflators has a limitation in that
Nairobi¶s low-income consumption patterns are imposed on other regions
whose expenditure budget shares may be quite different. This is done because there are no current regional item consumption weights/patterns
for rural households. During the computation, the rural deflators have
excluded items such as rent and transport which tend to have high weights
only in urban areas.
Unrepresentative prices from 16 market centres- Lamu and Tana-River
districts applied Mombasa/Malindi prices etc..
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Consistency of pover ty estimates over time
Despite these limitations, the surveys have provided
benchmark data for poverty analysis in the country that has led
to more informed and focused debate on how the challenges
ahead may be tackled. and formed the basis for drawing our
PRSP/ERS policies.
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Robustness of poverty trends based on repeated surveys
The estimates show that Central province has
consistently emerged the least poor region in all the four surveys.
Coast province was ranked number 5 in three of the four
surveys and similar ly Western region has been ranked 4in three of the four surveys. This indicates that the
pover ty trends are somewhat robust in spite of the
diff iculties of compar ing surveys discussed above.
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Experience with Participatory Poverty Assessments
Since the PPAs are concerned with peoples¶ perception of poverty there are
two main findings that are of immediate concern for policy; the causes of poverty and coping strategies adopted by the poor.
Perceived Causes of Poverty
Low agricultural productivity and poor marketing
Insecurity
Unemployment and low wages
Bad governance
Landlessness:
Poor physical infrastructure
High cost of basic social services: Bad weather
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Coping Strategies
The PPAs reveal that several strategies have been adopted by the
poor to cope with pover ty. Some of the strategies have beendescr ibed as negative and others as positive
N egative Coping Strategies
Thuggery
Petty theft especially on farms:
Prostitution
Child labour
Street families and children
Corruption
Drug abuse Suicide
Illicit brewing and drunkeness
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Positive Coping Strategies
Growth of slums: However slums dwellers are associated with many negativecoping strategies
Cheap Clothes
N on-formal Schools
Harambee Self-help spirit
Begging and borrowing
Bursaries
Merry-go-rounds
Petty business hawking and kiosks
Seasonal Adjustments
Food Credit Facilities
Family Planning It has been established that all communities know what pover ty is and
descr ibe it in all forms of lacking, but of most impor tance is that they haveclear suggestions about what the government and NGOs should do to reducepover ty. They know it can be eradicated. This is in fact the f irst positive move- that they have hope.
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Results from PPAs highlight a number of tasks for the Governmentand NGOs in pover ty reduction.
Credit Facilities
Information and Access to Markets
Subsidies and Technological Development Community Participation
Step up Water Facilities
Expansion of Health Services
Infrastructure
Training Extension Services
Security
Family Planning
Prohibitive laws e.g inheritance of land by women..
.
Recommended Action towards Poverty Reduction
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The Relationship between Qualitative and Quantitative
Evidence
Many times, statistical assessments always r un the r iskof not getting public acceptance because they might not
correspond with the general perception of pover ty and
also due to the inability of the public to understand
quantitative statistical assessments.
Generally and depending on the observer¶s own social
position, pover ty may appear over- or under-stated.
Ordinary people¶s own perception of whom and how
many are poor, if obtained in an order ly and non-biased
manner, is therefore an impor tant means of cross-checking results of purely statistical analysis.
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To begin with it is questionable whether PPAs aim at
absolute wealth measures at all.
PPA tr ies to position households compared to the others
in the community, and this is why cut-off points between
the poor and the non-poor are rather sought from the
focus group discussions rather than from a pr ior i
considerations on what a minimum diet /standard of
living.etc these can be done..
In Kenya an attempt was made to compare the
par ticipatory pover ty assessment of 1994 (PPA I) with the WMS II, 1994. From the compar ison, four points
clear ly emerge:
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one, compared to all other available sources, par ticipatoryassessment gives higher pover ty f igures than the statistical one.
( a difference of 15-30%)
Second, even within the money-metr ic pover ty def inition, the publicmay disagree with statisticians/economists. The fact that poor people have to forego considerable non-food consumptionexpenditure they consider essential even by modest standards of living is only par tly captured in the statistical def inition. Or buy moreessential nonfood and appear ing to be food poor..( sounds irrational
but consider a situation where your child is sick and the money you
have is only enough for food or medicine.. What do you do..?
Third it has been repor ted from var ious pover ty ranking exercisesthat people are initially somewhat reluctant to character izeth
emselves and
the
ir ne
ig
hbo
urs as poor,
le
ta
lone very poor.
On the other hand, when people associate a par ticipatory surveywith possible government cum donor spending to follow, they mayoverstate their distress.
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Four th, methodological problems ar ise in the PPA. Due
to the absence of an appropr iate translation of ³middle
class´ or ³average´ in vernacular language, people arenormally asked to classify themselves only as either
µr ich¶, µpoor¶ or µvery poor¶.
The absence of an average man - or
woman - renderscompar ison all but impossible: for instance, 2.9 % of the
households in PPA II were ranked µr ich¶, 55.4 % µpoor¶
and 41.7 percent µvery poor¶. This implies that almost
everyone is poor!!!
The power of PPA tools venn diagrams-popular ly known
as chapatis is recognised as very powerf ul one e.g
institutional relations with communities«Gok,ngo etc
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Conclusion and Recommendations
the measure of pover ty def ined in most of Kenya¶squantitative pover ty refers to a lack of command over
marketable goods and services (both purchased and
own produced Turkana case).
Although this measurement is undeniably impor tant, it is
clear ly not the only dimension of well-being. Command
over non-market goods, such as some publicly provided
services(value of free pr imary education,health etc) may
be an impor tant omission in conventional pover tymeasures.
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welfare measures may also vary depending on theseason the survey is conducted. In one round survey, if pover ty incidence is for example observed to increase, it
will not be known whether this is due to new poor having joined the existing poor, or whether it is the net outcomeof a dynamic process whereby some people escapepover ty and others become poor.
Whether pover ty is chronic or transitory can thereforebest be established by longer per iod surveys of samehouseholds.
We recommend that Kenya begins to build a panel datato assist in establishing those in transitory
pover ty/c
hron
ic pover
ty. Representative pr ices should also be collected in our
for thcoming Kihbs.
How do we handle seasonality in the for thcomingKIHBS?
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What about quality of food items..eg.meat?
We recommend that if possible a PPA be organised alongside the
KIHBS but be designed in a manner that will allow sensible
compar ison of the results..such will tease out the many problems
discussed above..
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Finally, in spite of the shor tcomings of the surveys on
pover ty conducted in the last decade in Kenya, these
surveys form no
ton
ly a good benc
hmark for pover
tymonitor ing, but also a spr ingboard for f ur ther pover ty
diagnostics and feedback into the data collection
systems. (pover ty maps used survey and census data)
the consultation of PRS/ERS processes represent a
good entry point for opening up the policy making
process and improving the def icit in governance that
exists in Kenya. However, there is urgent need to
develop str uctures that will enable or allow thecommunities to f ully par ticipate in the planning,
implementation and monitor ing of pover ty programmes
and projects.
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Thank you