Enhancing Undocumented Presence at the University of Colorado Boulder

Author and Primary Investigator: Emma Levy Secondary Investigator: Karla Niño

Political Science Departmental Honors Thesis

Defense Date: April 2, 2020

Dr. John Griffin: Professor of Political Science (Advisor) Janet Donavan: Senior Instructor in Political Science

Charla Agnoletti: Program Director, Public Achievement, School of Education Dr. Sabrina Sideris: Program Director, INVST Community Studies, School of Education

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“I myself prefer equal opportunity as opposed to equal outcome. So, you know, just level the playing field... make it as easily accessible to be successful at CU regardless of who you are” -Participant 1-9, student at University of Colorado Boulder

The research participants involved in this study recognized

Dave Aragon and Violeta Chapin as primary advocates for the enhancement of undocumented/DACA presence at the University of Colorado Boulder.

Thank you for your expertise and support.

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Introduction

Participant P1-3 spends two and a half hours in the car on their daily drive to class at the

University of Colorado Boulder. Though they was admitted to multiple schools closer to Greely,

P1-3 chooses to commute because they sees value in a degree from the University of Colorado

Boulder’s school of engineering. After three years at the university P1-3 is now accustomed to

navigating the barriers they face as an undocumented/DACA1 student. Though they feel

confident in their ability to obtain their bachelor’s, P1-3 notices the ways in which their

university fails to support undocumented/DACA students. P1-3 believes more of their peers

would enroll at the University of Colorado Boulder if the school strengthened support structures

for prospective undocumented/DACA students.

This study examines the key factors for low enrollment rates of undocumented/DACA

students at the University of Colorado Boulder. Enrollment data reflects a general lack of

representation among all minority groups at the University of Colorado Boulder. However, the

university does not publicly report current enrollment rates of its undocumented/DACA student

population. While many underrepresented groups navigate barriers in their pursuit of enrollment

at the University of Colorado Boulder, the undocumented/DACA population experiences unique

challenges that result from their documentation status. Existing research has thus far analyzed the

various obstacles undocumented/DACA students face in their pursuit of higher education on both

a nationwide scale and at certain universities across the country. The literature reports three

explanatory factors for low enrollment rates of undocumented/DACA students nationwide: (a)

low socioeconomic status; (b) marginalized identity; (c) lack of social capital. Prior studies do

not examine how the support structures available to Colorado’s undocumented/DACA high

1 For the purpose of this study, we utilize the term undocumented/DACA to group students of various documentation status together. See Conceptual Frameworks, pg. 17 for more information on the use of this term.

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schoolers may impact this population’s ability to pursue enrollment at the University of Colorado

Boulder.

We utilize structured interview data from 20 undocumented/DACA students to

understand the social, political and financial barriers this population faces in pursuit of

postsecondary enrollment. Our interview data revealed three explanatory themes for low

enrollment rates at the University of Colorado Boulder: (a) insufficient social capital2; (b)

insufficient financial support; and (c) unwelcoming campus climate. These themes prompted us

to generate a set of policy recommendations that enhance support structures for

undocumented/DACA students. If properly implemented, we believe the university will see an

increase in enrollment rates among the target population, and act as a model for institutions who

wish to enhance undocumented/DACA presence on campus.

Background and Expectations Representation in University Demographics

Socioeconomic status, racial classification, and social capital are three factors that drive

college enrollment rates across the United States. Those who belong to high socioeconomic

status, identify with dominant racial groups, and attend school systems equipped with the

resources to foster traditional social capital are more likely to excel in obtaining access to

institutions of higher learning. Those who face additional barriers in obtaining access to

institutions of higher learning tend to have low socioeconomic status, identify with subordinate

racial groups, and attend schools’ systems that lack traditional social capital.

The literature marks socioeconomic status as a key determinant in university

demographics nationwide. Residential patterns segregate students by socioeconomic status:

students from high-income families attend well-funded schools. Not only do they find college

2 We define the term social capital in the Key Terms section on page 20.

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more affordable, but wealthy students have access to necessary educational, social, and

informational support structures within their school communities (Carnevale & Rose 2013). The

attainment of postsecondary education is crucial in the upward mobility of those who belong to

historically underrepresented populations (Carnevale & Rose 2013).

Racial classification is another factor crucial in understanding who excels in obtaining

access to institutions of higher learning. Students who identify with minority racial groups face

systemic barriers, while those of “dominant”3 racial identities maintain significant representation

among university demographics. Enrollment data from both the University of Colorado Boulder

and the National Center for Educational statistics show that White and Asian students comprise a

significant portion of the undergraduate student population, while students of underrepresented

groups make up smaller percentages of the total enrolled population (University of Colorado

2019; U.S. Department of Education 2019). Figure 1 illustrates current enrollment rates at the

University of Colorado Boulder by racial classification.4 Table 1 displays applications,

admissions and enrollment rates at the University of Colorado Boulder by racial classification.

The social capital framework provides an all-encompassing assessment of the factors that

determine a student’s ability to access institutions of higher learning. The resources accessible to

students through school and community networks contribute to a student’s social capital.

Traditional education discourse takes the position that underrepresented groups fail to adequately

prepare youth to excel in school. This concept, known as deficit thinking, lacks a basic

3 Yosso explains that white students benefit from the privileges associated with their membership to the “dominant” racial class. Because formal school systems were constructed by whites, the education system is tailored to the lived experiences of white students. Though formal schooling provides a pathway for upward mobility among “subordinate” racial groups, the current education system fails to meet the needs of Students of Color (Yosso 2005). Additionally, Carnevale and Rose (2013) argue this lack of representation can be attributed to the unequal distribution of wealth among racial groups, for Blacks and Hispanics tend to attend poorer high schools with low rates of college attendance and low social capital. 4 It is important to note that enrollment rates specific to the undocumented/DACA population are not publicly reported. Instead, enrollment statistics group the undocumented/DACA population with other nonresident students in the “non-resident alien” category.

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understanding of the structural elements of education that prioritize the needs of white students,

and consequently under serve Students of Color (Yosso 2005). Examining the systems of

education as institutions whose structures fail to serve marginalized groups provides a more

accurate explanation of current university demographics (Forsyth & Adams 2004; Yosso 2005).

Social capital tends to reinforce socioeconomic advantages. Students from low-income

schools often attend schools with low social capital, and wealthy students attend schools with

high social capital. The strength of social capital present in a student’s K-12 school plays an

influential role in that student’s likelihood of accessing postsecondary education (Perna 2005;

Yosso 2005). Forsyth and Adams lay out a framework to assess social capital in schools. For this

purpose, they define social capital as the “...operational channels of interaction and the

dispositions to use them for some productive purpose” (Forsyth & Adams 2004: 253). Their

framework suggests a school system builds social capital through meaningful relationships

between the school’s constituent groups: teachers, students, parents and administrators.

According to Forsyth and Adams, the strength of a school system can be measured

through both cognitive and structural dimensions. In regard to cognitive dimensions, school

systems with high social capital consist of faculty and staff who understand the ways students

lived experiences and identity (racial classification, socioeconomic status, immigration status,

etc.) shape their educational experience (Perna 2005). Staff competency allows students to

develop trust within their school system and rely on faculty to support their postsecondary

educational pursuits. Students who attend schools with staff who do not understand their lived

experiences face additional barriers in obtaining access to higher education. In regard to

structural dimensions, schools with high social capital prioritize parental involvement to promote

college enrollment. These institutions create strong networks of communication between parents

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and faculty to support a student’s postsecondary educational pursuits (Perna 2005; Carnevale &

Rose 2013). K-12 school systems with high social capital. Table two outlines the social capital

framework.

Undocumented Representation Nationwide The three factors influencing college enrollment rates nationwide are socioeconomic

status, race and social capital. Low educational attainment rates among the undocumented

population qualify undocumented/DACA students to be considered a marginalized population

underserved by institutions of higher learning. We now cover how these factors influence the

educational attainment of the undocumented/DACA student population on a national scale.

The average undocumented/DACA student identifies as lower class, for 60% of the

undocumented population’s yearly income places them at or below the 200% poverty threshold

(Migration Policy Institute 2016). Despite their poverty level, 67% of the 10,491,000

undocumented/DACA persons 16 and older living in the United States participate in the labor

force (Migration Policy Institute 2016). The top industries of employment for this labor force are

accommodation and food services, construction, waste management, manufacturing, and retail

trade (Migration Policy Institute 2016). Participating in many of these industries does not require

a postsecondary education. Postsecondary education is crucial in undocumented/DACA student’s

upward mobility. Without a college education, it is difficult for undocumented/DACA students

to compete for high-paying jobs (Martinez et. al. 2014).

One explanatory factor unique to the socioeconomic status of undocumented/DACA

students lies in the legal complexities associated with citizenship status. Gash and Yamin (2014)

analyze immigration policy debates to understand the way state actors utilize family status5 to

5 Gash and Yamin (2014: 2) discuss the ways in which state actors withhold support from undocumented families whose socioeconomic status qualifies them to receive public benefits.

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either grant or withhold public benefits from the undocumented/DACA population. They claim

state-granted familial status intentionally places undocumented/DACA people in the low-wage

workforce. Because family stability is linked to economic value (p. 3), withholding citizenship

and familial status forces the population to resort to low-wage work. The lack of legal

recognition undocumented families receives results in the population’s inability to access high

paying jobs. A lack of access to high-paying jobs prevents undocumented/DACA families from

improving their overall socioeconomic status (Gash and Yamin 2014).

The low socioeconomic status of the undocumented population places greater financial

burden on those who wish to continue their education following high school graduation (Suarez-

Orozco 2015). The lack of representation of undocumented/DACA students likely can be

attributed to the additional barriers undocumented/DACA students face in accessing resources to

finance their postsecondary education. Undocumented/DACA students fail to qualify for federal

tuition subsidies that alleviate the financial burden for other marginalized populations. Programs

like FAFSA, which provide significant aid to students of low socioeconomic status, do not

support individuals without citizenship status (Fathali 2013; Gildersleeve & Vigil 2015). Two

pieces of legislation prevent undocumented students from receiving the same government and

institutional financial support as their documented peers. The Personal Responsibility and Work

Opportunity Act of 1996 (PWORA) restricts undocumented/DACA students from receiving

federal-level financial aid (Shaw 2016). The Immigration Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA)

requires colleges to submit proof of students’ lawful immigration status to U.S. Citizenship and

Immigration Services (HR3610 1996), which both prevents undocumented/DACA students from

enrolling in institutions of higher learning (Amuedo-Dorantes & Sparber 2013) and reduces the

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value of a college education for degree holders (Shaw 2016). The impacts of both pieces of

legislation are detailed further in Appendix B: Legislative History.

Federal- and state-level legislative efforts have been enacted to decrease the financial

burden undocumented students face in their pursuit of higher education. Federal programs such

as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) provided6 undocumented students with

temporary relief from deportation and the ability to apply for temporary work authorization

(Deferred Action 2019). In State Resident Tuition (ISRT) policies such as Colorado’s Senate Bill

13-033: Advancing Students for a Stronger Economy Tomorrow (ASSET)7 provide in state

tuition to qualifying undocumented students. Figure 28 shows current ISRT policies by state.

Both the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996 and the Immigration

Responsibility Act of 1996 prevent this group from accessing federal and institutional aid

traditionally granted to poor students. However, state ISRT policies provide some relief from this

burden, and show success in supporting undocumented students in the financing of their

postsecondary education. Appendix B: Legislative History provides greater insight into the

effectiveness of legislation aimed to reduce the financial barriers to higher education faced by

undocumented students.

Though not all undocumented/DACA students identify with minority racial groups,

immigrant groups face discrimination due to xenophobic rhetoric and legal violence9. The

criminalization of the undocumented/DACA population by both the United States legal system

6 The Department of Homeland Security chose to rescind and phase out the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program in 2018. For further information on the history of DACA, see Appendix B: Legislative History. 7 University of Colorado Boulder. Office of Financial Aid. 2019. ASSET Student Financial Aid Application 2019-2020. Boulder, Colorado: University of Colorado. 8 A similar graphic published by the National Immigration Law Center provided the data necessary to generate this figure: https://www.nilc.org/issues/education/eduaccesstoolkit/eduaccesstoolkit2/#maps 9 We define the term legal violence in the Conceptual Frameworks section, located on pg. 18.

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and popular media outlets creates additional sociopolitical barriers for undocumented students.

This population faces additional discrimination due to their lack of legal recognition from the

United States government. Without either a deportation order or form of authorization,

undocumented/DACA individuals are placed into a state of legal limbo10. Families are forced to

conceal their citizenship status, and even withdraw from school communities due to fear of

deportation, especially during periods of political turbulence (Martinez et. al. 2014; Muñoz et. al.

2018). For example, 12% of children living in California are either undocumented/DACA or live

with a family member who is undocumented/DACA (Wald et. al. 2017). Policies adopted by the

Trump administration resulted in fear of ICE raids within the immigrant communities. This fear

led to an increase in student absences and declines in parental participation throughout K-12

schools. The criminalization of the undocumented/DACA population as a whole prevents

undocumented/DACA students from fully engaging with their K-12 school community (Wald et.

al. 2017)

The fear of disclosing one’s citizenship status to high school staff and prospective

universities may prevent undocumented/DACA students from obtaining the resources they need

to access institutions of higher learning (Wong & Valvida 2014; Suarez-Orozco et.al. 2015;

Muñoz and Vigil 2018). The media plays a significant role in the undocumented/DACA

narrative and public opinion towards policy that supports (or criminalizes) this population (Van

Horn 2016). The way media outlets frame both policies like DACA, and the individuals affected

by these policies, skews public opinion and further alienates undocumented/DACA individuals

from the social body. Media outlets also lack a uniform rhetoric to describe

undocumented/DACA populations. The lack of consistent vocabulary fails to effectively educate

10 Gash and Yamin (2014) refer to the state of legal limbo as the time period when undocumented individuals remain working in the U.S. without proper authorization and are labeled illegal.

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the public. The language and attributes prescribed to DACA recipients criminalizes their

existence in the United States (Van Horn 2016). The criminalization of this population creates an

inaccurate narrative of undocumented students. This highly politicized narrative is reflected on

college campuses and inhibits undocumented/DACA students from confiding in school staff

regarding their status.

The lack of social capital fostered within the undocumented population at K-12 schools

qualifies undocumented students as a marginalized population underserved by institutions

created to support the pursuit of higher education. In regard to the cognitive dimensions of social

capital, K-12 schools lack staff members who are educated on both the complexities of the

undocumented student identity and the way said identity impacts the educational experience

(Wald et. al. 2017). The notion that teachers have little to do with undocumented/DACA

student’s success is invalid. Teachers play a necessary role in the success of

undocumented/DACA students, for they shape the learning experience of the student (CITE).

Sociocultural competence among teachers is crucial and lacking: teachers must be aware of the

complexities of the undocumented/DACA student’s status and how their curriculum and

pedagogy have the potential to enhance or hinder immigrant students’ success (Martinez et. al.

2014). A lack of sociocultural competency among teachers and staff in K-12 schools results in a

lack of trust between undocumented/DACA students and their teachers. Undocumented/DACA

students who feel their school staff do not understand their identity may avoid asking for their

help in accessing institutions of higher learning (e.g., with the college application process).

When teachers fail to educate themselves on the lived experiences of their undocumented

students, they fail to create an environment conducive to long-term student success. When

considering the structural dimensions necessary to foster social capital specific to the

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undocumented population, Many K-12 schools fail to adequately support undocumented/DACA

students and their families. Schools fail to establish quality communication channels with

immigrant parents and create policies that address the complexities of navigating the public

education system. When schools fail to create policy that support undocumented/DACA students

and their families at the earliest levels of education, students are unable to actively engage in

their school community during politically turbulent times (Wald et. al. 2017).

A lack of social capital within schools underserves the undocumented/DACA student

population. Schools fail to educate staff members on the lived experiences of their

undocumented/DACA student body, and consequently fail to build trusting relationships with

their students. A lack of school support structures applicable to the needs of

undocumented/DACA students and their families fails to create a learning environment that

supports students in pursuing higher education.

Unwelcome on Campus Suarez-Orozco (2015: 445) notes the quality of support services available to

undocumented/DACA students develops an institution’s reputation for “undocufriendliness”.

Prospective students consider this reputation during the college decision process. Nevertheless,

institutions of higher learning continue to under serve their undocumented/DACA student

population following initial enrollment. Once on campus, undocumented students must navigate

additional barriers due to their low socioeconomic status. Undocumented/DACA students have

limited access to financial aid (loans, grants, work study, etc.) opportunities typically awarded to

students of low socioeconomic status (Gildersleeve & Vigil 2014; Muñoz & Vigil 2018). Aside

from paying tuition, undocumented/DACA students note their concern about financing the

additional costs of postsecondary education, such as textbooks, supplies, and involvement in

extracurriculars (Suarez-Orozco et. al. 2015). To compensate for the financial burden of college,

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many undocumented/DACA students choose to live at home and commute to campus. Many

undocumented students work full time not only to finance their education, but also to provide

supplemental income to their family, as they may be the only individuals permitted to work in

the United States (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2015). However, commuting places restraints on the

time these students are able to spend on coursework (Suarez-Orozco et al., 2015). Kuh, Vesper

and Krehbiel find working full time to be “negatively linked to engagement with peers and

professors” (1994 p. 431). Low socioeconomic status also prevents undocumented/DACA

students from participating in various extracurricular activities offered to college students (i.e.,

Greek life, club sports, etc.) due to their lack of disposable income. The financial burden of

postsecondary education prevents undocumented/DACA students from fully engaging with the

campus community.

The marginalized identity of undocumented/DACA identity further isolates this

population on campus. College campuses function as a microcosm of society, so when

xenophobic rhetoric dominates the media (Van Horn 2016), the campus climate reflects this

sentiment (Muñoz et al. 2018; Suarez-Orozco, 2015). Furthermore, the lack of representation on

campus isolates undocumented/DACA students, contributes to exclusive campus culture, and

makes students feel criminalized and illegal (Wong & Valvida, 2014; Muñoz and Vigil 2018). A

hostile campus climate coupled with the continual threat of deportation results in poor mental

health for undocumented/DACA students. When institutions of higher learning fail to take action

to combat anti-immigrant sentiment, students struggle to perform in school (Suarez-Orozco et.

al., 2015).

A lack of social capital on campus further isolates undocumented/DACA students from

their peers and contributes to an unwelcoming campus climate. Faculty and staff are unaware

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how sociopolitical factors (i.e., threat of deportation, rapidly changing policy) impact

undocumented students’ performance and engagement with coursework (Ortíz & Lopez 2017).

After conducting 12 in-depth interviews with students from three universities across Colorado,

Muñoz and Vigil identify specific ways in which institutions of higher learning perpetuate legal

violence against the undocumented/DACA student body. They categorize these areas lacking

social capital as (a) institutional ignorance; (b) the reduction of pervasive invisibility; and (c)

hidden/non present communities of support. Suarez-Orozco (2015) introduces the

undocufriendly campus model11 as a framework to strengthen social capital on campus.

Context of the Study

According to data collected by the Migration Policy Institute in 2016, 11,300,000 people

live in the United States without documentation. Reports indicate that among undocumented

adults 25 and older, 25% had obtained a high school diploma, 13% had completed some college

or obtained an associate degree, and only 15% had obtained a bachelor’s, graduate, or

professional degree. According to the same report, 37% of undocumented people ages 18-24

were enrolled in some sort of schooling in 2016 (Migration Policy Institute 2016). Colorado’s

population reflects a similar achievement gap. PEW Researcher’s estimates of the U.S.

unauthorized immigrant population show the greater Denver area (Denver/Lakewood/Aurora)

alone is home to 130,000 undocumented individuals. The educational attainment of

undocumented adults in Colorado is not reported, nor are the enrollment rates of undocumented

students ages 18-24. Existing research has thus far analyzed the various obstacles undocumented

student face in their pursuit of higher education on a nationwide scale and at some universities

across Colorado. Prior studies do not examine the key factors for successfully bringing

11 The Conceptual Frameworks section covers the undocufriendly campus model in greater depth.

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undocumented students to the University of Colorado Boulder, nor do they examine the support

structures necessary to enhance their educational experience while enrolled at the University of

Colorado Boulder.

The University of Colorado Boulder publicizes its Inclusivity, Diversity and Excellence

in Academics (IDEA) plan12 as a living document whose primary goal is to “create within all

members of our campus community a real and lasting sense of belonging, allowing them to

achieve their individual goals, live their reality and identity in confidence, and contribute to the

university with a fullness of purpose, mind, and spirit, free of artificial obstacles anchored in our

differences” (IDEA 2019, p. 35). However, the University of Colorado Boulder reports

nonresident alien students13 make up only 6.4% of those enrolled (National Center for Education

Statistics 2019). The lack of undocumented/DACA presence at institutions of higher learning

both nationwide and at the University of Colorado can be attributed to the previously stated

“artificial obstacles” shared by underrepresented groups.

Method

The primary and secondary investigator14 conducted participatory action research as part

of our qualitative inquiry for this study. Qualitative researchers seek to describe and understand

phenomena by documenting the lived experiences of a group or individual (Creswell 1998).

Participatory Action Research (PAR) is a form of qualitative inquiry used by action researchers

and community members who seek to improve their situation (MacDonald 2012). Rather than

simply providing explanation for a phenomenon, this form of inquiry documents the lived

experiences of community members “for the purpose of taking action and making change”

12 University of Colorado Boulder’s Inclusivity, Diversity, and Excellence in Academics (IDEA) Plan: https://www.colorado.edu/odece/sites/default/files/attached-files/idea_plan.pdf 13 This percentage fails to separate undocumented/DACA students from other nonresident student populations. 14 The primary and secondary investigator orient themselves within the context of their research in Appendix D.

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(Gillis & Jackson 2002: 264). Those involved in the data collection process are not considered

subjects of the research, but participants whose involvement is crucial to the success of the study.

Participatory Action Research requires that the impacted community guide all policy

recommendations generated from the data collection process.

Data Collection

Our model recruits 20 interview participants for two interview subgroups: Participant

Population One (P1) undocumented students who currently attend the University of Colorado

Boulder and Participant Population Two (P2) undocumented students who applied but chose not

to attend the University of Colorado Boulder. This data collection targeted these student

populations in two phases.

The secondary investigator utilized their position as president of Inspired Dreamers to

recruit 8 current students at the University of Colorado Boulder and 2 recent graduates who

identify as undocumented/DACA students. The investigators asked this population questions

regarding the resources that they feel benefitted them in applying to an institution of higher

learning, the obstacles they faced throughout the application process, and their experiences as

students on campus. The investigators then built upon their subject base by asking Participant

Population One to aid in recruitment of participant population two. Participant Population Two

consisted of high school classmates of Participant Population One and students from the

Dreamers United organization at Colorado State University. All subjects considered the

University of Colorado for postsecondary education but chose to enroll at another institution of

higher education. Following secondary recruitment, the investigators conducted a second round

of structured interviews with Participant Population Two in order to better understand the

specific barriers that prevented these individuals from enrolling at the University of Colorado

Boulder. Table Three and Table Four outline P1 and P2 participants, respectively.

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Data Analysis The primary investigator used inductive qualitative analysis to uncover three explanatory

themes for low enrollment rates of undocumented/DACA students at University of Colorado. I

condensed raw interview transcripts into a brief summary format. My summaries allowed me to

establish common themes between the research objectives and the findings derived from the raw

transcriptions. This guided the construction of a “framework of the underlying structure of

experiences or processes that are evident in the raw data” (Thomas 2006). My framework

consisted of three experiential themes: financial barriers to accessing postsecondary education,

social capital at K-12 schools, and assistance from prospective institutions of higher learning.

Limitations

Local context and sample representation are two limitations to this study. Sample

representation includes only individuals who identify as latinx. Though this population

comprises 67% of undocumented people living in the United States (Migration Policy Institute

2016), the experiences of other racial and ethnic groups provide valuable insight to this research.

We chose to interview students whose experiences are most applicable to the University of

Colorado; however, policy recommendations may not generalize to other institutions of learning

outside of Boulder.

Conceptual Frameworks

We utilize conceptual frameworks from Muñoz and Vigil and Suarez-Orozco for this

study. We borrow from Muñoz and Vigil (2018) to analyze how the undocumented identity is

covertly marginalized on college campuses. After conducting 12 in-depth interviews with

students from three universities across Colorado, Muñoz and Vigil identified three ways in which

institutions of higher learning perpetuate legal violence15 against the undocumented/DACA

15 Muñoz & Vigil use legal violence “to illuminate how anti-immigration sentiment ingrained in U.S. society are performed within the context of higher education” (2018: 5).

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student body: (a) institutional ignorance; (b) the reduction of pervasive invisibility; and (c)

hidden/non present communities of support. We utilize this framework to explain how, amongst

other institutional barriers, the University of Colorado Boulder campus climate influences low

enrollment rates of undocumented/DACA students.

In regard to institutional ignorance, undocumented/DACA students report those who hold

power on campus lack the necessary skillset to effectively support undocumented students and

enforce the student as educators on the complexities of documentation. This places an emotional

burden on undocumented students who may not feel comfortable sharing their status, and

“perpetuates a climate of exclusion” (Muñoz & Vigil 2018: 9). Students feel exploited for their

lived experiences and tokenized for their resilience but are not provided with the resources

necessary to excel on campus (Muñoz et. al. 2015). In regard to the reduction of pervasive

invisibility, a lack of representation on campus isolates undocumented/DACA students, and

results in a failure of staff to understand the lived experiences of undocumented/DACA students

on campus. Muñoz and Vigil (2018) refer to this as nativist micro aggressions, which

“...normalize the dehumanization and perpetual criminalization of immigrants” (p.10). When

concerning hidden/nonpresent communities of support, undocumented/DACA students struggle

to access the on-campus resources available to support their academic and social success

(Gildersleeve & Vigil 2015). According to Muñoz and Vigil (2018), most support and aid from

staff and faculty happens “behind the scenes and under the radar (p. 12). Their interview data

reports students felt it was up to them to identify trusted individuals (faculty, students,

administrators) and then make connections to receive support. This task places additional burden

on students and frees institutions from any responsibility for the population’s success (Muñoz

&Vigil 2018; Ortíz & Lopez 2017). An overall lack of understanding of the lived experiences of

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undocumented/DACA students, along with a failure to publicize support structures available to

the population, creates an unsafe campus climate lacking the social capital necessary to support

this population.

Suarez-Orozco’s (2015) undocufriendly campus model guides the construction of our

policy recommendations. Suarez-Orozco and colleagues surveyed undocumented/DACA

undergraduates at 264 institutions of higher learning across the nation to generate

recommendations for institutions to better support their undocumented/DACA student body. The

resulting framework organizes the previously discussed campus-level factors into three

metatheses: (a) understand undocumented students and then educate service providers on

campus, (b) provide help, and (c) public endorsement of the undocumented student body

(Suarez-Orozco et.al. 2015). Ten more specific themes lie within each metatheme: listen and

learn, train staff, endorse publicly, equitable treatment, empathy, respect privacy, safe spaces,

information, financial aid, counseling (Suárez-Orozco et.al. 2015: 449). Table 3 outlines the

original undocufriendly campus model.

Key Terms

A few terms are key to this study. Though the experiences of undocumented students

differ from those granted protection from deportation through DACA, both student groups

experience similar institutional barriers in their pursuit of higher education. We use the term

undocumented/DACA students to describe the collective experience of our subject group, as the

documentation status of our interview participants varies. The term institutional ignorance

describes how a lack of understanding of the lived experiences of marginalized groups

contributes to low enrollment rates of undocumented/DACA students. We use the term financial

ignorance to highlight how the target population felt unable to access financial support

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opportunities when their institution did not understand the unique barriers they faced as

undocumented/DACA students. For the purpose of this study, the term campus climate refers to

the various administrative offices and communities tasked to support students who pursue

enrollment at institutions of higher learning. We use the term social capital to analyze the

support structures available to undocumented/DACA students at their K-12 schools.

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Findings

Our study revealed three themes that explain low enrollment rates of

undocumented/DACA students at the University of Colorado Boulder: (a) insufficient social

capital; (b) financial ignorance; (c) unwelcoming campus climate.

Insufficient Social Capital

Our findings identified insufficient social capital as the first explanatory factor for low

enrollment rates of undocumented/DACA students at the University of Colorado Boulder.

The degree of social capital fostered by high school staff plays an influential role in where

undocumented/DACA students enroll for postsecondary education. 19 of 20 participants said

they were unable to rely on parental support throughout the college application process because

they were the first member of their family to pursue postsecondary education. All participants

identified their high school guidance counselor as the primary link between themselves and

prospective institutions of higher learning.

We gauged the strength of social capital at our participant’s high schools by asking

questions related to the competency of their school guidance counselors across both cognitive

and structural dimensions. Three questions guided our findings: (Q1) Were you comfortable

disclosing your documentation status to your guidance counselor?; (Q2) Was your guidance

counselor informed of the steps necessary to apply to college as an undocumented/DACA

student?; (Q3) Was your guidance counselor helpful throughout your college application

process?

Five members of Participant Population One discussed how the choice to withhold their

status from school staff negatively impacted their college choice process. Multiple participants

reflected on conversations with their parents, who warned their children of the anti-immigrant

22

sentiment expressed by members of their school community. When asked why they chose not to

confide in their guidance counselor, Participant 1-4 recalled:

I didn’t feel safe or comfortable talking to people that I felt couldn’t offer me resources...my parents would always tell me this [status] is something that you should keep to yourself, don’t let anyone know about your status, you don’t want to put yourself in a situation where you could jeopardize staying in this country. (P1-4)

P1-4 was unsure if their guidance counselor knew about DACA or understood how their DACA

status would impact the college application process. When their guidance counselor failed to ask

if they would require additional help for any reason, P1-4 felt their counselor was ill equipped to

support their needs. In retrospect, Participant 1-4 would have appreciated more transparency

between themselves and their guidance counselor, as they do not feel welcome at the University

of Colorado Boulder. P1-4 felt they would have trusted a counselor who clearly understood their

identity and would have utilized this counselor’s competence to learn which institutions would

best support their needs.

Five students from Participant Population One felt comfortable disclosing their

documentation status to their guidance counselor. These students were fearful to share their

status, but recognized transparency was crucial in order for them to receive adequate support. In

their freshman year, P1-6 joined a program for first generation students at their high school. P1-6

spoke of their initial fear to disclose their status:

...that was the first time I told anyone outside of my family circle that I was undocumented. And I remember that first time, I cried when I revealed that information because I’ve never done that before… I thought that information was alienating, it would alienate me from my teachers and my peers. (P1-4)

After the members of their college preparatory program applauded their bravery, P1-6

recognized they would have to reveal their status so their counselor could understand how to

23

effectively support their college aspirations. Participant 1-6 was shocked by the positive reaction

they received from their guidance counselor:

When I told him, I was very surprised by how they reacted. I thought they were going to react negatively, and in a way lose respect for me or treat me differently than other students. But I got the exact opposite reaction, they showed extra love, extra care and extra support, which made it more comfortable for me to come out with the fact that I am an undocumented student. And after that, I lost the fear of saying I’m an undocumented student in public… they kind of like sort of in a way taught me that being an undocumented student is not something that’s detrimental, but, um the fact that a lot of us are going to college and graduating with degrees with less opportunities handed to us, uh really makes me value the fact that I’m an undocumented student and I’m going to college (P1-6)

P1-6 spoke of the ways in which their counselor paid special attention to them throughout the

college application process. P1-6 was one of two students in their graduating class who enrolled

at the University of Colorado Boulder. P1-6’s guidance counselor warned P1-6 of the challenges

undocumented/DACA students face at the University of Colorado Boulder, but encouraged them

to remain confident in their identity and seek support from campus resources. P1-6 attributed the

resilience they demonstrated throughout their four years at the University of Colorado Boulder to

the confidence instilled by their high school guidance counselor.

Even participants who felt comfortable enough to disclose their status found their

guidance counselor did not understood the steps necessary to apply to college as an

undocumented/DACA student. P2-6 earned a 4.0 GPA and wrote compelling application essays.

They received glowing letters of recommendation from their teachers, who articulated P2-6’s

effective leadership style and strong dedication to community. Initially, P2-6 assumed their

counselor would be eager to help them navigate the barriers to admittance they faced as an

undocumented person. However, P2-6 learned their guidance counselor lacked the skills and

24

attitude necessary to assist minority students who faced additional challenges in pursuit of

postsecondary education:

We had one counselor for our school. My entire school hired a counselor for only two days a week, and that two days a week my counselor was busier than ever. There were times I couldn’t go in to talk to her, or I had to set up obscure times to talk with her...it was like we were in the process of going to college without a counselor… They had no idea [about my status] except for one time when we were having a one-on-one meeting about college, scholarships, and what to do. She asked me if I was born in the United States and I said no. And that was as far as it went. She didn’t help, she didn’t really ask about my status. She just asked if I was a citizen. She didn’t know whether or not I had DACA and she didn’t even ask about DACA. I believe she really might have not, I don’t want to say, cared. It wasn’t really in her perspective to ask about undocumented students, especially in the part of Colorado where we were. It’s a small, basically all white town. There were a couple of other Mexican students, but the majority was white. It was honestly probably something she never had to deal with. (P2-6)

P2-6 felt they represented the type of candidate who would excel at the highest scholastic level,

but their guidance counselor’s seeming indifference caused them to question their future. P2-6

wondered if their goal to attend college would prove unattainable.

There was one point where I had a complete mental breakdown because I didn’t know what I was going to do after high school. I had never met anyone like myself, undocumented and without DACA. I knew people could go to college without DACA, but I didn’t know anyone who could go without. (P2-6)

Though they were able to complete the application process with outside support, P2-6 felt

shortchanged by their guidance counselor, whose job description requires them to support all

students regardless of the additional obstacles posed by their documentation status.

Eight participants discussed how the competency and helpfulness of their high school

guidance counselor eased the college application process. Participant 2-9 attended high school

25

alongside many other immigrant students, and felt comfortable disclosing their status to their

guidance counselor:

I think that I felt comfortable talking with my guidance counselor because they have a similar background to me. They weren’t undocumented themselves, but they understood that undocumented students when applying to college go through a slightly different process. Um so because of that it was easier for me to talk to them. But I think if I had a college counselor that didn’t know what it was like to be an immigrant or could be from a different country, I think it would have been a different story (P2-9)

Participant 2-9 further expressed the effectiveness of their guidance counselor, who facilitated

multiple assembly workshops so that undocumented/DACA students could receive help with the

college application process. P2-9 believed their guidance counselor’s competency and empathy

towards marginalized students proved effective in their ability to support undocumented/DACA

students. These participants reported that counselors who understood these barriers were also

equipped with the skills and resources to support them with applications, scholarships, financial

aid and ASSET.

Our findings revealed that even the participants who received support from school staff

recognizes areas incompetence in their guidance counselor’s ability to support

undocumented/DACA students. Participants from both interview populations recalled instances

where their guidance counselor failed to encourage their undocumented/DACA students’

aspirations, and instead urged them to seek employment or enrollment at community college.

Participant 1-3 and Participant 2-4 attended community college and attributed their inability to

enroll at their current institution to the lack of support they received from their high school staff.

Participants from both interview populations also noticed their guidance counselors understood

their role in the application process but proved ill equipped to help their students choose

26

institutions of higher learning whose reputation reflected a clear commitment to supporting

undocumented/DACA students.

Insufficient Financial Support Our findings identified insufficient financial support structures at the University of

Colorado Boulder as a second factor for low enrollment rates of undocumented/DACA students.

All 20 interview participants felt unsure of their ability to finance their postsecondary education

during the college decision process. Prior to enrollment, all members of Participant Population

One recognized how little financial support they would receive from the University of Colorado

Boulder, but chose to pursue enrollment for various reasons. For example, two participants

declined the DREAM.US scholarship16 because they believed a degree from University of

Colorado Boulder would increase their likelihood of employment following graduation.

Interviewees from Participant Population Two discussed how the lack of financial support they

received from the University of Colorado Boulder influenced their decision to enroll elsewhere.

Despite their willingness to pay more for a degree from the University of Colorado

Boulder, members of Participant Population One felt discouraged by the lack of financial support

they received from administrative staff. Participant 1-5 considered the University of Colorado

Boulder as their only option for postsecondary education because they provide care to family

members who reside in Boulder. Though they did not receive significant financial support upon

admittance, P1-5 understood their financial situation and felt determined to explore all

opportunities to pay tuition. P1-5 scheduled a visit with the financial aid office the summer prior

to their first semester under the impression they would receive adequate resources tailored to

their DACA status, but was disappointed with their experience:

16 The DREAM.US scholarship eliminates the cost of attendance for undocumented/DACA students at 70 institutions of higher education across the nation: https://www.thedream.us Note: The University of Colorado Boulder does not partner with the DREAM.US fund.

27

I walked into the financial aid office and the dude there was white and had no idea what DACA was. And I basically went in and said okay, I got like $10,000 in scholarships just on academic merit. And I said okay, I just want to make sure this is going to cover everything. He’s like, yeah, alright let’s sit down. And I made a spreadsheet of my finances because I’m just that person. And he said, yeah, but remember you have room and board, and you have to consider everything. So, the total ended up being more than $30,000. And I was like, well are you going to put in $20,000 because I don’t have that, you’ve seen my bank account. And he said, well have you looked into any more scholarships? And that’s when I came out and said, look I’m DACA and he said, “well there’s not much I can do for you.” That’s when I started crying, and he said we could meet next week… But there was no way he would have looked into something else for me. He didn’t even know what DACA was. (P1-5)

When P1-5 returned at the end of the summer to meet with the same staff member, he had not

looked into any additional scholarship opportunities. P1-5 no longer seeks support from the

financial aid office.

Population One Participants discussed how the general financial ignorance among staff

deters many students from pursuing enrollment at University of Colorado Boulder. Participant 1-

3 discussed how their school could improve financial support for prospective students:

My sister, she’s going to CSU because they’ll have bigger support networks there for DACA students. And so, I think a lot of it is just making it easier, making the process exactly the same as people who are citizens. But I think earlier in the process, as soon as you fill out that application, maybe you get in contact with a person that actually knows how to help you out, like a rep from the school. I feel like that would make everything easier and less nerve wracking for the students who don’t really have experience doing stuff on their own. Cause I had to go through it the long way. So that’s why I know everything now. But a lot of graduating high schoolers haven't really seen the realities of what it takes to dig deeper, to do this stuff on their own. So, I feel like if the school eliminated that challenge, then they would just make it easier for more people to go here. (P1-3)

28

Participant 1-3 discussed how insufficient financial support may deter prospective students from

pursuing enrollment at University of Colorado Boulder. They recommended the University of

Colorado Boulder better educate financial aid staff in order to incentivize enrollment.

Seven students from Participant Population Two claimed their choice to pursue

enrollment at Colorado State University was primarily due to the financial support they received

upon admittance. This factor played a significant role in Participant P2-2’s choice to attend

Colorado State University:

When I spoke my guidance counselor she told me that if I wanted to go to CU it was going to be really hard, and that I would have to pay a lot out of pocket because CU didn’t have as much financial aid for undocumented students compared to CSU (P2-2).

Participant 2-3 discussed a similar experience, as they hoped to study engineering at the

University of Colorado. However, P2-3 chose to pursue enrollment at Colorado State University

because they received more financial support.

Colorado State University provided three of our participants with fully paid tuition

through their collaboration with the DREAM.US scholarship. Upon acceptance, all seven

participants were matched with a financial aid counselor who understood the necessary steps to

secure financial support as an undocumented/DACA student. This counselor also reminded

participants of ASSET/financial aid deadlines, encouraged them to apply for additional

grants/scholarships, and was able to answer their questions about work study opportunities.

Participants also reported staff members acted as the primary resource for additional help in

applying for jobs/internships, finding affordable housing, and navigating additional costs of

attendance. Members of Participant Population Two claimed the strength of support they

received from Colorado State University was a key factor in their decision to enroll.

Unwelcoming Campus Climate

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Our findings revealed unwelcoming campus climate as a third explanatory factor for low

enrollment rates of undocumented/DACA students at the University of Colorado Boulder. All

participants considered how the reputation of their chosen campus would impact their

postsecondary educational experience. Muñoz and Vigil (2018) organized the elements of an

unwelcoming campus climate into three themes: (a) institutional ignorance; (b) the production of

pervasive invisibility; and (c) hidden/nonpresent communities of support. We analyze our

participant’s experiences through these themes in order to illuminate the unwelcoming campus

climate at the University of Colorado Boulder.

Institutional Ignorance

In regard to institutional ignorance, members of Participant Population One reported

those who hold power at the University of Colorado Boulder lacked the necessary skill set to best

support undocumented/DACA students. Participant 1-5 sought support from instructors who

vocalized their commitment to diversity on campus. P1-5 felt discouraged by their interactions

with these faculty members, who were unable to connect P1-5 with resources despite their self-

proclaimed allysip. Participant 1-8 recalled the emotional burden they felt when multiple

professors enforced them as educators on DACA legislation:

And I had to explain, take the time out of our class...to educate a bunch of white kids on what DACA was...I was like this is stupid and you guys need to do the research. Honestly if these professors were truly allies, they would have been like, “let me say what DACA is and teach the students and let me actually forward you some resources for you to look into it more.” It would change so much if the staff was actually educated because there's professors everywhere and we look up to them. Anytime that there's a professor that's not culturally competent, I shut down in the class ‘cause I don't care anymore what you're telling me, I don't look up to you cause I don't see myself in you.

30

It’s such an emotional toll because this identity comes with so much depression, frickin family separation. Like there's huge things that hurt us. And so, to just bring it up, like I said, it's always an emotional toll and reliving your life and thinking about all the opportunities that you didn't have, that's always draining. And then angering-- the fact that this impacts you so much and people don't even know what is going on. And I think, “That's great. Well, I know what's going in the white house and you don't even know what's going on? This is your country and you're not even updated on policies?” And I'm probably one of the more mellow people, but I know some like students on campus who say, “F**k that, don't educate them. They need to do their research. It's 2019 and there's Google.” So, I understand that emotional toll because it is frustrating, painful, and angering.” (P1-8)

Participant 1-8 highlighted one instance where they felt tokenized by their instructors. Though

the perpetrator may not have foreseen the emotional impact of their actions, P1-8 discussed how

staff displays of institutional ignorance made them feel unwelcome on campus.

Reproduction of Pervasive Invisibility

Members of Participant Population One recognized how their minority status on campus

resulted in feelings of isolation and distrust. Participant P1-2 summarized their experience as a

student of color on the University of Colorado Boulder campus in one sentence:

I am a brown bean in a bowl of white rice (P1-2)

Participant 1-4 recalled their inability to connect with any of students they met in their freshman

year dormitory:

My roommates, they all came from wealthy backgrounds and had a lot more than me, when I walked in with my small luggage

compared to all their stuff, their skis, everything that they had, their expensive air mattresses you know, I just felt like I didn't belong...I didn’t really meet anyone who was from the same social status and background, being undocumented having to overcome the same things that I had to. (P1-4)

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Participant 1-4 felt alienated from their peers, who all seemed to connect through interests only

available to students from wealthy backgrounds. P1-7 struggled to connect with their classmates

and questioned the intentions of students who did not share their minority status:

Well for me it was really a weird transition because I went from a big Hispanic high school, so sitting in a classroom with all white people? It’s weird. Cause like, I don’t know who to sit with or relate to. Maybe he’s a Trump supporter? So, I’ll stay away from him. (P1-7)

Members of Participant Population One discussed how feelings of alienation made them feel

unwelcome on campus. Population One Participants recognized how the primarily white student

body contributes to a campus climate that does not welcome undocumented/DACA students.

Hidden/Nonpresent Communities of Support

Our participants believed the hidden nature of support structures at the University of

Colorado Boulder unintentionally contributes to its unwelcoming campus climate. Prior to

enrollment, all participants researched support structures on the websites of their prospective

institutions of learning. Though they acknowledged the University of Colorado Boulder’s

website provides general information for prospective undocumented/DACA students,17 all

participants recalled the inadequacy of the University of Colorado Boulder’s online resources18.

When they could not find enough information, online participants contacted multiple offices on

campus to ask clarifying questions. Participant P1-2 expressed how frustrated they felt towards

staff members who had no knowledge of the support structures on campus for

undocumented/DACA students.

17 The University of Colorado Boulder dedicates one webpage to resources for undocumented/DACA students: https://www.colorado.edu/undocumentedstudentresources/student-resources 18 The University of Colorado Boulder dedicates one webpage to resources for undocumented/DACA applicants: https://www.colorado.edu/admissions/apply/undocumented-students

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When P2-6 compared the available information on support structures for

undocumented/DACA students at postsecondary institutions across Colorado, they concluded:

CU Boulder almost acts like the student needs them, but in reality, it’s all about the school needing you. (P2-6)

In the days following their decision to enroll at Colorado State University, seven members of

Participant Population Two were introduced to communities on campus specifically for

undocumented/DACA students. In a message they received through email, participants were able

to access online resources19 that summarized the networks of support available to the Colorado

State University undocumented/DACA student body. Participants also received an invitation to

join Dreamers United20, the student organization comprised of undocumented/DACA students.

After two months of isolation, Participant 1-6 withdrew from their first semester at the

University of Colorado Boulder. When P1-6 returned the following semester, they were able to

find community through a student organization on campus called Inspired Dreamers21. Members

of Participant Population One identified Inspired Dreamers as the sole support structure on

campus dedicated to undocumented students. Multiple participants emphasized the importance of

Inspired Dreamers but did not learn of this community prior to enrollment. Members of

Participant Population One discussed the potential for Inspired Dreamers to make prospective

students feel welcome on campus but noted the student organization lacked the support

necessary to launch effective outreach initiatives.

19 Colorado State University dedicates one webpage to resources for undocumented/DACA students: https://undocumented.colostate.edu 20 Dreamers United is the student organization dedicated to undocumented/DACA students at Colorado State University: https://ramlink.campuslabs.com/engage/organization/dreamersunited 21 The webpage dedicated to Inspired Dreamers is currently disabled: https://orgsync.com/157313/disabled

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Conclusion

Our findings revealed three themes that explain why the University of Colorado Boulder

struggles to enroll members of the undocumented/DACA population: insufficient social capital,

financial ignorance, and unwelcoming campus climate. Our participants discussed the crucial

role that guidance counselors played throughout their college application process. Multiple

participants struggled throughout the college application process, as they felt their guidance

counselor lacked the resources and skills necessary to support them. Other participants felt

encouraged by counselors that established trust between themselves and their students,

understood the complexities of applying to college as an undocumented/DACA student and took

active steps to support their postsecondary educational pursuits.

The combination of low socioeconomic status and lack of citizenship posed additional

barriers to our participant’s ability to cover their cost of attendance. When they encountered

financial aid staff who did not understand the complexities of the undocumented/DACA student

experience, participants were unable to access the support they needed to finance their education.

Interviewees from Participant Population Two discussed how the lack of financial support they

received from the University of Colorado Boulder influenced their decision to enroll elsewhere.

Interviewees from both Participant Population One and Participant Population Two

reported that displays of ignorance contribute to the University of Colorado Boulder’s reputation

as a (un)welcoming campus climate. Though all participants recognize the lack of

undocumented/DACA representation on their respective campuses, members of Participant

Population Two felt other institutions incentivized enrollment when staff took active steps to

connect prospective students with supportive communities.

34

We must conduct additional research in order to gain a better understanding of the

barriers faced by undocumented/DACA students who pursue enrollment at the University of

Colorado Boulder. We believe students who are in their final year of high school at local K-12

institutions represent a more insightful target population, as they currently experience the impact

of the previously discussed barriers to enrollment. We believe interview data from this

population will allow the University of Colorado Boulder to employ more effective measures

that increase enrollment rates of undocumented/DACA students on campus.

The implications of this research study extend beyond the ability for the University of

Colorado Boulder to increase enrollment rates among the target population. Appendix A outlines

initiatives to establish, strengthen and evaluate the support structures available to current and

prospective undocumented/DACA students. If administrators implement the proposed initiatives,

we believe the University of Colorado Boulder will serve as a model for postsecondary

institutions across the country that hope to enhance undocumented/DACA presence on campus.

35

Appendix A: The Undocufriendly Campus Model at the University of Colorado Boulder Table Six provides a visual representation of the initiatives detailed in this model.

The following appendix details the Undocufriendly Campus Model, a framework

published in the 2015 Harvard Educational Review. Armed with data from

undocumented/DACA students at 264 universities across the nation, Suarez-Orozco and

colleagues (2015) formulate recommendations to establish and strengthen support structures at

institutions of higher learning. Additional research initiatives provide support for these

recommendations. Gildersleeve and Vigil (2015) highlight programs at the University of Texas

and the University of California Los Angeles whose practices further support the undocufriendly

campus model. The undocu-friendly campus model provides the most applicable policy

framework to support undocumented/DACA students, as a variety of financial, social and

political factors contribute to the success of this underrepresented demographic. We utilize the

three metathemes within Suarez-Orozco’s framework to develop policy recommendations that

target the enhancement of support structures specific to undocumented/DACA students at the

University of Colorado Boulder.

Methatheme A: Understand us and then educate service providers on campus

Metatheme A addresses the institution’s role in strengthening social capital among university

faculty. Social capital is a key determinant in student success but requires faculty and staff to

equip themselves with a basic understanding of the lived experiences that impact all members of

the student body (Forsyth & Adams 2004; Muñoz & Vigil, 2018; Perna 2005). In order to

develop the necessary support structures to enhance the undocumented/DACA student

experience, administrators must first address the following five themes:

Listen and Learn: Institutions must inform administrations, staff and faculty on both the

lived experiences of undocumented/DACA students and the relevant policy that impacts

36

this population’s ability to learn (Suarez-Orozco et.al. 2015; Yosso 2005; Forsyth &

Adams 2004).

Empathy: Staff must develop an understanding of the complexities of the

undocumented/DACA student experience to best serve this population (Gildersleeve &

Vigil 2015; Martinez et. al. 2014).

When asked what steps they felt the University of Colorado Boulder could take to make campus

a more welcoming climate, P1-4 said they must first focus on understanding the needs of

undocumented/DACA students:

That’s the million-dollar question. If I’m being honest, it’s just very, very difficult to make students, especially students of color, feel comfortable on this campus. Even more so when you are caught with these other limitations. This legal violence against me. See you have to understand how to make DACA students, undocumented students, feel welcome. But you have to give them the resources to go without feeling prosecuted, without feeling alienated. (P1-4)

We recommend administrators actively engage with the undocumented/DACA student body to

best understand the steps they must take to enhance their educational experience. This includes

distributing findings from research studies in the field, consulting with members of Inspired

Dreamers, and establishing channels of communication for undocumented/DACA students to

evaluate the support structures available to them on campus. Though enrollment rates will reflect

the success of these measures, we recommend the university sponsor similar research initiatives

to this study every five years to evaluate the effectiveness of actions taken to support

undocumented/DACA students. Future research initiatives must be led by individuals directly

impacted by low enrollment rates of undocumented/DACA students at the University of

Colorado Boulder.

The undocufriendly model suggests institutions conduct staff training as a method to

educate and develop empathy and provide the skills to members of the campus community.

37

Train Staff: Administrators must not place the burden of educating staff on the

undocumented/DACA population, but instead utilize educational resources to provide

accurate and helpful information to students who seek support. The literature provides

two methods of training to best serve undocumented/DACA students in an informed and

respectable manner. Universities can hold statewide trainings for both college

administrators and faculty on how to support undocumented/DACA students (Muñoz &

Vigil 2018). Institutions may also allocate funds to hire one full time employee who

specializes in support of the undocumented/DACA student body (Muñoz & Vigil 2018;

Wald 2017).

The UndocuAlly Sessions22, hosted by Violeta Chapin, Clinical Professor of Law, and Dave

Aragon, Assistant Vice Chancellor for Diversity, Learning and Student Success, serve as an

excellent on-campus resource available to educate the staff and student community on ways to

support undocumented/DACA students. Our participants recommend Undocually Sessions

become a mandatory requirement for all faculty members on campus.

Suarez-Orozco et al. stress the importance of proper implementation following staff

training, as these events are not sufficient to adequately support undocumented/DACA students.

Institutions must apply the above themes (listen and learn, empathy) to generate policy that

addresses the needs of their undocumented/DACA student body.

Equitable treatment: Institutions must provide their undocumented/DACA population

with the resources necessary and educate themselves appropriately to ensure this

population is treated with the same respect as all other students. (Martine et. al. 2014;

Muñoz & Vigil 2018)

22 Members of the campus community can request an UndocuAlly training here: https://www.colorado.edu/undocumentedstudentresources/content/undocually-presentation-request

38

Respect privacy: Staff must respect and protect the privacy of undocumented/DACA

students on campus.23 They must demonstrate discretion when addressing the citizenship

status of their students. (Muñoz & Vigil 2018; Wald 2017)

Institutions must utilize the undocumented/DACA student voice to generate policy that supports

the success of this population. In addition to educating the staff community on ways to best serve

the needs of their students, institutions must provide various support structures to further enhance

the educational experience of their undocumented/DACA student body. Metatheme B divides

institutional action/structures into four specific themes of support:

Methatheme B: Provide Help Metatheme B addresses the execution of structures created to support undocumented/DACA

students. Institutions of higher learning must tailor policy to alleviate the financial, legal, and

burdens inflicted on the undocumented/DACA student body.

Information: Institutions must apply the information learned in staff-wide educational

efforts to provide accurate and helpful aid to undocumented/DACA students, their

families, and the greater campus community (Muñoz & Vigil 2018; Wald 2017).

Information regarding support structures on campus must both reflect the needs

expressed by students on campus and remain easily accessible to all students and their

families (Muñoz & Vigil 2018; Suarez-Orozco et.al. 2015).

Support structures must provide accurate and timely information on the rapidly changing

policy that places undocumented/DACA students in legal limbo (Gash & Yamin 2014;

Gildersleeve & Vigil, 2015).

23 See Appendix B for details on 20 U.S. Code 1232g. (Family Education Rights and Privacy Act)

39

Participants noted it would be helpful for high school staff to not only equip themselves with the

skillset to understand student’s experiences, but also ease familial fears associated with revealing

their documentation status. Multiple participants expressed the usefulness of an informational

tool that would strengthen channels of communication between school staff,

undocumented/DACA students, and their families. They proposed administrative staff at the

University of Colorado Boulder compile resources for families to utilize throughout the college

application process. The distribution of these resources would establish trust between guidance

counselors and their students, dismantle the information barrier, and allow for families to be

more self-sufficient in the college application process.

We recommend the University of Colorado Boulder allocate funds to the distribution of

informational resources for current and prospective undocumented/DACA students. These

resources include information on relevant policy changes at the national and state level, updates

on the improvement of campus support structures, scholarship opportunities and upcoming

community events. Population One Participants recommend Inspired Dreamers work with on

campus services providers to not only distribute these resources in person, but also publish them

online.

Undocumented/DACA students express their need for not only institution-wide cultural

competency, but staff designated to support this population throughout their time on campus.

Counseling: Institutions must provide the undocumented/DACA student body with

various forms of counseling related to mental health, academic success, financial aid

and/or legal aid. This can be achieved through hiring one full time employee dedicated to

the success of undocumented/DACA students (Muñoz & Vigil, 2018; Suarez-Orozco

et.al. 2015).

40

Several interviewees from Participant Population One experienced identity conflict issues as

minority students on campus. When P1-6 reached out to Counseling and Psychiatric Services

(CAPS), they struggled to confide in counselors who did not understand their struggles, were not

educated on the resources available to undocumented/DACA students and could not connect

them to supportive communities on campus. Students note how the ineffectiveness of general

support structures at the University of Colorado discourages them from seeking further support.

We recommend administrators work with CAPS to establish a support group dedicated to

supporting undocumented/DACA students on campus. Participants felt it is crucial this group be

led by a professional who understands how the complexities associated with the

undocumented/DACA student identity influences this population’s educational experience.

Counseling services must address the economic burden undocumented/DACA students face in

not only financing their education, but obtaining employment following graduation.

Financial Aid: Undocumented/DACA students repeatedly express a need for greater

financial support in their pursuit of higher education (Carnevale & Rose 2013; Suarez-

Orozco et.al. 2015).

We recommend the University of Colorado hire financial aid counselors who understand the

unique barriers this population faces in pursuit of higher education. These counselors must be

equipped with the knowledge advocate for greater institutional support for undocumented/DACA

students on campus. Population One Participants recommend the counselor(s) take the following

actions: (a) work to establish a partnership with the DREAM.US fund; (b) actively research

scholarship and grant opportunities available to undocumented/DACA students and connect

students with these opportunities through both email and online platforms; (c) work with on

41

campus departments to establish work study opportunities for undocumented/DACA students

with authorization to work in the United States.

Institutions of higher learning can further alleviate feelings of isolation on campus with a

physical space designated for the undocumented/DACA student body.

Safe space: A physical support structure suggested by the literature is a designated safe

space on campus for undocumented students to disclose their status and build community

with students of similar citizenship status.

Interviewees from Participant Population Two discussed how helpful their administrative staff

were in connecting them with communities on campus who support undocumented/DACA

students. P2-6 found community through a center on campus: “there’s a central office just for our

community. People go there to study, and they have people whose offices will help with

whatever questions we have” (P2-8). Interviewees from Participant Population One felt a similar

space on campus would allow them to access necessary support and build community with other

undocumented/DACA students at the University of Colorado Boulder.

The Center for Student Involvement allows student organizations to occupy office space

in the University Memorial Center through year-long leases. Inspired Dreamers will apply for

office space in the 2020-2021 academic year, with the hope to secure space by Fall 2021. If they

are unable to secure office space through this process, we recommend administrators designate a

place on campus for Inspired Dreamers to build community within the undocumented/DACA

students on campus.

Methatheme C: Public Endorsement The creation and strengthening of support structures on campus is of little use to the

undocumented/DACA population if said resources are not publicized to the greater campus

community. Institutions must not only provide support to undocumented/DACA students but

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publicize their endorsement of said population. Metatheme C urges institutions of higher

learning to publicize their support of undocumented students on campus:

Endorse: To shift the undocumented narrative and criminalization on campus, institutions

of higher learning must actively publicize their endorsement of the undocumented/DACA

student body. Without this implementation component, institutions continue to perpetuate

a campus climate that ignores the undocumented student body (Muñoz & Vigil 2018).

In 2017, The University of Colorado Board of Regents passed a resolution of support24 for

DACA and ASSET recipients on campus. Interviewees from Participant Population One

recognized the efforts of some departments who publicize their support of undocumented/DACA

students on campus, but felt current initiatives are ineffective. We recommend administrators

allocate funds to student-led campaigns that publicize endorsement for undocumented/DACA

students. Participants proposed campaign options such as: (a) more effective publicizing of

UndocuAlly sessions and other events dedicated to undocumented/DACA support on campus;

(b) the publication of an student-led online resource on the university domain; (c) the

establishment of a mentorship program for undocumented/DACA students to connect with

prospective students at K-12 schools. Interviewees from Participant Population One expressed

the proposed actions would not only enhance their educational experience but hold the potential

to incentivize prospective undocumented/DACA students to enroll at the University of Colorado

Boulder.

24 2017 Resolution of support from the University of Colorado Board of Regents: https://connections.cu.edu/stories/daca-asset-students-have-support-board-regents

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Appendix B: Legislative History

How do both federal- and state-level legislation enhance (or hinder) the undocumented experience at institutions of higher learning?

Federal-Level Legislation: 1889: Chae Chan Ping v. United States 25

- 130 U.S. 581 (9S. Ct. 623, 32 Led. 1068) - Decided: May 13, 1889 - This Supreme Court decision marks the first instance where the United States government

exercised the power of exclusion as part of the powers granted by the constitution26. Though this power is not specifically stated in any constitutional provision, the Court ruled that state sovereignty allowed the government to regulate immigration (Fathali, 2013).

- This decision sets a precedent for greater government control over the lives of United States immigrants, as it allows the government to exclude foreigners from accessing the country and its resources. (creates barriers for undocumented people)

1974: Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act of 1974 27

- 20 U.S. Code 1232g. Family educational and privacy rights - Signed: August 21, 19674; Effective: November 19, 1974 - The Family Education Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) protects the privacy of student

education records across all federally funded schools. FERPA forbids schools from disclosing private student information from all non-school persons, including government agencies. This applies directly to undocumented students and their families who disclose their documentation status to schools during enrollment procedures. According to FERPA provisions, a student is placed in control of their education/privacy records when they turn 18. Prior to this, the parents/guardians of the student have control over records (U.S. Dept of Ed, 2019; Cornell 2019)

- This piece of legislation protects undocumented individuals from deportation, for schools will not share the student’s private information with government agencies without the parental/student consent. (alleviates institution’s role in threat of deportation, creates support structure within educational institution)

1979: Toll v. Moreno 28 - 441 U.S. 458 (1979) - In Toll v. Moreno, the Supreme Court ruled that a University of Maryland policy granting

preferential treatment to in-state students was unconstitutional. The policy provided in state tuition to Maryland residents, but excluded G-4 alien students who had established residency in the state. The Court ruled that the policy violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and the Supremacy clause of the U.S. Constitution, as only Congress has the power to regulate immigration matters. Those who are permitted to attend institutions

25 Additional information available at: https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/130/581 26 Article I, Sect. VIII of the U.S. Constitution provides Congress with the power “...to exclude aliens from the United States and to prescribe the terms and conditions on which they come in” (see https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution-conan/article-1/section-8/clause-4/aliens) 27 Additional information available at: https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/20/1232g 28 Additional information available at: https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/toll_v_moreno

44

of higher learning by Congress (and have G-4 alien status) cannot be subject to additional financial discrimination from a university (Cornell 2019).

- This decision sets a precedent for In State Resident Tuition policies (ISRT), which alleviate the financial burden of higher education for undocumented students. Advancing Students for a Stronger Economy Tomorrow (ASSET) is Colorado’s ISRT policy, detailed below under State Level Legislation. (alleviates barriers to accessing higher education)

1982: Plyler v. Doe - 457 U.S. 202, 206 n.2 (1982) - The Supreme Court struck down a Texas statute that denied funding to school districts whose

student population included those who were not legally admitted to the United States (Cornell 2019). The Texas statute allowed school districts to deny enrollment to undocumented students; however, the Court ruled those who reside in the United States have the right to access federally funded institutions regardless of their citizenship status (Cornell 2019).

- The Court ruled that states cannot deny a population access to free public education due to their documentation status. According to the court’s decision, the Equal Protection Clause pertains to noncitizens who reside within United States jurisdiction. The clause grants undocumented students the right to benefit from federally funded institutions such as K-12 public schools. Plyer v. Doe (1982) marks the first landmark case in providing undocumented students access to public education. The case provides historical context in legislative acts that set precedent for the DREAM act and DACA program. (dismantles barriers to educational access, only applicable to K-12 schools)

1996: Illegal Immigration Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA) - H.R.3610 - Omnibus Consolidated Appropriations Act, 1997 - Title V: This act amends the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation

Act of 1996 to allow states to deny undocumented immigrants access to driver’s silences and make all undocumented immigrants ineligible for social security benefits (HR 3610, 1996). It also “...amends the Personal Responsibility and Work Reconciliation Act of 1996 to direct the Attorney General to establish procedures for requiring proof of citizenship for Federal public benefits” (HR 3610, 1996).

- Title V, Sec. 506 “makes illegal aliens ineligible for in-state tuition rates at institutions of higher learning” (HR 3610, 1996).

- The Illegal Immigration Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA) restricts the benefits granted to undocumented students by the Personal Responsibility Act of 1996 (PRWORA). These include access to a driver’s license, social security benefits, and in-state tuition eligibility at institutions of higher learning. This also restricts undocumented access to federal financial aid programs like FAFSA (Shaw 2016). (IIRIRA creates additional financial barriers for undocumented access to higher education and the work force)

- Amuedo-Dorantes and Sparber (2012) report IIRIRA impacts 50,000-65,000 undocumented students annually.

2001: DREAM Act - H.R. 1842, Part IV, 112th Cong. 2011 - Years Proposed: 201, 2007, 2010 - Note: The DREAM Act has never passed through Congress but provides insight into efforts

made to improve undocumented access to higher education.

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- The Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act of 2011 (DREAM Act) provides a pathway for undocumented youth to obtain permanent lawful residency and eventual citizenship in the United States. Though the DREAM Act has never successfully passed through congress, it acts as a model for comprehensive immigration reform. The Act outlines specific requirements for undocumented youth to obtain permanent lawful residency/citizenship, as well as guidelines for policy implementation. Fathali (2013) discusses the importance of the DREAM act in enhancing undocumented presence on college campuses.

2012: Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) - Timeline:

- June 15, 2012 Memorandum→ implements DACA (Napolitano 2012) - November 20, 2014 → DAPA and Expansion of DACA (Duke 2017) - September 5, 2017 Memorandum→ rescinds DACA (Duke 2017) - June 22, 2018 Memorandum → Response from Secretary Nielsen (Nielsen 2018)

- Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) is a “non-congressionally authorized administrative program” (Deferred Action 2019, p.1) issued by then-Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano in 2012. The program permits certain undocumented individuals “...to request consideration of deferred action for a period of two years, subject to renewal, ani eligibility for work authorization” (Deferred Action 2019, p.1). Undocumented individuals were granted DACA status if they met the following criteria:

- Arrived in the U.S. before turning 16 years old, and are currently under 31 years old - Continuously resided in US since June 15, 2007 - enrolled in K-12 school - Graduated or had obtained a certificate of completion from high school, obtained a

GED, or were honorably discharged from the armed forces - Never convicted of a felony, convicted of no more than two misdemeanors.

State-Level Legislation: Colorado 2013: Advancing Students for a Stronger Economy Tomorrow (ASSET)

- Senate Bill 13-033: Advancing Students for a Stronger Economy Tomorrow - Senate Bill 13-033: Advancing Students for a Stronger Economy Tomorrow serves as

Colorado’s ISRT policy. Commonly referred to as ASSET, this piece of legislation eliminates the legal requirement for institutions of higher learning to verify the citizenship status of their students. ASSET is applicable to public institutions in Colorado and requires students to submit a one-time affidavit stating that they do not have but are currently in the process of applying for citizenship status (ASSET 2019). This allows Colorado’s postsecondary educational institutions to provide in state tuition and additional aid to undocumented students. ASSET does not provide a pathway to permanent residency.

- Grosz and Hines (2018) use data from the Colorado Department of Education to report the effects of ASSET on enrollment to public institutions in Colorado. They find no evidence that ASSET policy affected the persistence of students who had already enrolled in college upon policy implementation (13). However, their results show ASSET legislation increased both the number of undocumented students enrolled as full-time students and the number of credit hours first-year students enrolled (14). ASSET eases the financial burden of financing postsecondary education without citizenship status, for undocumented students are granted in-

46

state tuition. In 2013, the National Immigration Law Center published a long-term analysis of the budgetary impact of tuition equity bills at the state level. The analysis revealed SB13-033 (ASSET) had minimal impact on Colorado’s state budget but does increase spending for participating institutions. However, ASSET was reported to “...increase revenue from tuition by about $2.0 million in FY 2013-14 and by about $3.0 million in FY 2014-2015” (National Immigration 2013). - ASSET decreases the financial barrier to accessing postsecondary education, as

undocumented students are granted in-state tuition in Colorado. - Grosz and Hines (2018) utilize enrollment data from Colorado’s institutions of

higher learning to support the success of ASSET in increasing undocumented presence on campus. (Grosz and Hines 2018)

- In State Resident Tuition policies are crucial in supporting the success of undocumented students who pursue higher education, as they alleviate the financial barrier to accessing postsecondary education (Gildersleeve and Vigil), (Shaw 2016), (Amuedo-Dorantes, Sparber 2012)

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Appendix C: Tables and Figures Tables and Figures appear in the order mentioned in the text. Figure One: Enrollment by Race: University of Colorado Boulder, 201929

Table One: University of Colorado Boulder Admissions and Enrollment Statistics 201930

29National Center for Education Statistics. Institute of Education Sciences. 2019. University of Colorado Boulder. Washington D.C. Department of Education. 30Original data available at:https://public.tableau.com/profile/university.of.colorado.boulder.ir#!/vizhome/QualComp/AdmissionsCounts

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Figure Two: In State Resident Tuition (ISRT) Policy Breakdown by State, 2019

Table Two: Criteria for Adequate Measurement of Social Capital (Forsyth & Adams 2004: 260)

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Table Three: Participant Population One

Participant Year Institution Major Documentation Status

P1-1 2 University of Colorado Boulder Political Science DACA

P1-2 2 University of Colorado Boulder Pre-Engineering DACA

P1-3 3 Unidentified community college, University of Colorado Boulder Mechanical Engineering

DACA

P1-4 4 University of Colorado Boulder Geological Sciences DACA

P1-5 1 University of Colorado Boulder Neuroscience DACA

P1-6 2 University of Colorado Boulder Chemical Engineering DACA

P1-7 1 University of Colorado Boulder Mechanical Engineering DACA

P1-8 4 University of Colorado Boulder Business Administration DACA

P1-9 4 University of Colorado Boulder Computer Science & Philosophy Undocumented

P1-10 1 University of Colorado Boulder Undeclared DACA

Table Four: Participant Population Two

Participant Year Institution Major Documentation Status

P2-1 2 Claremont McKenna College Politics, Philosophy, and Economics

DACA

P2-2 3 Colorado State University Mechanical Engineering Undocumented

P2-3 2 Colorado State University Electrical Engineering Undocumented

P2-4 3 Ames Community College, Colorado State University Math and Interior Design DACA

P2-5 3 Colorado State University Civil Engineering DACA

P2-6 1 Colorado State University Psychology Undocumented

P2-7 1 Colorado State University Undeclared Undocumented

P2-8 1 Colorado State University Art Undocumented

P2-9 2 University of Colorado Denver Sociology DACA

P2-10 2 Colorado State University Supply Chain Management DACA

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Table Five: The Original31 Undocufriendly Campus Model

Category Definition

Metatheme A: Understand and then educate service providers on campus

Listen and Learn Listen, understand, and become aware of undocumented college students’ stories, experiences, and concerns; get informed about the topic and relevant laws

Empathy Be responsive, warm, respectful, approachable, open; connect to students or show compassion

Train Staff Train staff (administration and faculty) about undocumented college students and how to serve them in an informed and respectful manner

Equitable Treatment Treat undocumented college students like all other students

Respect Privacy Demonstrate discretion; respect and protect privacy

Metatheme B: Provide Help

Information Provide information to undocumented students, their families, and the community

Counseling Asking for counseling, assistance, guidance, and help with the process or services related to mental health, academics, financial aid, and/or legal aid

Financial Aid Provide more financial supports

Safe space Requesting a designated safe campus space to disclose, discuss, and interact around issues related to legal status

Metatheme C: Public Endorsement

Endorse Actively endorse undocumented students and related issues on and off campus

31 The student recommendations collected by Suarez-Orozco (2015: 442) led to the construction of this table: Table 8: Coding Category Definitions and Frequencies.

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Table Six: The Undocufriendly Campus Model at the University of Colorado Boulder (1/3)

Metatheme A: Understand us and then educate service providers on campus

Areas Lacking Support Proposed Initiatives

Anticipated Outcome

Social Capital Financial Support Welcoming Campus Climate

Listen and learn, Empathy: Administrators and faculty on campus lack a general understanding of the unique barriers undocumented students navigate in pursuit of postsecondary education.

Consult with leaders of Inspired Dreamers each year Create surveys for the target population to evaluate on campus support structures Sponsor student-led research initiatives every five years to evaluate the effectiveness of actions taken to support undocumented/DACA students

Cognitive: Fosters proximate trust levels between the target population and other social groups Promotes collaboration and fosters trust between members of the target population Structural: Proposed timeline promotes accountability between the target population and other social groups

Provides space for the target population to evaluate financial support structures on campus Research initiatives provide valuable feedback to financial aid staff

Institutional Ignorance: Allows the target population to report displays of ignorance Reproduction of Pervasive Invisibility: Incentivizes enrollment for underrepresented populations Hidden/Nonpresent Communities of Support: Allows the target population to express the need for further improvement and additional establishment of support structures

Train staff: Faculty and staff lack the skills necessary to support current and prospective undocumented/DACA students.

Ensure all campus faculty and staff attend one Undocually Session each school year

Cognitive: Equips faculty, staff and administrators with the skills necessary to develop trusting relationships with the target population Structural: Encourages quality exchanges between the target population and other role groups

Equips financial aid staff with the skills to effectively support the target population

Institutional Ignorance: Prevents further displays of ignorance Reproduction of Pervasive Invisibility: Equips staff with the skills to support the target population Hidden/Nonpresent Communities of Support: Equips staff with the knowledge to inform the target population of support networks on campus

Equitable treatment, Respect privacy: Undocumented/DACA students feel exploited by faculty when positioned as educators in their classrooms.

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Table Six: The Undocufriendly Campus Model at the University of Colorado Boulder (2/3)

Metatheme B: Provide Help

Areas Lacking Support Proposed Initiatives Anticipated Outcome

Social Capital Financial Support Welcoming Campus Climate

Counseling: Students struggle to connect with staff at CAPS, who they feel do not understand the challenges they face as undocumented/DACA students.

Establish a support group for undocumented/DACA students through CAPS Hire a competent professional to lead the support group

Cognitive: Establishes high, proximate trust levels between CAPS staff and the target population Establishes trust agreement within the target population Structural: Support group meetings ensures frequent contact

Provides a safe space for the target population to express feelings of anxiety and frustration associated with cost of attendance

Institutional Ignorance: Demonstrates an understanding of the target population’s needs Reproduction of Pervasive Invisibility: Fosters community among members of the target population Hidden/Nonpresent Communities of Support creates supportive community

Financial Aid: Students feel staff at the financial aid office are ill equipped to assist students who seek additional financial support.

Hire a competent financial aid advisor and ensure this counselor: (a) pursue a partnership with the DREAM.US fund (b) actively research and publicize opportunities (c) establish opportunities for students to secure on campus employment

Cognitive: Strengthens trust levels between the target population and financial aid staff Structural: Establishes contact lines between financial aid staff, the target population, and employment opportunities

Ensures current and prospective students are able to access financial aid staff who understand the unique barriers they face in financing their postsecondary education

Institutional Ignorance: strengthens competency of staff Reproduction of Pervasive Invisibility: N/A Hidden/Nonpresent Communities of Support: Identifies supportive financial aid staff

Safe Space: Students struggle to find a place on campus where they can connect with members of the undocumented/DACA student body.

Designate a place on campus to the undocumented/DACA student body

Cognitive: Strengthens trust levels between administrators and the target population Structural: Strengthens contact lines within the target population

Provides a physical space for the target population to share resources

Institutional Ignorance: Demonstrates an understanding of the target population’s needs Reproduction of Pervasive Invisibility: connects the target population to peers Hidden/Nonpresent Communities of Support provides public space for the target population to seek support

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Table Six: The Undocufriendly Campus Model at the University of Colorado Boulder (3/3)

Metatheme C: Public Endorsement

Areas Lacking Support Proposed Initiatives Anticipated Outcome

Social Capital Financial Support Welcoming Campus Climate

Public Endorsement: Students feel their campus doesn’t recognize their presence and fails to combat xenophobic sentiment on campus.

Fund student-led campaigns that publicize endorsement for undocumented/DACA students (a) advertise events dedicated to undocumented/DACA support on campus (b) publish a student-led online resource on the university website (c) establish a mentor program for current undocumented/DACA students to connect with prospective students at K-12 schools

Cognitive: Strengthens trust levels between university staff, current undocumented/DACA students and prospective enrollees *Student-led campaigns include trust perceptions from all sectors (administrators, faculty, staff, current students, prospective students). Structural: Strengthens contact lines between all sectors to communicate goals

(a) Provides the target population with access to resources that alleviate the financial burdens associated with tuition costs (b) Creates an accessible platform for the distribution of resources related to DACA, ASSET, and scholarship/grant/employment opportunities (c) Connects the target population to mentors who understand the complexities associated with financing postsecondary education

Institutional Ignorance: Publicizes efforts to combat ignorance on campus Reproduction of Pervasive Invisibility: Publicizes a clear commitment to supporting underrepresented groups on campus Hidden/Nonpresent Communities of Support: Allows the target population to learn of support networks on campus prior to enrollment

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Appendix D: Researcher Positionality Emma Levy, Primary Investigator

I attended K-12 schools whose primarily white student body came from wealthy

households. Whose curriculum centered individuals who looked like me. Whose staff believed in

our capacity to lead and provided us with the resources to do so. Whose teachers groomed us to

compete for spots at the nation’s highest ranked postsecondary institutions. Whose guidance

counselors assured my parents I would not only excel in the academic realm but become a leader

in whichever campus community I chose to join.

My four years at the University of Colorado reflect a similar experience. I sat in lectures

surrounded by students who looked like me. Students who were invested in their schooling, who

challenged their peers, and who wanted to better the world around them. I was taught by

professors who applauded my passion for learning, stoked my curiosity, and encouraged me to

not only graduate, but become a leader in whichever field I chose to pursue. As a member of the

honors college, I convinced myself that I benefited from a world class education. That the

students and staff I interacted with exposed me to a variety of perspectives. That I had competed

with my peers, demonstrated my capability, and excelled in the meritocratic institution that is CU

Boulder.

When I entered INVST Community Studies in my third year, I was exposed to a new

program. I was surrounded by students with the same passion for social justice, but this time, I

learned of the various barriers my cohort members navigate in their pursuit of a bachelor’s

degree. I learned of the prejudiced encounters my friends experience on a daily basis. I learned

that the same staff who met with me weekly, and modified assignments to better support my

needs, simply ignored emails from my peers. I learned how the same students I competed with in

class outwardly expressed racist sentiments towards students of color on campus. I learned that

55

the leadership skills I had previously acquired neglected to center the knowledge of those most

impacted by injustice. I also learned that effective leaders spend 60% of their time listening to

others. I realized not only that I must learn more to become a leader, but that my competitive

mindset no longer served my commitment to better the world around me.

When I began working with the Public Achievement program, I learned that many

students who attend Boulder Valley Public Schools are not afforded the same opportunities as

their white, wealthy peers. I learned students of color feel disconnected from their curriculum

because they do not see themselves in the individuals they study. I learned latinx students are

harassed by their classmates, who say they should “literally just go back to Mexico.” I learned

students from immigrant families struggle to pay attention in class because they fear deportation

will separate them from their loved ones. I learned of ill-equipped guidance counselors who are

unable to make space for the students who seek their support. And on our yearly visit to campus,

I learned that my students believed their socioeconomic status and lack of citizenship would

prevent them from ever enrolling at the university closest to their homes.

I recognize my educational experience does not reflect that of the majority. Throughout

my entire life I have benefitted from the systems that under serve students who identify with

marginalized groups. To fully embody the leadership qualities of an effective policy maker, I

must acknowledge the opportunities I am afforded by my whiteness, my wealth, and my

citizenship.

As a member of the University of Colorado student body I hold stake in this issue. It is

my right to understand the factors that prevent my school from enrolling a student body

representative of its state population. It is my right to understand the systemic barriers that

oppress marginalized groups from obtaining access to post-secondary education. It is my right to

56

understand the injustices that impact my friends, my classmates, my students, and my

community. It is my right to understand why I compete in an artificial meritocracy.

I chose to orient this honors thesis project around a local inquiry, one guided by the

experiences of my wickedly wise and incredibly courageous co-investigator. I firmly believe the

policy recommendations generated from this research hold the potential to improve the

educational experience of not only my undocumented/DACA peers, but of all students who

possess the capability to become leaders in their community.

This project would remain incomplete if I did not pay respect to the community of fierce

feminists whose work proceeds my own. You have taught me to love radically, advocate

humbly, and stick it to the man (gracefully).

Teresa Levy

Evelyn Fraungruber

TeeGee Levy

Michelle Fraungruber,

Shawn Levy

Pamela Levy

Pamela Routhier

Sabrina Sideris

Charla Agnoletti

Soraya Latiff

Erika Orno

Cameron Perdido

Janet Donavan

Dulce

Laura

And to the late Sam Fiveash, who reminded me to “just shut up and finish the stupid paper.”

57

Karla Niño, Secondary Investigator Special thanks to Laura Bernal and Rufino Niño, know your efforts were worth all the trouble.

My identity parallels those of the students we interviewed for this research study. I was

born in Poluca, Mexico and immigrated to the United States when I was three years old. I was

lucky to attend Denver School of Science and Technology (DSST), a place whose staff tailored

their focus towards supporting underrepresented communities. I was still underserved because

my school staff was lacked the knowledge and resources to support a fully undocumented

student. My perseverance and intellectual ability drove me to pursue higher education.

I commute from Arvada to Boulder each week to study Civil Engineering. I also attend

night classes at Front Range Community College and Metro State University to earn credit

towards my degree at a more reasonable rate. My mother and I both work two jobs to support our

family. I never had DACA and was never able to work in the US until I obtained a work permit

at 18 years old. Though I will graduate eventually, this process has been delayed due to the

barriers I face in financing my education as an undocumented person. I have met many people

who have been failed by the system even with better opportunities than I had.

Though CU Boulder has a reputation as a liberal institution, I feel isolated on campus

because the community does not represent people like me. Though I understand my rights, I am

hesitant to disclose my status to my professors because I am unsure of their bias towards

immigrants. There are so many topics I cannot discuss because students and staff either cannot

stomach the seriousness of my situation or are not knowledgeable of how to help.

As the president of Inspired Dreamers, I know the undocumented/DACA student body

faces unnecessary barriers to come to CU and access the support they need to do well on campus.

I also know that despite the lack of support we receive, undocumented/DACA students possess

the raw intellect and drive to excel in even the most rigorous academic programs this university

58

has to offer. Education is the reason anybody can advance personally, economically, and as a

community leader. Being educated about yourself and your options and an individual in the

United States gives you a better understanding of how you can benefit yourself and those around

you.

We must be given the chance to excel in school. We can make significant contributions to

the academic community if our institutions were to eliminate the unnecessary barriers to

enrollment. My hope for this research study is to enhance support structures for

undocumented/DACA students on campus, so that we are given the chance to better ourselves

and our communities.

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