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Midgley, J. (2014). Extracts from Social development : theory & practice (pp. 4-12 ; 21-37 & 69-70). Los Angeles : Sage.

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Approaches to definition

The term 'social development' is comprised of two words- social and development­both of which inform the way it has been defined. Both should be examined in

more depth. Today, the term social is used by sociologists and other social sci­

entists to refer to human interactions and the complex phenomena that arise

from these interactions, such as a large number of groups and associations

including the family, neighbourhood associations, formal organisations, com­

munities and even societies. These interactions also give rise to social networks,

values, cultures and institutions. The term also has a welfare connotation which

alludes to people's well-being and collective efforts to improve social condi­

tions. Both meanings of the term have influenced the way the concept of social

development has been used.

The second word, development, has a dynamic connotation and refers to a pro­

cess of change, growth, progress or evolution. Although originally used to connote

a process of societal change, the term 'development' has been primarily linked to

economic modernisation in the developing countries after the Second World War,

where it was originally defined as involving growth and industrialisation. This

definition has now been broadened to connote a multifaceted process that comprises

social, cultural, gender, political, environmental as well as economic dimensions.

4

DEFINING SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

It is in this context that the concept of social development has been popularised and

will be used in this book.

However, the term 'social development' was not originally used in this way.

Instead, it was first employed by sociologists in the late nineteenth century to

refer to the processes by which societies evolve from a traditional or 'primitive'

state to a modern, advanced level of 'civili�.ation'. This approach was inspired

by Darwin's work and his discovery of the way natural selection shapes the

complex form of biological life that evolved since primeval times. Sociologists

such as Spencer and Sumner and anthropologists such as Morgan and Tylor

drew on Darwin's ideas to claim that similar processes govern societal evolution,

or 'social development' as it was called. A major figure in evolutionary sociology

at the time was Hobhouse, whose book Social Development (1924) popularised

the term and informed subsequent thinking in the field. He challenged the

views of the Social Darwinists, proposing the adoption of social reforms that

would modify the harsh effects of social change on vulnerable people. He also

disagreed with Marx and Engels, who argued that meaningful change will only

be brought about through revolution driven by historical forces. Together with

social liberals in Britain, known as the 'New Liberals', he helped inspire the

social legislation and social reforms introduced by the British government in

the early years of the twentieth century. There were similar developments in the

United States where these ideas were promoted by reformers known as the 'Pro­

gressives'. Hobhouse's approach to defining social development was subse­

quently augmented by sociologists concerned with social planning and with

what was sometimes called 'guided' social change (Bennis et al. , 1961; Chodak,

1973; North, 1932).

It is likely that these ideas influenced the first social development practi­

tioners who launched community-based projects in the rural areas of African

and Asian countries in the years following the Second World War. Although

development planners and policymakers in these countries drew on ideas

from the new field of development economics, those engaged in social welfare

activities were likely to turn to sociologists for inspiration and find that

notions of evolutionary change and social planning offered a helpful concep­

tual framework for their work. As will be shown in the next chapter, expatriate

social workers who established the first government welfare services in the

British colonial territories laid the foundations for social development by

introducing community-based projects that combined economic and social

activities and emphasised participation in development. Community develop­

ment was also inspired by the rural reconstruction projects of Gandhi and

Tagore in India, which sought to address the problem of rural poverty at the

local level.

The colonial authorities in London approved of these developments and it

was in this context the term 'social development' was embraced by the British

government. In 1954, at a meeting in Cambridge of welfare administrators from

5

S O C IAL D EV EL O PM ENT: TH E O RY A N D P RACTIC E

different parts of the Empire, it was formally adopted to refer t o social pro­

grammes and policies which would, as one o fficial document put i t, result in

'nothing less than the whole process of change and advancement of a territory,

considered in terms of the progressive well-being of society and the individual'

(United Kingdom, Colonial Office, 1954, p. 14) . Although this ambitious goal

did not accurately reflect the practical community development programmes

established at the time, i t was the first attempt to formulate a formal definition

of social development. I t also reflected the desire to promote the modernisation

of the newly independent developing countries.

Other scholars, including sociologists and social workers, subsequently

defined social development in similar lofty terms. One of the first formal defini ­

t ions to be offered by a social work scholar, Paiva (1977, p . 323), used t his

approach to suggest that social development is 'the development of the capacity

of people to work continuously for their own and society's welfare'. Another

example comes from Omer (1979, p. 15), who defined social development as a

process that brings about 'an i ntegrated, balanced and unified social and eco­

nomic development of society, and one that gives expression to the values of

human dign ity, equality and social justice'. She goes on to say that social devel­

opment seeks 'to create humanistic societies committed to achieving peace i n

the world and progress for a l l people' (p . 16) . A more recent example i s Aspalter

and Sin gh's (2008, p. 2) definition of social development as planned and

directed change that 'enables people to ach ieve greater happiness, satisfaction

and a peaceful life'.

While definitions of this kind are unobjectionable, they fail to identify the

projects a nd programmes that can achieve these abstract goals and are of l i m­

ited practical val ue. Accordingly, they have been criticised by some scholars for

offering a set of 'nebulous aspirations and heuristic notions' that are 'hortatory

rather than prescriptive' (Lloyd, 1982, pp. 44-45 ). Nevertheless, socia l workers

played a major role in spreading socia l development i deas. In 1972, they

fou nded the International Consortium for Social Development, which launched

Social Development Issues, a leadi ng journal i n the field, and actively promoted

social development for many years through professional conferences and

exchange programmes (Meinert, 1991 ). These contributions built o n the pio­

neering work of the social workers who introduced community development

projects in the Global South during the colonial period.

Some social workers h ave formulated definitions that are less abstract and

hortatory and more focused on practical matters . Hollister (1977) and Spergel

( 1978) equate social development with community organisation, policy analy­

sis and programme administration and, in a more recent definition, Miah

(2008) emphasises the role of microenterprise and m icrofinance activities.

Midgley and Conley (2010) also h ighlight the practical aspects of social devel­

opment and urge the adoption of what they call 'investment strategies' in social

work practice. Today, most social workers i nvolved in social development are

6

DEFINING SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

primarily concerned with community-based interventions that mobilise local

people to participate in a variety of projects designed to improve local condi­

tions. Although Pawar and Cox (2010) also approach the field from a social

work perspective and emphasise community-level interventions, they deal with

a number of conceptual issues that have broader relevance to the field.

Scholars in mainstream development stuc: ies who have offered definitions

of social development seldom recognise social workers' contribution and

some, such as Green (2002), dismiss what she described as a 'welfarist concep­

tion', which she alleges is primarily concerned with the provision of services

to needy people. However, she appears to be unaware of the contribution of

social workers to community development and social policy which transcends

a limited concern for poor people. Her own definition draws on an eclectic

mix of ideas from social anthropology, social policy, public management and

development studies, and links social development to the work of interna­

tional development agencies concerned with poverty alleviation, meeting

basic needs and enhancing community participation in development projects

and programmes. This is similar to definitions formulated by social workers

and, as noted earlier, social development is often associated with community

activities of this kind.

The community, project-based approach to defining social development has

been augmented by the community participation approach (Choudry et al.,

2012; Cornwall, 20 1 1; United Nations, 1975), which contends that meaningful

social change can only be achieved when the social structures that perpetuate

poverty, inequality and oppression are challenged by ordinary people and ulti­

mately dismantled. This definition prioritises activism, especially at the local

level, and concepts such as conscientization, 'empowerment' and 'transforma­

tive social change' are widely used to challenge those who use their wealth and

power to oppress women, ethnic minorities and the poor. Grassroots community

activism is augmented by social action at the national level and large organisa­

tions, such as the Self Employed Women's Association (SEWA) in India (Chen,

2008) and the Industrial Areas Foundation in the United States (Chambers,

2003), are often cited as an example of this approach. Although many non­

governmental and faith-based organisations involved in social development

are not overtly committed to activism, they are often commended for offering

an alternative to government intervention which is widely regarded as bureau­

cratic and 'top-down'. Cooperatives are another example of how people can

engage collaboratively in economic activities. As will be shown later in this

book, they have an ancient history and have played a major role in social

development over the years. Popular social movements that campaign for pro­

gressive social change also make a major contribution. Although these move­

ments are characterised by a high degree of spontaneity that reflects the anger

and desperation of oppressed people, Smith (2008) points out that their ener­

gies are often harnessed by organisations that mobilise popular support, lobby

7

S O CIAL D EVE L O PM ENT: T H E O RY A N D PRACT I C E

and use a variety of activist tactics to affect change. As Wilson and Whitmore

(2000) report with reference to Latin America, social movements have played

a major role in promoting social development in the region. Indeed, their

definition equates social development with the activities of popul ar move­

ments and activist groups.

A contrasting approach to definition focu ses on the role of governments.

Thi s approach defines social development a s a process b y which improve­

ments in social well-being are brought about through social planning, a vari­

ety of legislative mandates, subsidies, redistributive fiscal pol icies and the

activities of social sectoral ministries responsible for education, health, hous­

ing and social services. It draws on the idea that democratic governments

committed to improving the welfare of their citizens can uti l i se scientific

knowledge and the expertise of technocrats to achieve this goal. Thi s approach

is rooted in the writings of Saint Simon and Comte in the nineteenth century

and was elaborated by the American economist Veblen as wel l a s other inter­

ventionists, including Hobhouse and Keynes. It has informed state directed

social development for many years and was championed by leading develop­

ment economists, such as Myrdal ( 1 970, 1971) and Seers (1969). As will be

shown i n the next chapter, Myrdal made a major contribution to articulating

a statist approach to social development exemplified by what was called the

'unified socio-economic planning' approach.

Although often criticised for being bureaucratic and top-down, governments

have also sponsored community social development programmes and projects

that have, to varying degrees, promoted people's participation in development .

I t was noted earlier that the first community development programmes, which

were established in the 1950s, combined government resources and expertise

with local involvement to create community centres, clinics, feeder roads,

schools, water supplies and other projects. At this time, the theoretical princi­

ples of 'self-determination' and 'self-help' were articulated to provide a norma­

tive basis for community development and, although they proved difficult to

implement, have continued to shape community development practice. A

major problem was the bureaucratisation of community develop ment and its

expropriation by party officials and local elites who often redirected community

development resources to serve their own interests. With the subsequent

involvement of grassroots organisations and non-governmental organisations,

these problems have to some extent been mitigated.

Governments also contributed to socia l development by establishing social

planning units within their central economic development planning agencies

and linking the policies of sectoral ministries, such as health, education and

social welfare, to national plans. They also enhanced the developmental rele­

vance of the ministries of social welfare that had inherited a remedial, urban­

based approach from the colonial period. It was in thi s context that many

governments renamed their social welfare ministries as minis tries of social

8

DEFINING SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

development. This innovation follows the first United Nations meeting of wel­

fare ministers in New York in 1968, when many governments declared their

intention to introduce 'developmental' welfare programmes and policies

(United Nations, 1969).

The statist definition of social development also reflects the work of inter­

national development agencies such as the Ur ited Nations, the United Nations

Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF), the International Labour Organisation

(ILO) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). The World

Bank has also made a major contribution but, as will be shown in the next

chapter, its original commitment to government-sponsored social development

was replaced in the 1980s by a market-based approach that reflected the grow­

ing influence of market liberal ideas as well as changing economic, social and

political realities. Nevertheless, the major international development organisa­

tions have continued to support government efforts to initiate, direct and fund

social development programmes. Government involvement finds expression in

the Commitrnents adopted by the member states of the United Nations at the

World Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen in 1995, and in the sub­

sequent adoption of the Millennium Declaration of 2000, which enshrines the

Millennium Development Goals. These are comprised of eight broad goals

which are broken down into 18 specific targets, including the reduction of pov­

erty, improvements in school attendance, the promotion of gender equity,

reductions in child and maternal mortality and enhanced international cooperation

(United Nations, 2005). Today, the Millennium Development Goals exemplify the

statist definition of social development.

Definitions by a number of academics also reveal a preference for government

intervention. The first major book on social development, published by ]ones

and Pandey in 1981, favoured a statist approach but also incorporated a com­

munity development and other non-governmental initiatives. In this book,

Pandey defined social development as a process that results in the 'improvement

of the quality of life of people . . . a more equitable distribution of resources . . .

and special measures that will enable marginal groups and communities to

move into the mainstream' (Pandey, 1981, p. 33). This definition is in many

respects similar to the ideals expressed in the Copenhagen Declaration some 15 years

later, and it also emphasises the importance of national interventions through the

agency of the state. As mentioned earlier, Myrdal and Seers drew attention to

the fact that the people of the developing nations were not uniformly poor.

While many lived in rural poverty or eked out an existence in the rapidly

expanding urban informal settlements, others enjoyed a comfortable lifestyle

comparable to that of the upper middle class in the Western nations. The devel­

opment process, they concluded, had disproportionately benefited political and

business elites, the military and the senior civil service, creating a situation known

as 'distorted' or 'uneven' or 'unbalanced' development. This occurs when the

income and wealth generated by economic growth accrues disproportionately to

9

S O C IAL D EVELOPMENT: T H E O RY A N D PRACTIC E

elites a n d to the middle class but fai ls to raise the standards of l iving o f a size­

able proportion of the population and especially the poorest groups. This idea

was developed by Midgley (199 5), who argued that the distortions of develop­

ment can be addressed by harmonising economic and social i nterventions

within a pragmatic, state-directed approach. However, this involves redistribu­

tive pol icies that channel public resources to the population as a whole through

social investments (Midgley, 1999).

Although the United Nations and most other i nternational development

agencies use the term social development, the UNDP prefers the term human development. This term is often regarded as a synonym for social develop ment

but a closer reading of the organisation's definition reveals an emphasis on

individual choice and responsibi l ity (UNDP, 1 990) which is not emphasised by

the other agencies. The UNDP's defin ition is contained in the first of a series of

influential reports published in 1990 that reflect a preference for interventions

that focus on individual households which, the organisation points out, can

make rational decisions to enhance their own well-being. As the report puts it,

h uman development is a process of promoting freedom by 'enlargin g people's

choices' ( 1 990, p. 3). This defin it ion of social development is based on Sen's

(19 85, 1 99 9) writings and may be contrasted with that of Myrdal and Seers,

who propose a much more proactive role for governments. Although the

UNDP recognises the need for investments such as education, access to credit

and other supports, it avoids the problem of structural i nequality and the need

for public social investments that are explicitly red istributive. As Nussbaum

(2011) poi nts out, the 'human development' approach is concerned with fos­

tering capabilities among individuals so that they can choose what they want

to do and be .

The concept of social development has a lso been used i n social policy and

welfare state studies to refer to the social improvements brought about i n the

Western countries by governments in the years following the Second World

War. However, these improvements are seldom associated with economic devel­

opment and instead the role of welfare services in raising standards of l ivin g is

emphasised . Whi le it is undoubtedly true that the expansion of the so-called

'welfare state' contributed significantly to social improvements at this time, the

h istorical evidence, as Midgley (2008a) points out, reveals that government

welfare programmes were origina lly l inked to economic policies and particu­

larly full employment policies. The New Deal i n the United States, the imple­

mentation of the Beveridge Report in Britain and social democratic welfare

i nitiatives in Northern and Western Europe share many similarities with the

statist approach to social development that emerged in the Global South in the

1960s. However, the l ink between social policy and economic development was

subsequently de-emphasised as social policy scholars such as Marshall (1950)

and Titmuss (1971, 19 7 4) stressed the role of social r ights, altruism and social

solidarity in social welfare, implying that social pol icy should be separated from

10

DEFINING SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

economic considerations. On the other hand, Piachaud ( 1989) and Midgley

(1995) have questioned the neglect of the economic dimension in Western

welfare state thinking, contending that welfare objectives can best be met by

harmonising social and economic policies and by emphasising the investment

functions of state welfare.

Social development ideas have also been as .ociated with the study of social

policy in Asian countries such as Korea, Taiwan, japan and Singapore, which are

sometimes described as 'developmental welfare states' or 'productive welfare

states' (Holliday, 2000). In these countries, governments are reported to use

social policy to achieve economic goals. This approach, which Kwon (2002)

calls 'welfare developmentalism', characterises these nations which are also

known in the literature as 'developmental states' Oohnson, 1982; Leftwich,

1995, 2000; Woo-Cumings, 1999) because they have governments that proac­

tively direct the economy to promote industrialisation and mass wage employ­

ment. The notion of welfare developmentalism has recently attracted attention

in European welfare circles and contributed to efforts to extend Esping-Andersen's

( 1990) widely cited typology of welfare regimes to other parts of the world by

categorising the East Asian countries as productive welfare regimes (Gough,

2004). However, the concept of welfare developmentalism is still poorly defined

and, as Wah and Lee (2010) point out, is often confused with a 'workfare'

approach, by which disadvantaged people in some East Asian countries are

coerced into the labour market without having the supports they need to suc­

ceed. They challenge this erroneous view and argue that social investments that

restore the 'social' in the social development approach should be more widely

employed.

In recent years, definitions of social development have emphasised the

importance of social investment and the way they enhance the functioning of

individuals, families and communities. Social investments are 'productivist' in

that they generate returns not only to those who benefit from these invest­

ments but also to the economy and the wider society. However, like the notion

of welfare developmentalism, both concepts are used loosely. Esping-Andersen

(1992) was one of the first to use the concept of productivism in his characteri­

sation of social policy in Sweden, which, he points out, fosters full employment

through education, job training and other human capital investment as well as

extensive childcare and healthcare services that support full employment. This

approach promotes a healthy, well-educated and productive population that

enjoys a high standard of living; it also generates the resources needed to invest

in future generations. However, Esping-Andersen ( 1990) has also claimed that

the Nordic welfare states decommodify labour by delinking social benefits from

work requirements. In a discussion of productivism in these countries, Dahl and

his colleagues (2001) reconcile this apparent contradiction by showing that the

region's governments alternate between periods of productivism and deconl­

modification. These ideas have been used by some Western social policy writers

11

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: THEORY AND PRACTICE

who associate social investment with human capital and labour activation

programmes (Giddens, 1998; Jenson, 2010; More! et al., 2012) .

The notion of social investment has also been used in development studies.

Schultz (1962, 1981) popularised the need for investments in education and

nutrition as an integral part of economic development policy and his ideas were

subsequently adopted by international development organisations (Watt, 2000;

World Bank, 1995) . Sen (1999) and Nussbaum (2011) do not specifically use the

term 'social investment' but their notion of 'capability enhancement' shares

some similarities with the social investment approach. More recently, Grant

(2012, p. 16) used the concept with reference to non-profit organisations, argu­

ing that effective philanthropy transcends charitable giving and 'maximizes the

social rate of return' to the people, groups and communities they serve. Midgley

(1999) and his colleagues (Midgley & Sherraden, 2009; Midgley & Tang, 2001)

offer a broader interpretation of the concepts of productivism and social invest­

ment by examining a number of investment-oriented practice strategies, such

as those discussed in Part III of this book. As will be shown, these include

human capital programmes of various kinds, employment creation projects,

microenterprise and microfinance, social capital and community-based pro­

grammes, asset accumulation interventions and social protection, among others.

In addition to fostering social investment, these practice strategies link economic

and social programmes and promote inclusivity and participation.

A final approach to defining social development comes from market liberal

economists who contend that social development can best be achieved by inte­

grating needy people into market-based economic activities. This argument has

not been popular in social development circles but it has gained some support

in recent years, as the writings of de Soto (1989, 2000), Lal (1983, 2006) and

Prahalad (2005) have been widely disseminated. These scholars reject the idea

that governments should assume responsibility for social development and

argue instead that the state should restrict its role to facilitating the effective

functioning of markets through deregulation, lowering taxes, promoting entre­

preneurship and creating a legal environment in which businesses can flourish.

In addition, Prahalad believes that exposing poor people to commercial prod­

ucts will promote consumption, change traditional attitudes and integrate them

into the market with beneficial results. These scholars also deny that there is

any difference between economic and social development, and claim that

market-based economic policies will on their own enhance social well-being. An

important proponent of this view was Friedman (1989), who, in a rare defini­

tion of social development by a market liberal economist, argued that the crea­

tion of a vibrant capitalist economy that generates rapid economic growth and

wage employment will contribute more effectively to social development than

governmental programmes.

Birdsall (1993), a former World Bank economist, also argues for the integra­

tion of economic and social policies but from a somewhat different perspective.

12

T H E H I STORY O F SOC IAL DEV ELOPMENT

their budgets, retrench social programmes and adopt market-based eco­

nomic polic ies as a condit ion for receiving aid .

Although these events were a setback and presented a huge chal lenge, it will

be shown that the United Nations and nther i nternational agencies, progres­

sive governments and non-governmenta� organisations sought in the 1 990s to

reinvigorate social development. As mentioned in the last chapter, the World

Summit for Socia l Development, which was held in Copenhagen in 1 995, and

the adoption of the Mil lennium Development Goals in New York five years

later have contributed significantly to renewed state involvement in the fie ld .

In addition, the role of non-governmental organisations as well as interna­

tional foundations has expanded significantly. However, the way government's

role in social development was conceived in the 1950s has changed signifi­

cantly and today non-profit organisations, grassroots associations and even

commercia l firms are much more involved than before . These events have

fostered a more eclectic and pluralist approach to social development but, as

the chapter reveals, there are disagreements about which practice strategies,

normative perspectives and organisations are best able to achieve social devel ­

opment goals.

The idea of development

The idea of development has been a major theme in academic and popular

discourse i n the twentieth century and it is arguably as important as concepts

such as human rights, globalisation and the wel fare state . Like these terms, i t

encapsulates normative beliefs that have had significant practical conse­

quences. Although development emerged as a formal set of theoretical princi­

ples and policy prescriptions at end of the Second World War, it drew on much

older ideas about social progress and intervention. For millennia, social think­

ers have specu l ated about the nature of social change and the factors respon­

sible for the way societies evolve. As Nisbet (1980) pointed out, scholars and

sages of the ancient civil i sations usually took a cyclical view, which inter­

preted change as a never-ending process of improvement fol lowed by decline.

Regress ive i nterpretations were also formulated and included a belie f in a

decline from a Golden Age, which was adopted by the Greeks as well as the

Judeo-Christian account of the fall of humankind. Progressive theories only

became popular in Europe when Renaissance and Enl ightenment writers rec­

ogni sed the achievements and growing prosperity of their time. Although

they drew on earlier ideas that can be traced back to Plato and St Augu stine ,

the popul arisation of the progressive view owes much to Hegel's monumental

explanation of the forces that drive history. As his ideas became known i n the

21

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: THEORY AND PRACTICE

early nineteenth century, the progressive view gained widespread acceptance. It

also inspired other interpretations of historical time as an upward progression

to higher states of prosperity and justice. Of these, Marx and Engels' equally

ambitious materialistic reformulation arguably had the greatest political

impact, but evolutionary theories based on Darwin's work also became popu­

lar and, as was noted in the last chapter, played a major role in the history of

social development, particularly through the work of Hobhouse (1924), who

popularised the idea that social development is a process of evolutionary, pro­

gressive social change judiciously directed by governments.

Marx's explanation, which emphasises the role of class conflict in social

change, contrasts sharply with that of Hobhouse and other evolutionary sociolo­

gists. He believed that class cont1ict is rooted in economic realities which can be

associated with different historical periods and modes of production. Although

he and his close friend Engels were among a small number of scholars interested

in the historical dimensions of economic development, most economists at the

time adopted a static conception of the economy which neglected growth.

Schumpeter (1934) was arguably one of the first economists to offer a modern

theory of economic development and, subsequently, as Waterston (1965) notes,

the writings of Keynes and his followers had a direct impact on development

thinking by providing a rationale for economic planning. His view that long­

term economic stability could be achieved through appropriate government

intervention was widely adopted not only in the West but by the governments

of many developing countries. Another influence was Soviet economic planning

in the 1920s and 1930s, which gave practical expression to the idea of develop­

ment. These plans set specific production targets and prescribed the mecha­

nisms that would accelerate economic growth. Although Western governments

were disinclined to adopt formal planning, Keynesian ideas directed economic

management policy in many of these countries. These initiatives were aug­

mented by the steady expansions of social service programmes which resulted

after the Second World War in sizable increases in government social spending

and the creation of what is often referred to as the 'welfare state'.

The roots of 'welfare state' programmes are often traced to the Elizabethan

Poor Law of 1601 and to Chancellor von Bismarck social insurance initiatives in

Germany in the late nineteenth century, but they were augmented during the

twentieth century when Western governments expanded their social services.

Social protection was given high priority during President Roosevelt's New Deal

in the United States in the 1930s and in Britain when the Beveridge Report was

adopted at the end of the Second World War. Since they linked social and eco­

nomic policies, fostered full employment and promoted social .investments in

education, health and housing, they were a precursor to the social development

approach that was subsequently formalised in development thinking in the

Global South. Social policy scholars have paid little attention to the economic

motives behind the expansion of the social services at the time but, as Leighninger

22

THE H I STORY O F S O C I Al DEV ElOPMENT

(2007) observes, these initiatives were largely focused on economic goals such as

stimulating economic growth and employment in an attempt to address the

crisis of the Great Depression, support reflationary initiatives and secure long­

term economic stability.

At this time, most of Africa, Asia, the Caribbean and the Pacific were under

European imperial rule and although colonial governments were committed to

maintaining law and order and maintaining favourable conditions for eco­

nomic exploitation, they began in a limited way to adopt economic planning.

One of the first development plans in the Global South was the Guggisberg

Plan, introduced in the Gold Coast - as Ghana was known - by the colony's

governor in the 1920s (Waterston, 1965). Although limited in scope, it was a

precursor of the adoption of national economic planning throughout the devel­

oping world by the governments of the newly independent countries in the

1950s and 1960s. Influenced by Soviet planning, many governments formu­

lated five-year development plans that reflected wider assumptions about how

traditional subsistence societies could be transformed into modern productive

economies. These assumptions were based on a growing body of social science

knowledge which formed the core of the emerging field of development studies.

Pioneering development economists such as Boeke, Rosenstein-Rodan,

Lewis, Tinbergen and Rostow made a major contribution to formulating pre­

scriptions for development. Boeke (1953) drew attention to the existence in

most developing countries of a small, modern, urban sector which could be

contrasted with a large rural subsistence sector. The former, which had been

established by the settlers and the colonial authorities was engaged in trade,

services, light manufacturing, agricultural processing and modern plantation

agriculture and was the locus of economic growth and wage employment. The

latter, which characterised the rural areas, was based on subsistence agricul­

ture and had widespread underemployment, mass poverty and social depriva­

tion. Together with Lewis (1954), Boeke argued that the expansion of the

modern sector would draw 'surplus' labour out of the subsistence sector into

modern wage employment. Incomes would rise, stimulate demand for goods

and services and create an upward spiral of growth that would ultimately

deplete the subsistence sector and result in the vast majority of the population

enjoying a high standard of living resulting from wage employment in the

modern, mass consumption economy. This conclusion was based on research

in a number of colonies and in Southern Europe by Rosenstein-Rodan (1943),

and also drew on historical studies of industrialisation by Rostow (1960),

which claimed that the previously 'underdeveloped' countries d Europe,

North America and japan had been transformed through industrialisation. His

theory of the stages of economic growth, which provided a conceptual sum­

mary of these events, enjoyed widespread popularity. Lewis (1955) and Tinber­

gen (1956) offered detailed policy prescriptions that were incorporated

into economic development planning in many developing countries and

23

S OCIAL D EVELOPMENT: THEORY A N D PRACTIC E

mathematical planning models were widely used as a basis for decision mak­

ing. These economic prescriptions were augmented by the work of sociologists

such as Hoselitz (1960), who proposed that governments adopt policies that

would change traditional institutions and foster social modernisation.

To promote economic development, development economists recommended

that capital should be mobilised for industrial investment. Government, they

argued, should create incentives for entrepreneurs to establish industrial and

commercial enterprises to set the process of industrialisation into motion. This ini­

tiative should be supported by investments in modern infrastructure. The dynamic

industrial sector would not only create jobs and draw labour out of the rural areas,

hut stimulate wage employment in the services sector and also finance govern­

mental activities. To fund industrial investments, governments were advised to

mobilise domestic capital and borrow on international markets. These efforts

should he supported by international development organisations and donor

governments. Many governments in the Global South accepted these recom­

mendations and adopted policies that they hoped would initiate a process of

rapid industrialisation.

However, the recipe for development, which is often referred to as the

'standard development model', was not universally accepted and in subse­

quent years, its core ideas and policy prescriptions were widely challenged.

Nevertheless, it shaped government development policy around the world.

While many believe that the results were impressive, others claim that the

standard model is fundamentally flawed. Certainly, East Asian countries such

as Korea and Taiwan have effectively used the standard model to transform

their economies and a similar approach is being implemented today by the

government of China. On the other hand, a number of countries that imple­

mented the standard model in the 1960s, such as Brazil, India and Mexico,

were less successful. In some cases, governments made feeble attempts to pro­

mote development or their efforts were poorly implemented or sullied by corrup­tion. However, they are in the minority and most countries have experienced significant rates of economic growth over the last half century. Also, as the UNDP (2013) recently reported, the Global South has experienced unprece­dented social progress in recent times. But, as was argued in the previous chapter of this book, the development process has often been distorted, result­ing in prosperity for some but continued poverty for many others. This situa­tion characterises not only many countries in the Global South, but also a number of Western countries.

The critique of the standard model

Despite its widespread acceptance and implementation, criticisms of the stand­

ard model soon gathered pace. These criticisms were expressed by scholars

24

THE HISTO RY O F SO CIAl D EVElO PMENT

associated with the different normative theoretical perspectives or 'schools of

thought' that have informed social development policy over the years. Among

these critics were development economists themselves, who questioned the

assumption that investment in industry would automatically promote wage

employment and high standards of living for the population. Although the

importance of economic growth was recognised, they argued that growth

policies needed to be accompanied b•r social policies that directly address the

problem of poverty.

Most notable of these economists were Myrdal and Seers. In an important

book on economic development published in the late 1950s, Myrdal (195 7)

argued for the integration of economic and social policies to ensure that eco­

nomic growth raised the standards of living of the whole population. As will

be shown, he subsequently advised the United Nations on formulating an

approach to development planning known as 'unified socio-economic devel­

opment' which would achieve this goal. In a much cited paper, Seers (1969)

argued that the impressive economic growth rates recorded in many develop­

ing countries since the end of the Second World War had not been accompa­

nied by a concomitant decline in poverty. Development, he insisted, had no

meaning unless it was accompanied by social improvements. Accordingly,

development planning should address the problem of 'distorted' or 'uneven' or

'unbalanced' development, as it also became known. For Griffin and his col­

leagues (1974, 1989; Griffin & james, 1981), this required policies that would

promote equality.

The concept of distorted development (Midgeley, 1995) does indeed focus on

the inequalities in income and wealth that accompany economic growth.

Although economists such as Kuznets (1955) suggested that income inequality

is most marked in the earliest stages of development and will subsequently be

reduced, Myrdal, Seers, Griffin and others argued that government intervention

is needed to address the problem. In addition, an important study financed by

the World Bank by Chenery and his colleagues (197 4) argued that rapid eco­

nomic growth would not by itself spread the benefits of development suffi­

ciently widely to raise standards of living for all and, for this reason, they argued

that measures that directly reduce income and wealth inequality are needed.

They also claimed that economic growth and equality were not incompatible.

Social development could be achieved through a judicious combination of

growth and redistributive policies implemented by governments with the tech­

nocratic assistance of experts. Also relevant was the concept of human capital

investment which emphasised the need for educational, nutrition and health

programmes that would enhance 'population quality' and, at the same time,

contribute to development (Schultz, 1962, 1981). As noted in the last chapter,

social investment is now a key element of social development thinking.

These ideas are linked to Lipton's (1977) critique of the standard develop­

ment model's urban bias. By adopting an urban-based industrial development

SOCIAl DEVElOPMENT: THEORY AND PRACTICE

strategy, governments neglected the majority of the population in the rural

areas. The urban bias thesis also reflected an older concern about the corrosive

effects of economic growth on cultural values and beliefs. Important political

figures, such as Gandhi and Nyerere, had been sceptical about the emphasis on

urban industrial development and argued instead that development should be

driven by a rural-based development strategy that draws on the resources of

local people, raises standards of living in the rural areas and preserves the tra­

ditional culture.

Studies commissioned by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) in

the 1960s and 1970s also questioned the standard model's assumption that

rural poverty would disappear as workers migrated to the towns and found

regular wage employment. Contrary to its predictions, employment creation

had lagged and the vast majority of the population in developing countries

continued to work in agriculture. In addition, industrialisation policies had

created sprawling settlements of migrants who had not secured employment

in the modern wage employment but eked out their livelihoods in what became

known as the 'urban informal sector'. This sector is dominated by self-employ­

ment and low-wage work. For the ILO, the failure to create mass wage

employment suggested that a different approach that paid less attention to

wage employment and met the basic needs of the people of developing

countries was needed (Ghai et al., 1977; ILO, 1976; Stewart, 1985; Streeten

et al. , 1981). This approach was formally adopted at the World Employment

Conference in 1976 and formed a key component of the organisation's

World Employment Programme.

A somewhat different critique of the standard model focused on the way

development sought to promote male industrial wage employment and per­

petuated conventional gender roles. Early feminist writers such as Boserup

(1970) and Rogers (1980) pointed out that women were not only primarily

responsible for the well-being of the family but played a vital role in eco­nomic development. They are actively engaged in agriculture, crafts, trade and other productive economic activities, all of which development econo­mists had ignored. This critique gave rise to a powerful movement that campaigned for women's contribution to he recognised and for an end to gender discrimination and oppression. It also began to influence develop­ment policy, especially after the United Nations declared 1975 as the Inter­national Women's Year and announced the First United Nations Decade for Women. A number of important international meetings and the rise of activist women's groups have all promoted an egalitarian gender perspec­tive in development policy, and this has fostered policy changes in a num­ber of countries. lt also gave rise to more extensive feminist scholarship and the emergence of different schools of thought which, as Moser ( 1989) reported, have since ensured that gender issues are given high priority in social development.

26

THE H I STO RY OF SO CIAL D EVELOPMENT

A group of neo-Marxist scholars known as the 'dependency theorists' claimed

that the standard model's focus on industrialisation at the national level

neglected wider global inequalities and the way the Western industrial countries

used economic development to promote their own interests. For writers such as

Frank (1967) and Rodney (1972), development is little more than an ongoing

process of underdevelopment which had begun with the expansion of European

imperialism centuries earlier, was later consolidated by direct colonial rule and

continues in the post-colonial world wr ere it is perpetuated by capitalist elites

in the developing countries, multinatior1al corporations, aid programmes, inter­

national development agencies and unfair trade. This pessimistic interpretation

was counted by other dependency theorists, who argued that development was

taking place even though the process was hardly free of international exploita­

tion - as Cardoso and Faletto (1979) suggested, a process of 'dependent develop­

ment' is better than no development at all. They also argued that progress is

possible even in a global capitalist system and later, in his role as President of

Brazil, Cardoso revealed the possibilities of promoting national development

within the context of capitalist globalisation. Although the dependency writers

were often dismissed in mainstream development circles, they drew attention

to the problem of global inequality and, with the publication of the Brandt

Report in 1980, fostered a new approach that emphasised the need for equitable

North-South economic trade relations. This report also resulted in the adoption

of the North-South neologism, which has replaced the earlier First/Second/

Third world categories. Subsequently, Wallerstein (1979) transcended the

North-South analysis by linking dependency ideas with a world systems

approach, which suggested that opportunities for development were indeed

available in the fluid international network of economic transactions that char­

acterised the global system.

Another critique of the standard model, which has contributed significantly

to the reformulation of conventional development ideas, concerns the ecologi­

cal damage that results from industrialisation. Although a few development

economists, such as Mishan (1967) and Daly (1996), argue that the quest for economic growth should be abandoned and replaced with a steady state model, many others recognise the need for growth provided that the environment is safeguarded and that natural resources are not depleted. Formative critique of the standard model's negative environmental impact by Ward and Dubos (1972) and the Club of Rome (Meadows et al., 1972) were augmented by the concept of sustainable development which was adopted by the Brundtland Commission in 1983. The Commission drew on prevailing ideas in agriculture and forestry to argue that development activities should be designed in ways that meet people's current needs without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs. Although extensively debated over the last 30 years, the notion of sustainable development has been widely adcpted in social development thinking (Blewitt, 2008).

27

S O CIAL DEVELOPMENT: THEORY AN D PRACTI CE

The orig ins of soc ial development pra ctice

Credit for creating the first social development programmes in the Global South

is usually given to expatriate welfare administrators in West Africa, who sought

to transcend the preoccupation of the early colonial welfare departments with

remedial social welfare. However, as was noted earlier, there was much in the

New Deal in the United States and in the Beveridge Report in Britain that were

a precursor to the social development programmes introduced in the develop­

i ng world after the Second World War. Nevertheless, the contribution of the

early welfare departments in the British colonial territories was a vital step in

the evolution of social development. Mair (1944) reported that these depart­

ments had been established to address the growing problem of urban destitution,

juvenile delinquency and begging, primarily through constructing residential

facil ities, providing limited social assistance and repatriating destitute urban

migrants to their original rural communities. Livingstone ( 1969) notes that

some colonial welfare officers sought to respond to concerns from senior civil

servants and economic planners that these services diverted scarce resources

from development effort by introducing programmes that would transcend the

welfare department's narrow remedial focus, cater to the needs of the rural com­

m unity and contribute positively to development. Midgley (2011) points out

that development had become an important issue in colonial policy after the

F irst World War and, as nationalist movements began to campaign more vigor­

ously for sovereignty, the colonial authorities placed higher priority on eco­

nomic planning and related developmental interventions. A series of Colonial

and Welfare Acts which provided funding for development had been passed by

the British government since 1929 and it was in this context that efforts to

redefine social welfare as social development were made.

The colonial welfare officials initially launched adult literacy or 'mass educa­

tion' programmes but this initiative was later augmented by a variety of local

income-generating and infrastructural development projects. These included, among others, the construction of feeder roads, schools clinics and community centres, the installation of village water supply, local income-generating pro­jects such as crafts and agricultural processing, microenterprises, small-scale fanning and maternal and child health programmes. Although funded by gov­ernment, these programmes relied on the participation of local people. Similar initiatives had been launched in India by Gandhi and Tagore, with the support of colonial officials such as Brayne, and they soon spread throughout the British Empire. The Colonial Office in London enthusiastically fostered their adoption and, at an important meeting of colonial welfare officials in Cambridge in 1948, the term 'community development' was officially adopted. Key community development concepts, such as self-determination and self-help, were also

28

TH E HISTORY O F SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

art iculated . The Brit ish government provided funds for train ing and technical

ass istance and also supported academic research in the fie ld . As mentioned in

the la s t chapter, the Colonial Office formal ly adopted the term ' social develop­

ment ' in 1 954 to connote a combination of remedial u rban-based socia l welfare

services and community development programmes . It bel ieved that th i s

approach would foster the 'advancement' of the colonia l territories (United

Kingdom, Colon ia l Office, 1 95 4 ) . Midgley ( 1 98 1 ) reports that t h e Colonia l

Office a l so supported the spread o profess ional social work through funding

tra in ing and technical ass istance, bel ieving that the professiona l i sation of the

welfare services was a 'modern ' way of dea l ing with the socia l problems associ­

ated with rapid urbanisation .

By the 1 960s, as many more colonial territories became i ndependent, com­

munity development i n itiatives were consol idated and expanded . They were

o ften given high priority by the new national ist governments . The I nd ian com­

munity development programme covered the whole country and was one of

the la rgest in the world (Bhattacharyya, 1 9 70) . Although i mplemented by the

states, it was viewed by the national govern ment as an i m portant way of pro­

moting local democracy as well as foster ing economic and social development .

I n other parts of the Anglophone world, community development bui lt on the

West Afri can experience and was administered by m i n i stries of social wel fare,

which a l so managed urban-based remedia l wel fare services . At the local level ,

commun ity development programmes were implemented by profess ional and

paraprofess ional community development workers who reported to regional

community development officers who were, in turn, an swerable to the nat ional

government. Despite community development's bureaucratic approach, Brokensha

and Hodge ( 1 9 69) reveal that the concepts of local partic ipat ion, democracy,

self-help and self-determination featured prominent ly in the fie ld 's emergin g

l i terature .

Sim i la r programmes were subsequently introduced i n other parts o f t h e

Global South . T h e government o f t h e U nited States actively promoted commu­

n ity development in Latin America as a par t of i t s A l l iance for Progress i n it ia­

tive, and i t also establ i shed community development programmes i n other

regions where it had strategic geopolit ical i nterests . The French government

a lso introduced community development in its terr itories , but here the term

animation rurale was preferred (Gow & van Sant, 1 983) . In the 1 950s, the U nited

Nations actively encouraged the spread of community development through­out the Global South by provid ing technical ass istance, tra ining and convening

numerous international conferences to discuss community development issues . The organisat ion viewed community development as a h ighly desirable approach to socia l development which transcended its own for mative commit­ment to enhance social welfare through conventional social services and profes­s ional socia l work .

29

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: THEORY ANO PRACTICE

The ro le of the internationa l agencies

Social development practice has been actively promoted by the international

d evelopment agencies, including the United Nations, the ILO, UNICEF and

World Bank. They significantly influence the international diffusion of com­

munity development and supported the emergence of a state-directed approach

which relied extensively on planning. Since its inception in 194S, the United

Nations has played a major role in promoting social development. Article S S of

the organisation's Charter commits it to foster 'higher standards of living, full

e m ploym ent and conditions of economic and social progress and develop­

ment'. However, it did little in its early years to implement these wider goals

and instead adopted a limited view of social welfare as comprising remedial

social welfare, youth work and child welfare services. In the 1960s, it began to

reassess its original preference for remedial social welfare, conceding that this

approach had exacerbated the compartmentalisation of the social services from

economic policy and failed to identify interventions that contribute positively

to development. It re-examined its role in economic planning, which had previ­

ously paid little attention to social issues. One report (United Nations, 1971,

p. 2) stated: 'The general impression given is that social factors were regarded as

resid ual to the overall process of development and that social policy would be

designed to provide remedial or palliative measures rather than positive and

dynamic activities in the social field.' The term 'social development' was

adopted to reflect its gradual shift from conventional remedial welfare to com­

munity level and then to national interventions committed to enhancing social

well-being within the development process.

To implement its new developmental approach, the United Nations embarked

on a number of initiatives. The Social Commission, which was charged with

implementing Article S S of the Charter, was renamed the Commission for Social

Development and the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

( U N RISD) was created. The Institute launched a major initiative to develop

q uantitative indicators that would measure social development progress

(Baster, 1 9 72), and it also supported studies of other social development issues.

The United Nations also commissioned a number of scholars to formulate a

conceptual basis for social development. A series of meetings were convened

and resulted in what became known as the 'unified socio-economic planning'

approach (United Nations, 1971). As was noted earlier, Myrdal played a leading

role in these discussions and persuasively argued for national plans to focus

directly on poverty alleviation and the expansion of the social services. He was

supported by other development economists who had also expressed criticisms

of the standard development model and its narrow focus on industrialisation.

These discussions were accompanied by the adoption of resolutions by the

United Nations General Assembly which fostered the introduction of unified

socio-economic planning among the organisation's member states. This

30

THE H ISTORY O F SO CIAL DEVELO PMENT

approach to social development contrasted sharply with the earl ier comm u ­

ni ty-based approach .

Although the Un ited Nations reformulated its approach to socia l develop­

ment , it retained an interest in the activities of min i stries of social welfare

wh ich had struggled to redefine their role in the l ight of cr i t ic isms about their

l i m i ted contribution to development . As noted i n the last chapter, the organ isa­

t ion convened the fi rst meetin � of ministers respons ible for social wel fare in

New York in 1 968 to discuss Wdys in which conventional soc ia l services cou ld

be augmented by 'developmental welfare' intervent ions . Midgley (20 1 0) reveals

that these d i scussions resulted in the i ntroduction in new developmental p ro­

gra m mes in a number of countries and social workers p layed a ma jor role in

shaping developmental forms of socia l wel fare. One example i s the Ph i l ippines

where a self-employment assi stance programme, maternal and ch i ld health

services, fam i ly p lanning and a network of chi ldcare centres p rovid ing pre­

school education and nutrition supplements were establ i shed by the country's

wel fa re m i n istry.

These i n it iatives i n spired other international agencies to endorse a state­

d i rected approach to socia l development. Under the pres idency of Robert

McNamara, the World Bank's lending policies , which were traditiona l ly con­

cerned with l arge infrastructural development pro j ects such as hydroelectric

schemes and i ndustrial plants , were focused on social i ssues and particular ly on

poverty alleviation . The Bank's series of Sector Policy Papers , which were pub­

l i shed in the mid- 1 9 70s and emphasised the importance of education, health ,

housi ng, water supply and rural development, contributed s ignifi cantly to the

popu larisation of the socia l development approach . These developments a l so

showed how social programmes could contribute positively to development by

functioning as social investments (World Bank, 1 9 75a, 1 995 ) . A s mentioned

ear l ier, the Bank also sponsored a study that advocated the adoption of an

egal i tar ian development approach (Chenery, et a l . , 1 9 74) . Although largely

ignored in mainstream development c i rcles , i t articulated the i ntention of stat­

ist advocates for social development to promote equal i ty.

It was noted previously that the ILO played a ma jor role i n challenging the

standard development model . Concluding that conventional economic growth

strategies were unl ikely to absorb labour and reduce the i ncidence of mass pov­

erty in the foreseeable future, the ILO and its advisers argued that organisation's

mem ber states should take i mmediate steps to address the problems of poverty and deprivation by meeting the basic needs of their citizens . The basic needs approach referred to ear l ier was forma l ly adopted at the I LO World Employment Conference i n 1 9 76, and member states were urged to direct resources to expand education, vil lage health services, safe water supplies , l iteracy and s imi­lar socia l programmes . Instead of wait ing for econ omic gmwth to create wage employment, bas ic needs gave h igh priority to social welfare i nterventions and a l so reflected an ear l ier concern with social rights i n soc ia l pol icy equating basic

31

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT: THEORY AND PRACTICE

needs with people's rights to education, healthcare and a decent standard of

living. This idea was subsequently formalised as the rights-based approach to

development (Centre for Development and Human Rights, 2004; Midgley,

2007b) . However, basic needs avoided the issue of inequality, suggesting that

meeting people's needs was more important than redistribution.

Similar initiatives were introduced by other international development agen­

cies at this time. For example, the W HO's A lma-A ta Declaration of 1978 urged

governments to redirect resources from expensive, curative, urban-based medi­

cal programmes to primary, community-based healthcare services in order to

meet the basic health needs of the population (W HO, 1978, 1981). Similarly,

U N ICEF refocused its attention from traditional child welfare services to pro­

mote community-based nutrition and maternal and child health programmes.

Publications concerned with international trade and foreign aid, such as the

Brandt Report (Brandt, 1980), also reflected this new approach to social develop­

ment, as did the expanding interest in gender and environmental issues which

were vigorously promoted by international agencies and particularly the United

Nations. As was noted earlier, the organisation convened a number of impor­

tant international conferences to promote gender equality and address environ­

mental concerns.

Reactions aga inst stat ism and the renewa l of soc i a l deve lopment

Unified socioeconomic planning, redistribution with growth and basic needs all

reflect the statist normative perspective, which contends that social develop­

ment can be most effectively implemented through governments. However,

this assumption was not universally shared. Although market liberals had long

been critical of state intervention, their writings were either ignored or dis­

missed, but events in the 1970s and 1980s facilitated the adoption of their ideas.

At the same time, some community development advocates became increas­

ingly critical of the 'top-down' nature of the statist approach. Their criticisms

fostered the emergence of the activist, community participation approach as it

became known (Cornwall, 2011). This development was, in turn, influenced by

the nationalist independence struggle.

The long and bitter struggle for independence from European imperial rule

continued to influence popular opinion in the Global South after independ­

ence. The creation of the Non-Aligned Movement gave expression to efforts by

the 'Third World' countries, as they became known, to challenge what President

Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana called 'neocolonialism'. Many were also enthused

by Chairman Mao's defiance of Soviet efforts to control Chinese development

policy. Popular social movements had widespread support and were often

32

THE H I STORY OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

inspired by the crit ical writings of intellectuals such a s Franz Fanon and Iva n

I l l ich . The precepts of l iberat ion theol ogy and Paulo Frei re's practical propos­

a ls fo r popular education a l so had a m a j o r i m pact . Revolutionaries such as

Che Guevara were admired by m i l l ions of people not only i n Lati n America

but t hroughout the world .

I t w a s i n t h i s con text t h a t govern ment com m u n ity deve l o p m e n t pro­

grammes i ntroduced in the 1 9 50s were atta cked by act ivists w h o a rgued that

soc i a l development goals can best be attained i f people a re mobi l i sed to

establi s h , d i rect and own l o c a l p o j ects . I n stead of m eeti ng people's needs ,

govern ments h a d created l a rge and i n e ffic ient c o m m u n i ty d evel o p m e n t

bureaucracies , squandered scarce resources o n wastefu l pro j ects , favou red

l ocal e l it e s and u sed statutory program m e s to benefit corrupt p o l i t i c i a n s a n d

s e n i o r c i v i l servan t s . Authentic c o m m u n ity development , t h e y c l a i med, c a n

o n ly take place i f l o c a l people take control , m a ke c o l l ective d e c i s i o n s a n d

manage proj ect s . T h e i n fluence of local c i v i l servants , pa rty bosses , l a n down­

ers , t radit ional leaders and business el ites , who a re usua l l y men and comfort­

able with their privi leges , need to be repl aced with people's organ isat ion s .

The tech n i qu e o f conscientization expl icated i n Freire's ( 1 9 70, 1 9 73 ) writ ing,

as wel l a s the notion of empowerment, featured pro m i n e ntly i n com m u n i ty

part ic ipation thinking (Cornwall , 20 1 1 ) . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e u s e o f confro n t a ­

t ional t a c t i c s was encou raged . These devel opments were acco m p a n ied by t h e

grow i n g strength o f the wom e n 's movement, w h i c h c a m p a i gned aga i n s t

gender di scr i m i nat ion a n d oppress io n . Subseq u e n t l y, ge nder i ssues h ave

becom e very i m portant in social development and now fea t u re p ro m i n e n t l y

i n s o c i a l development practice .

Some international agencies also supported the co m m u n ity pa rticipation

approach . The United Nations addressed what it described as ' popular partic ipa­

tion ' (United Nations, 1 9 75 ) and the U nited Nations Chi ldren's Fund empha­

sised local participation in its community-based chi ld and maternal health

programmes (Hollnsteiner, 1 9 7 7, 1 982) . Another example i s the WHO, which

urged its member states to actively promote community participat i o n in order

to achieve ' health by the people' (Newel l , 1 9 75 ) . Although these agencies d id

not re j ect government involvement, they advocated for far more local i nvolve­

ment and control . These developments were also acco m pan ied by a greater

concern for the environment and, after the n otion of sustainable devel opment

was popu larised, the role of local communities i n ecological management was

emphasised. However, some community participation activists re j ect attempts to

combine local activism with government i nvolvemen t . The crit ic ism was rei n­

forced by ' anti-development' writers such as Escobar ( 1 995) , who d rew on ear­

lier dependency as well as postmodernist and post-colonial ideas to rej ect the

very notion of development. Like the dependency theorists , they claim that

development has not only failed to promote prosperity, but has i n fact impov­

erished the people of the developing worl d .

33

SOCIAl DEVElOPMENT: THEORY AND PRACTICE

These challenges to the statist approach were indirectly reinforced by the

rapid growth of non-governmental organisations in the Global South. Previ­

ously, these organisations were comparatively rare and governments limited

or carefully controlled their activities. However, international organisations

such as the Save the Children's Fund, Oxfam, the Planned Parenthood Federa­

tion, and a variety of faith-based development organisations established

national branches, encouraged the growth of local organisations and became

actively involved in social development. Donor governments and international

development organisations such as the World Bank also supported the growth

of these organisations, which they believed were more efficient than govern­

ments. In time, large international foundations also sponsored non-governmental

organisations in the developing world. The result, as Lewis and Kanji (2009)

report, has been a veritable explosion in the non-governmental sector so that a

good deal of social development activity is now managed by non-governmental

organisations and particularly community-based programmes, many of which are

managed by women.

This development was accompanied by a very different critique of state­

directed development based on market liberal beliefs. By the 1970s, it was clear

that the economies of the Western nations were stagnating and, despite efforts

by their governments to use Keynesian techniques to stimulate growth, high

inflation and unemployment persisted. In 1973, these difficulties were exacer­

bated by the first 'oil shock' when the OPEC nations dramatically increased the

cost of energy. These events also had a serious impact in the Global South and,

as several Western governments introduced anti-inflationary monetary policies,

developing countries that had borrowed on international financial markets

were faced with high interest repayments and the risk of defaulting. Many

turned to the IMF for emergency credit, which resulted in the imposition of

structural adjustment programmes as a condition for aid. However, structural ad justment was not primarily a technical mechanism for debt relief but an ideological project that gave expression to the growing influence of market lib­eral ideas in development policy.

These events were fostered by the writings of market liberal economists, who criticised the statist proclivity of development studies and advocated for policies that would promote entrepreneurship, lower taxes, and that would deregulate the economy and promote international trade. Bauer (1971) was particularly well known for his criticisms of national economic planning and international aid and, in 1983, La! published a vigorous attack on many of the assumptions that had long been accepted in development circles . De Soto (1989) augmented these criticisms by arguing that state-directed development in Latin America had actually retarded development effort. The key to pro­gress, he claimed, is to be found in the enterprising efforts of millions of street vendors, illegal taxi drivers, backyard repair workers and others who comprise the informal economy. Their entrepreneurial efforts, he argued, are more

34

THE H ISTORY OF SOCIAL DEVELO PM ENT

l i ke l y to co n tr i b ute to econ om i c growt h t h a n gove rn m e n t regu l at io n s a n d

deve l o p m e n t p l a n s .

These ideas fou n d ex press ion i n deve l op m en t pol i cy a s t h e I M F a n d Worl d

Ba n k p rom oted a market a pproac h t h rough t h e i r l e n d i ng po l i c ies . Th i s was

fac i l i tated after McNa m a ra 's ret irem en t by the a ppo i n t m e n t of rep rese n t a t ives of

t h e b u s i ness co m m u n i ty to leaders h i p pos i t ion s in t h e World Ba n k. Su pported

bv t he I M F a n d the U n i ted St; tes govern ment , t h e B a n k's l en di ng po l i c i es

c ha n ged a n d , a s i s well know n , W i l l i a mson ( 1 990 ) , a se n i o r Ba n k offi c i a l ,

co i n ed t h e ph rase Washington Consensus to c h a racte r i se t h i s deve l o p m en t . I n

ad d i t i o n , Pres i d e n t Reaga n i n t h e U n ited Sta tes a n d B r i t i s h P r i m e M i n i ste r Th a tc h e r i n creas i ng l y di rected t h e i r gove rn m en ts ' a i d po l i c i es towa rds m a r ket­

based p ro j ects a n d progra m m es . In som e cou n t r ies, s u c h as C h i le , t h e ado pt io n

of m a r ket l i bera l i s m by t h e m i l i ta ry gove rn m e n t led by Ge n e ra l P i n oc het d i s­

m a n t l ed decad es of state-d i rected deve l o pm en t , l owered taxes o n corporat i o n s

a n d h i g h e r i n come earners , pr ivati sed t h e co u nt ry 's soc i a l secu r i ty sc h e m e a n d

des t royl'd t h e u n io n s . A l t h ough C h i le i s t h e m ost s pecta cu l a r exa m p l e o f t h e

a d o p t i o n o f w h a t t h e Wo r l d Ba n k ( 1 9 9 1 ) ca l l ed t h e ' m a r ke t fr i e n d l y ' a p proach ,

t h ese ideas ra p i d l y d i ffu sed t h rough ou t t h e wor l d . W i t h t he co l l a pse of t h e

Sov i et U n i o n at the e n d o f t he 1 9 H0s, m a rket l i b e ra l i s m was a l so e m b raced,

a l t h ough i n m od i f i ed fo rm , by the wor l d 's few rem a i n i n g com m u n i s t gove rn ­

men t s , such as C h i n a a n d V i et n a m ( Wor ld Ban k, 1 99 6 ) .

T h e i m pos i t ion of struct u ra l ad j ustm e n t h a d a m a j or i m pa ct o n soc i a l d eve l ­

opm e n t . To e n s u re t h at t h e i r ' co n d i t i o n a l i ty' req u i rements we re m e t , t h e I M F

a n d t h e Wo rld B a n k i n st a l l ed t h e i r sta ff i n t h e m i n i st ry of f i n a n ce or i n t h e

n a t i o n a l p l a n n i n g agencies o f reci p i e n t cou n t r i e s . Severe bu dgeta ry c u t s on

gove rn m e n t p rogra m mes we re i m posed , l a rge n u m bers of c i v i l serva n t s were

l a id off a n d govern m e n t regu l at i o n resc i n ded ; i m p o rt t a r i ffs were s l a s h ed and

state-owned e n terpr i ses were p r i vat i sed . O fte n , n a t i o na l deve l o p m en t p l a n s

were a b a n doned o n t h e a ssu m pt ion t h at t h e creat i o n of a v i b ra n t m a rket system

\vou l d ab rogate the n eed for p l an n i n g . In add i t i o n , u se r fee s fo r health se rv i ces ,

sc h oo l i n g and other govern m e n t program mes were i n t roduced w i t h t h e re s u l t

that u t i l i sa t i o n rates decl i n e d . As staff w e r e l a i d off, govern m e n t soc i a l deve l o p­

m e n t progra m m es were deci mated. Even where perso n n e l were reta i n ed , t h ey

were often left w i t h o u t a n y resou rces to i m p l eme n t p ro j ects . U n d e r t h ese c o n d i ­

t i o n s , the th rust for state-directed soc i a l deve l opm en t , w h i c h c h a racte r i sed t h e

1 950s a n d 1 9 60s, eva porated . T h e earl i e r e m p h a s i s o n red i st r ibut ion a n d ega l i ­

tar ia n i s m was d i s m is sed as i rre levant a n d soon forgotten .

As a result of these developments , the i nc i de n ce o f pove rty a n d deprivat i o n

i n m a n y devel o p i n g cou n tr i e s i nc reased . A l though t h e Wo rld B a n k i n it i a l l y

den i ed that soc i a l deprivat ion h a d worsened, stat i s t ics revea l ed that structural

ad j ustment had produced economic stag n a t i o n and even reversed t h e soci a l

ga i n s of t h e precedi n g t w o decades ( H a l l & M idg l ey, 2004) . The B a n k subse­

q u en t l y sought to a l l eviate the excesses o f structura l a d j ustment by establ i s h i n g

35

SOCIAl DEVElOPMENT: THEORY AND PRACTICE

w hat were known as Social Funds in badly affected countries; these chan­

m· l l ed resources to poor com munities and were usually administered by non­

governmental organisations. However, it became clear that the Funds were a

l i m i ted pal l i ative, particularly in the poorest developing countries . The advent

and rap i d spread of H I V I A I Ds exacerbated the problem, as did increased inter­

na t i onal and civil conflicts, ethnic strife and political repression.

Reinvigorati ng and redefi n i ng socia l development

T h e c ha l lenge to sta te-directed social development from populist activists and

market l i berals eventuall y provoked a response primarily from the United

Nat i o n s and its affiliated agencies, and efforts were made to reinvigorate social

develo pment ideas. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) led

t h e way with the publication of the first of a series of human development

reports t hat d iffered significantly from the conventional state-directed approach

to soc i a l development but nevertheless shared many of is features. As noted in

the l a st chapter, Sen's ( 1 999) conception of capabilities and of development as

a p rocess of 'enlarging choice' featured prominently in this approach (UNDP,

1 990) . U nder the leadership of Ul Haq, UNDP collaborated closely with the United

Nat ions Secretariat in planning for the 1 995 World Summit in Copenhagen,

wh ich was a major step in reinvigorating social development.

T h e u n an i mous adoption of the Copenhagen Declaration and its Commit­I IH 'I l ls by t he member states of the United Nations resulted in a renewed

i n t e rn a t i o nal commitment to expanding government's role in social develop­

m e n t . By acced ing to the Copenhagen Declaration, governments agreed to

red u c e th e incidence of poverty, hunger, unemployment, gender discrimina­

t i o n , child mortality and other pressing social problems. This commitment

was s u bseq uent ly confirmed by the adoption of the Millennium Develop­

m en t C o a l s ( United Nations, 2005 ) . As noted earlier, the Goals currently form

t h e ba s i s for much social development effort around the world and have been

s u p ported by other international agencies, including UNDP, UNICEF, ILO and

t h e Wor l d Bank (2008) , which has recently advocated an 'inclusive growth'

s t ra tegy that is i n m any ways similar to the social development approach

ou t l i n ed i n t h i s book. International donors and large foundations also play

a n i m portant role in funding non-governmental organisations to implement

socia l development proj ects . Non-governmental organisations are especially

active in impl e menting the relatively affordable 'Quick Win' projects that can

be more rea d i l y implemented than longer-term national programmes . These

proj ects i n clud e assistance to cooperative microenterprises, the provision of

mosquito nets to poor families, funding for local nutritional and immunisation

services, support for women's groups and technical assistance for local com­

munity forestry proj ects .

36

THE H I STORY O F SO C IAL D EVELO PMENT

In addition, different n ormative perspectives have also i n formed social deve l­

opmen t . These i nclude the livel ihoods (Chambers & Con way, 1 992; Scoons,

1 998) , capabil it ies (Nussbaum , 20 1 1 ; Sen, 1 985 , 1 999) a n d a sset (Moser & Da n i ,

2008) approaches that focu s o n households a n d t h e i r role i n soc i a l d eve lo p me n t

ra ther t h a n on comm u n i ty a nd state involvement. Although t h e i r p ropo n e n ts

d o not rej ect t h e contribution o f gove rn m e n ts, they u rge that i nce n t i ves a n d

resources a re provided to households to fac i l itate their pa rt i c i pat i on i n devel op­

ment . I n addition, a number o f soc' a l development i nterve n t i o ns t h at i m p l e­

m e n t ma rket frie n d ly i deas have be.:n adopted . One o f these i s m i crofi na nce

which has assumed a prom i n e n t position i n soc ia l deve l o p m e n t . M ore rece nt

i n novations, such a s microfranchis i ng, h ave rei n forced t h e bel ief t h a t t h e com­

m e rci a l i sat ion of social development wi l l ra pidly d i ffuse a ca p ita l i st ethos a m o n g

poor peop l e and result i n s ignifi cant i m p rovements i n sta n d a rds o f l i vi n g ( Fa i r­

bourne et a l . , 2007; Prahalad, 2005 ) . A s w i l l b e shown i n t h e next c h a pter, soc i a l

enterprise , socia l economy, and s i m i lar concepts have b e e n i n corporated i nto

socia l development.

A l t h ough m a ny com m u n i ty activists and l eaders of n o n -gove r n m e n ta l orga n ­

i s a t i o n s a re host i l e to the m arket l i beral approach, t h ey a r e a l so c r i t i c a l of stat­

i sm and many bel i eve that soc i a l development i s s t i l l excess ively de pe nde n t on

govern m e n t . I n 1 995 , many n o n -gove r n m ental orga n i s a t i o n s we re a n n oyed

t h at t h e y were n ot i nvited to participate i n t h e Cope n h age n Worl d S u m m i t a n d

m a n y atte nded t h e Alternative S u m m i t w h i c h adopted t h e Copenhagen A ltcma­til 'e lJeclaration, a s i t i s known . Th i s docu ment u rges t h e U n i ted N a t i o ns to

e m b race a n u m be r of i n n ovati o n s , such a s a tax on i n te r n a t i o n a l fi n a n c i a l

t ran sact i o n s, first proposed b y Tobin i n 1 9 7 2, a n i n crease o f offi c i a l d eve l o p­

m ent assistance to poor countries and to accord greate r recogn i t i o n of t h e role

of c iv i l society in social developme n t . S i m i l a r i deas were reflected in pop u l a r

a n t i -gl obal i sat ion demon strat ions i n Seattl e , Wa sh i ngton , D C a n d G e n oa ,

w h i ch di sru pted meetings of the World Trade O rga n i sa t i o n , t h e Worl d Ba n k a n d

t h e G7 gro u p of nat ions (Amoore, 200 5 ) . T h e Porto A l l eg re con ference o f orga n ­

i sa t i o n s o pposed t o t h e Davos gather ings of business a n d pol i t ica l leaders a l so

gave expression to t h ese sentim e n t s .

O n the other h a n d , advocates of state-d i rected devel opm e n t con t i n u e to

bel i eve that governments should have primary respo nsibi l ity for soc i a l develop­

ment. They recognise that the state should not monopo l i se the fi e ld, a n d u rge

that greater efforts be made to enhance popular part ic i pat ion, to foster demo­

cratic decis ion maki ng, and also to uti l i se markets judic iously. Som e h ave offered

a n ew versio n of state-directed development which is m i ndful of the role of m u l ­

t i p le agents and socia l i n stitutions i n socia l development . Despite real ten s i o n s

between the advocate s of different approaches, they a re not i rreconci lable and, as

was argued in the last chapter, i t i s possib le to forge a pragmatic and p l u ra l i sti c

approach to soci a l development that accommodates these d i ffere n t perspectives

with i n the broader framework of what wil l be cal l ed the i n stitut ional structural ist

37

TH E O RETI CAL PR INC IPLES & S OCIAL DEVELOPMENT PRACTICE

who are disadvantaged , oppressed and di scrim i nated agai n st can be b rough t into the development process and en joy its benefi ts . Th e r igh ts-ba sed a p p roach also facilitates the removal of barriers that prevent d i sadva n t aged groups from participating in development .

As will be apparent, the participatory natu re of soc ia l development pract icl' reflects the wider principle of u n iversalism discussed ea r l i er i n t h i s book w h i c h seeks to benefit the population as a whole but at the same t i m e t a rget a d d i t io n a l

resources at those who have special needs . Th i s fac i l itates pa rt ic i pat i on a m ong those who have been historically excluded , sud1 as poor women , l a n d less workers,

ethnic minorities , immigrants, indigen ous comm u n it i es a n d peop l l' with d i sab i l ­

ities. By utilising programmes an d policies t h at rem ove barriers , foster i n c l u s i o n

and ensure that social rights are upheld , social deve l o p m e n t p ract i ce co n t r i b u tes

to the goal of enhancing socia l well-be i ng for a l l .

The practice strategies

The features of social deve lopment pra ct i ce a l so c h a ra c t e r i se t h e m a j or prac­

tice strategies referred to earl ier. As wa s m e n t i o n ed , t h ey t ra n sce n d d i sc reet

practice interventions by incorporat i ng p ro j ects and p rogra m m es a s wel l as

policies and plans into coherent practice a pproa ch es . W h i l e pa rt i cu l a r p ro j l'Cts

an d programmes have immediate ob j ect ives , the p ract i ce s t ra t eg i es foc u s on

wider goals, such as mobil ising human ca p ita l o r creat i n g s m a l l b u s i n e sses

among poor people o r accumu lating assets . ln turn, the d i ffere n t pract i ce st ra t ­egies contribute to th e ultimate goal of enhanc i ng peo p l e 's w e l l - be i n g . A l l

harmonise the economic, socia l and other d i m e n s i o n s o f t h e deve l o p m e n t

process and all rely on social i nvestments . Th ey a re a l so s h a ped b y t h e m a j or

normative theories o r ' schools of though t ' that were d i scu ssed i n t h e l a st c h a pter.

They are often high l ighted in the literatu re and form t h e core of soc i a l d e ve l o p ­

ment practice .

This book discusses seven practice strategies w h i c h , as n oted ea r l i e r, a re

reviewed in more detail in Part I l l . The fi r st i s the h uman ca pita l s t rategy, w h i ch

promotes investments in skills and knowledge th rough educa t i o n , i n c l u d i n g

schools, universities , literacy train i ng, a nd c h i ldcare centres a s wel l a s h e a l t h

a n d nutritional programmes. The social cap ital a n d com m u n i t y deve l o p m e n t

practice strategy is based on the princ i p le that promot ing peopl e 's pa rt i c i pa t i on

in social and economic pro j ects at the commu n ity level com p r i ses a n i n vest­

ment strategy that fosters social development . Em p l oym e n t a n d d ecen t wo r k

combines different soci al investment intervent i o n s t o p r o m o t e rem u n erat i ve,

satisfying and productive employment . Microenterpri se draws on m i crofi n a n ce

to invest in small enterprises among poor people which ra nge from cooperati ve

business ventures by women to individually owned enterprises . The asset Cl p p roach

mobilises investments in financial assets through Individual Deve lopment

69

S O C IAL D EVELOPME NT: THEORY A N D PRACTI C E

Acco u n ts ( I DA s ) a n d ot h e r sav i n gs program mes, and i t a l so promotes the acqui­

s i t i o n a n d m a n a ge m e n t of com m u n i t y an d nat i onal ly held assets . Social protec­

t i o n t ra n sce n d s t h e c o n s u m pt i o n foc u s of conven t i onal social security schemes

to i nco rpo ra te a va r i ety of m ea su res t h at protect the l ivel ihoods of famil ies but

s i m u l ta n eou s l y i n vest i n t h e i r wel l -be i ng. Fi n a l l y, social planning comprises a

rnacrosoc i a l d eve l op m e n t st ra tegy that mob i l i ses a wide range of social develop­

m e n t act i v i t i es at t h e n a t i o n a l l eve l . A l t h ough w i d e l y denigrated during the 1 980s

a n d 1 990s hy m a rket l i bera l s, i t s i m por t a nce has aga i n been recognised as many

cou n t r i es a re n ow usi n g soc i a l p la n n i n g to ach ieve the Mi l lennium Development

( ; o a l s .

So c i a l d e ve l o p m e n t w r i t e r s w i l l d i sa g ree a b o u t w h e t h e r t h ese seven practice

s t ra t e g i e s i n fa c t e n c a p s u l a t e t h e co m p l e x i t i e s o f soc i a l deve lopment practice .

So m e w i l l po i n t o u t t h a t t h ey ove r l a p , w h i l e o t h e rs w i l l note that t h ey do not

e x h a u s t t h e n u m be r of l a rge - sca l e i n te rve n t i o n s that are used in the fie ld .

I n d e e d , t h e re i s a n ove rl a p b e t w e e n t h e se d i ffe re n t practice strategies and i t

i s a l so t h e c a s e t h a t o t h e r i n t e r ve n t i o n s co u l d have been i nc luded . Microfi ­

n a n l'l' a n d m i cr o e n t e r p r i se cou l d h a v e bee n se p a ra t ed so that access to credit

a n d t h e p r o m o t i o n o f sa v i n g s a m o n g t h ose w h o do not h ave formal access to

ba n k i n g a n d o t h e r f i n a n c i a l s e r v i c e s cou l d h a ve bee n dealt with in more

d e t a i l . I n a d d i t i o n , it c a n be a rg u e d t h a t t h e e m p h a s i s on p ract ice strategies

r a t h e r t h a n f i e l d s o f p ra c t i c e fa i l s t o c a p t u re t h e wa y soc ia l deve lopment prac­

t i c e t a ke s p l a c e i n p a r t i c u l a r se t t i n g s , s u c h as h e a l t h care , education and hous­

i n g , m w i t h pa rt i c u l a r p o p u l a t i o n s , s u c h as p o o r fa m i l i e s , women , ind igenous

p eo p l e a n d u r ba n i n fo r m a l s e t t l e m e n t dwe l l e r s . T h i s approach was used by

t h e U n i t ed N a t i o n s t o d e f i n e t h e ivf i l l e n n i u m Deve l o p m e n t Goals , which

foc u s l a rg e l y on h ea l t h , e d u ca t i o n a n d poverty. N e ve r t h e l e s s , i t wi l l be appar­

e n t t h a t t h e p ra c t i ce s t ra t eg i e s i d e n t i f i e d h e re a re a ssoc i ated with these fi elds

ev e n t h o u g h some a re n o t g i ve n t h e a t t e n t i o n t h ey deserve . While these

l i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e a p p roac h u sed i n t h i s book shou ld be recognised, i t seeks

to lw i n c l u s i v e and ra pt u re the m o st w i lk l y u sed and accepted forms of social

d ev l' i o p m e n t p ra ct i c e .

A n o t h e r i s s u e i s t h a t m a n y soc i a l deve l o pmen t scholars and practitioners

h a ve a s t ro n g p refe re n ce fo r one o f t h ese pract i ce strategies and often ignore

o t h e r pra ct i ce a p p roac h es a n d somet i m es even d i smiss them . Often, social

dev l' i o pm e n t p ract i ce has bee n exc l u s ive l y associated with community develop­

m e n t or a ct i v i s m or m i c roc n te r p r i se s or a s set sav ings accounts . In contrast, the

c l a s s i fi ca t i o n p nw i d ed h e re suggest t h a t t h ey a l l contribute to social develop­

m e n t a n d s h o u l d be ,· i ewed a s co i l l'Ct ive ly foster ing social development goals .

Th i s a rgu nw n t i s d e,· c i opcd fu rther i n t h e fi n a l chapter of this book where the

1wed to l i n k t h ese d i ffe re n t p ract ice st ra teg i es wit h i n a coherent corporatist

fra m ework known as i n st i t u t i o n a l st r u ct u ra l i s m is emphasised .

I t wa s m e n t i o n e d e a r l i e r t h a t t h e se pract ice strategies have been informed by

th e d i ffe re n t n o r m a t ive perspect ives d i scussed i n the last c hapter. I n some

70