combat studies, employment of td battalions in the eto
TRANSCRIPT
UB RANR[ISA. CCSC FT. LEA yEN WORTH. !<
; 4 '3, ,.
USA. ,G 1 . LP VEt WOi U, k
A RESEARCH REPORT
Prepared at
THE ARMORED SCHOOLV®rt Knox Kentucky
1949- 1950
t 2 91988ACCESSION NO, . t
PO REGS -. .rn-... ,,
4 1
* .Army, WoItary k-atoly fstt
ThM £MPLOYSN (W FOUR TMAK DSTWRR
B&XOa ThT1 ~O
A 'C OH PT PEMAEf
C M I TEL E 24 $ OWDFtCERS ADVANCE~ COURSE
TIM, A.UMLOD SCHOOL
1949-19,5O
MAJOR WILLIAM F. JACKSON
MAJOR JOHN E. WAALES III
MAJOR MUARSHALL B. GARTH !(3 s r.
MAJOR JOHN A. RANKIN
MA&JO AIFR -. L.. DPIBLLA.
MAJOR ROBERT HALL, U'SMC
CA TIOE R E F A YRC.T
N R B R . P R E
APTAIN JAME S L. HIGGINS
FORT. KNOX, KENTUCKY
MAY 1950
ARMOR -The Mag : ine of~ Mobile Warf~are'Suite 418, 1145-19th St, N.W., ..--Washington, D.C. 20036
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1 INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . .
2 GENERAL MISSIONS AND ORGANIZATION OFTAiK DESTROYER UNITS . . ..
6 TIE 628TH TANK DESTROYER BATTALION(SELF-FROPELLED) .....
4 644TH TANK DESTROYER BATTALION OPERATIONSIN THE ARDENNES....... . . . . ..
5 704TH TAAK DESTROYER BATTALION . . . . ..
6 THE 823D TANK DESTROYER BATTALION (TOWED)AT IORTAIN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . 1
. . . . . 6
. . . . .12
. . . 38
. . . . .64
. . . . .81
7 C ONTENIPORARY COMNT ... . . . . . . . . . .... . 112
8 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOYIENDATIONS. . . . . . . . . .125
AF ~:NDICES ..... . ........ .......
I. 628th Tank Destroyer Battalion - Training. . 132
II. 623th Tank Destroyer Battalion - CombatHistory... . .......... ... . 135
III. 704th Tank Destroyer Battalion - Training. . 141
IV. 823d Tank Destroyer Battalion - Training . 144
V. Maps ..... .... ....... .... 147
Chapter Page
PREFACE
Preparing a researah report on tank destroyers proved to be
a more interesting task than most members of the Committee antici-
pated. The announcement of the subject oast some doubt upon the
worth of a r®eort on a now obsolete weapon of war, but not for Iong.
The splendid achievements of tank destroyer units in action, the
outstanding esprit of officers and men in these units under all con-
ditions of combat, and the ingenuity and bravery they combined to
stop the most feared menace of the battlefield in World War II
created admiration for them and professional interest in their
methods. It is hoped that this report adequately describes the
courage and tenacity with which they fought and the skilful techni-
ques they employed in outmaneuvering and outfighting their armored
foe.
Because tank destroyer units were employed as small elements
attached to major combat organizations, reports of their activities
have been found difficult to trace. Organizations to which they were
attached sometimes failed to mention these subordinate attached
units in after action reports, and parent tank destroyer battalions
were unaware, at times, of the scope of combat activities in which
their companies and platoons took part. Considering this, and the
fact that tank destroyer organizations provided only a comparatively
small group of combat units, it is not surprising that after action
reports on their activities tre few in numbe:' aic are not prepared
with as much attention to detail as those cf, foL example, an Infan-
try Division or a Corps Headquarters.
There is additional reason for the shortage of reports from
tank destroyer companies and platoons. They were often separated
from parent organizations for days and weeks at a time. Individuals
interviewed in connection with this study agree this was a deterrent
to preparing more than casual records.
With no complaint intended, it is an observation of the
Committee that combat records of battalion-size units are few in
number and sketchily prepared.. This is apparently a result of the
disinclination, on the part of line officers, to spend time preparing
reports, and a lack of appreciation, in terms of improved combat
efficiency, of the various purposes for which after action reports
are used. In the directicn of correcting this situation and assist-
ing battalion staffs in simplifying their work of recording,. the
standard form of report used by lower echelons of the British Army
could be examined as a method of preparing paperwork with no more
than reasonable pangs of authorship.
After some time was spent on research and interview, seeming
conflicts of fact made it desirable to analyze the slim stock of
available documents pertaining to tank destroyers and to determine
their validity. It was decided that all could be more closely
scrutinized. For instance, more than one after action report listed,
with understandable pride, the elimination of thret: or more German
"Tiger" tanks in a day's operation. However, ivsion and Corps
staff officers who were at the scene of action dciare no enemy
tanks of this type were near the areas described in post combat
iii
records. One ironically suggested "Tigert" tanks must have been
the xmzost prolific item of German war production, considering the
Vast numbers knocked out in after-action reports.
Committee members have noted that well planned offensive
operations were invariably recorded with greater preciseness than
defensive actions. German accounts, particularly in the ARDENNES
Offensive, gave a more accurate picture, a check of eyewitnesses
reveals, than reports from United States units on the defensive.
The Committee received invaluable assistance in the pre-
paration of the report from former members of the four tank des-
troyer battalions. Without their aid it would not have been
possible to approach any semblance of accuracy in presenting the
details of combat which are condensed in an after-action report
and, of necessity, lost in the condensation. For their kindness
and cooperation, the Committee expresses its appreciation and
thanks to Lieutenant Colonel James W. Bidwell, former commanding
officer of the 704th TD Battalion, now stationed at Fort Knox,
Kentucky; Lieutenant Colonel Stanley Dettmer, former commander of
the 823d TD Battalion, now residing at San Anselm.. California;
Lieutenant Colonel Kfilliam A. Hamberg, commanding officer of the
10th Tank Battalion, 5th Armored Division, now stationed at Fort
Knox, Kentucky; Lieutenant Colonel Ashby I. Lohse, former operations
officer of the 823d TD Battalion, now living in Tucson, Arizona;
Major Edward R. Garton, executive officer of the 644th TD Battalion,
now at The Armored School, Fort Knox, Kentucky; Major Crosby P.
Miller, $-3 of the 7Q4th TD tMtale ,, now at % e Amored School,
Fort RZox,, Oentua; a S W'We :m O, a f r0-
mandi; t e o :4err the $23d T *tw 11Ov, in i
Battalion, naw a resident t Greensburg, Pannsylvania; Captain
James Leach, commanding "B" Company, 37th Tank Battalion, ano on
duty at Fort knox, Kentucky; Captain Edwin Leiper, commander of the
3d Platoon, Company "C", 704th TD Battalion, now a resident of
Indianapolis, Indiana; Captain T. L. Raney, commander of the lst
Reconnaissance Platoon, 823d TD Battalion, now stationed at Fort
Meade, Maryland; Lieutenant John E. Barron, commander of the 1st
Platoon, Company "C", 823d TD Battalion, now residing in El Paso,
Texas; Lieutenant Ellis McInnis, commanding officer of a platoon
of Company "C", 823d TD Battalion, now living in Odessa, Texas;
Lieutenant Leon L. Neel, commander of. the 1st Platoon, Company "B",
823d TD Battalion, now residing in Thomasville,, Georgia; and
Lieutenant Thomas Springfield, commander of the 1st Platoon,
Company "A", 823d TD Battalion, now living in Dodge City, Kansas,
CHAPTER 1
INTS1DUCTION
The motivating impulse for this report dates back to the
European Campaigas of 1940, wt) the French Azy surrendered to swift-
moving German divisions whose success rested primarily on the spee4,
firepower and shook action of tanks supported by planes, when rem-
nants of the British Expeditionary Force prepared airplane and tank
obstacles throughout the British Isles and regrouped for the last-
ditch battle of England, and when, in the United States, the majority
of military thought was centered on a method by which the terrify-
ingly successful tnk-air combination could be stopped.
One of the outcoes of those urgent times was the formation
of tank destroyer units as a part of the United States Army and their
use, particularly during the later European Campaigns of 1944-1945,
in the greatest combined-arma offensive in h story.
That tank destroyer units never fulfilled the naster role
for which they were intended is a quirk of circumstance plus the
introduction of other ingenious devices contrived to combat tanks.
The original subject assigned this committee for research
and report was "The Operation of the Tank Destroyer Battalion." The
topic covers a wide field, which fortunately was narrowed with the
announcement of the scope as "A study of the employment of the tank
destroyer battalion in the European Theater, with conclusions and
recommendations," with limiting dates extending from June of 1944,.
to May of 1945.
Confined within reasonable bounds, the title assumed more
workable proportions, though it was still considered too general
when committee members initiated individual research. After a more
thorough look at source material it was determined the best output
of the committee's efforts would be achieved if the subject was
restricted to operations of four outstanding tank destroyer batta-
lions. Thus the subject was chosen.
Research concerning tank destroyer operations has revealed
an interesting and important field for further investigation. It is
suggested that the overall subject, "The Operation of the Tank
Destroyer Battalion," could be the basis for a group of studies aimed
at a more complete picture of combat operations involving tank
destroyers versus tanks. The subject is important because of its
possible effect on current antitank doctrine.
Tank Destroyers entered and emerged from World War II as the
center of a doctrinal controversy. Conceived in haste, they were
designated "Tank Chasers," before birth, by the French; "Antitank
Regiments," by the British; "Self-propelled Artillery," by the
Russians; and "Tank Destroyers" by our forces. They had common
characteristics as well as a common purpose. All were team-operated,
super-velocity, low-trajectory weapons, self-propelled or towed,
suitable for employment on direct-fire missions against tanks -
primarily German tanks.
The argument which centered on tanks replacing tank destroyers
in an antitank role entered the theoretical phase in this country as
tank armament was improved to exceed that of existing tank destroyer
weapons. Major factors in the difference of opinion were the tank's
heavier vehicle, armor and weapons weight, with loss of mobility, as
against a lighter, thin-skinned, more agile and heavier-armed anti-
tank vehicle.
This controversial side issue is not a part of the report,
though it well might be. The facts of combat operations, high-v
lighted during the period June 1944, to May 1945, were an important
influence on the decision which eliminated tank destroyers from'
U. S. Army organization in 1946.
Although some aspects of the study were not immediately
obvious to the researcher, one feature of tank destroyer employment
was quickly noted. This was the wide variety of combat assignments,
outside the scope of antitank combat, in which tank destroyer organ-
izations participated. Many missions were considered, by those in
subordinate command of the units, to be beyond the sphere of organi-
gational training or equipment. Surprisingly, the unorthodox
missions were quite successful from an overall viewpoint and added
to the versatile reputation of the anti-tankers.
This report is not concerned with the application of prin-
ciples to a combat situation facing a commander, harassed by the
problem of taking an objective with the means at hand. However, the
statements of tank destroyer unit officers that they were rarely
able to utilize the potential of their weapons and personnel because
of restrictions imposed by unusual missions and attachments, directed
by higher authority, is of interest.
The purpose of this report is to present a series of
illustrative general actions hiaging on the assignment of tank
destroyer Units in two well-recognized roleas Supporting a muaor
organization and its subordinate elements on :the offensive, and
providing the same support when the larger element is in a defensive
situation. The combined actions will show the various methods of
employment of tank destroyers by major unit cammanders; the adherean
to ar departure from tank destroyer doctrine extant at the time of
employment; and a comparison of unit actions with the objective of
highlighting successful features of operation.
The four battalions selected for illustration are the 628th
Tank Destroyer Battalion, the 644th, 704th and 823d. Although they
were shifted within Corps, the battalions spent the majority of com-
bat time attached to the following divisions:
628th Tank Destroyer Battalion, 5th Armored Division
644th Tank Destroyer Battalion, 2d Infantry Division
704th Tank Destroyer Battalion, 4th Armored Division
823d Tank Destroyer Battalion, O0th Infantry Division
The first part of the report is concerned with background
material, the organization of units for combat, types of equipment
used during the period of operations and a brief of doctrine govern-
ing the training and contemplated employment of tank destroyers in
the combined arms fighting team. Following background data, opera-
tions of the four tank destroyer battalions are described in separate
chapters, with another section devoted to comment by selected tank
CstER 2
GENERAL MISSIONS AND ORGANIZATION OF
TANK DESTROYER UNITS
Thishapter is pter eveted to a general discussion of te hnioal
material on the employment of tank destroyer units. It contains in-
formation on the missions for which tank destroyer units were trained,
the contemplated principles of employment and methods of employment.
he chapter also includes organizational charts prepared and later
modified during World War II by the Tank Destroyer School at Camp
Hood, Texas.J
As with other special organizations of the armed forces, tank
destroyers were given a specific goal to achieve. This goal, or pri-
mary mission, was the destruction of hostile tanks by direct gunfire.
It is of interest to note that even the wording of direct gunfire
implies an aggressive as well as an offensive role. When approach-
ing the subject of tank destroyer use, it is of importance to dif-
ferentiate between antitank and tank destroyer units. Unquestion-
ably the two elements have a great deal in common and are closely
related. However, they are also quite different,
Antitank units are set up and equipped to be used in
relatively fixed roles. Even when the larger units of which they
form a part are on the offensive, their role is primarily defensive.
Antitank units function generally by successively setting up defenses
of certain critical areas such as avenues of approach of possible
armored counterattack. When they do not succeed in stopping an
attack, their purpose is to disrupt, ay,delay and canalite hostile
armored forces, thus creatig conditions favorable for counterattack
by highly mobile reserves, Here is where tank destroyers enter the
picture,
...Tank Destroyers are the highly mobile elementin operations against armored forces. In contrastto Antitank units, their role is purely offensive,even when supporting large-scale defensive operations.Because of their characteristics, Tank Destroyers are notbound up with positions and places on the ground.In fact,°..to bind their operations down to placestakes much of the power out of their wallop. TankDestroyers are organized and equipped to strike andstrike hard at tanks with great fire power and greatmaneuverability. Their function is not to deny theuse of certain terrain feature to tanks but to seekout and destroy the tanks themselves..
Suitable secondary missions for tank destroyer units are:
1. To reinforce or supplement the fire of artillery units
with direct or indirect fire.
2. To destroy pill boxes and permanent defensive works.
3. To support landing operations.
4. To defend beaches against waterborne attack.
5. To be used on roving gun and roving battery missions
(more applicable to self-propelled units).
With regard to the use of tank destroyers on secondary
missions, the field manual on employment has the following to say:
,*.,Employment of tank destroyers on secondary missionsis a command decision. When ammunition requirements forreinforcing artillery missions exceed the supply facilitiesof the units, higher headquarters assumes the responsibilityof supplying the additional ammunition required. Exceptin an emergency, the organic ammunition loads of tankdestroyer units should remain intact for primary missions,
Most sedndary missions require the use of high-explosive ainmunition. Since the trajectory of anti-taik guns is too flat for the exeoution of many 2missions, reduced charges are often referable.
In order to use a ta destroyerw to their best advantage, and
to gain the maimnum possible results from their favorable character-
istics, a commander would be governed in tank destroyer action by
application of the following principles:
1. The seeking of information of hostile tanks by continuous
reconnaissance,
2. The movement to firing positions so as to intercept
hostile tanks by arriving sufficiently in advance of the tanks to
permit proper emplacement and concealment of tank destroyers. Tank
destroyers ambush, ho le tanks, but do not charge nor chase them.
3. Holding ground and not firing until tanks get within
as close range as possible.
4. Occupying forward positions from which to pursue with-
drawing tnks by fire.
5. Using every practicable measure to secure concealment.
This is necessary because tank destroyers are vulnerable to hostile
tank, antitank and artillery fire.
6, Digging in towed guns whenever time permits,
7. Digging in and camouflaging tank destroyers in feature-
less terrain,
It is important that tank destroyers be used aggressively.
Their mobility permits them to be concentrated rapidly in an
advantageous position. SteIth and deoeptein are predomiate factors.
Tank destroyers are not ea l.e of indeSsp ent action; they should be
used in close ooperAtiN With other troops.
The or g=aitio of took destroyer units was a subject of
much discussion and the usual controversy, but was finally decided
and established as brought out in Feld Manual 16-5
..a. Tank destroyer units are organized as battalions,groups, and brigades. The battalion is both a tacticaland administrative unit. Groups and brigades areorganized only as tactical units. There are two typesof battalions, classilied according to their equipment asself-propelled d nd towed
b. The self-propelled battalion consists of a head-quarters and headquarters company, a reconnaissancecompany, three gun companies, and a medical detachmentsEach gun company has three platoons of four self-pro-pelled guns each--a total of 36 guns within the batta.lion.
c. The towed battalion is similar to the self-propelledbattalion except that it is equipped with towed guns andhas no reconnaissance company Two reconnaissance platoonsare included in the headquarters company.
d. Group. The group consists of a headquarters andheadquarters company and two or more battalions.
e. Brigade. The brigade is composed of a head-quarters nd headquarters company and two or moregroups...
As to methods of employment, tank destroyer units certainly
have flexibility and maneuverability beyond the scope of most armored
elements. They can be employed to attack the head, flanks, or the
rear of a hostile armored formation. These points may be hit
simultaneously, or successively, engaging one while maneuvering to
hit another. The choice of method is largely influenced by the
relative size of the olements involved. A tank destroyer battalion
ahotud be able to atta*k a hostile task cmcpany at three points
simultaceosly. If the terrain is favorabe it might be poesible to
attack a hostile tank battalion at three points.
Tank destroyers shoald be kept in oncealed positions well
to the rear initially. Their mobility will permit their use in mass
in particular areas anywhere over a wide zone.
Tank destroyers use the concept of surprise attack in masse
Therefore, they should hold out small or no reserves, initially
employing their maximum fire power and shifting it continuously to4
gain and maintain the maxium tactical advantage.
An outline distributed by the Tank Destroyer School at Camp
Hood, Texas, compared the employment of tank destroyer units to that
of the man backing up the line in football, "...he stays well back
until he sees where the play is coming and then hits it with every-
thing he has."
14OTE8 FOIR ORAPTER 2
"T-6111 (school doe trte), T xk Destroyer School, Departmentof . actijg, C*amp Hood, Texas, p 1,
P'ield Manual 18v.5, Tactical Employment x ~k Destroyer Unit,18 July 1944, p 3.
I bid, p 1,4
Op ci, "T'61" (school doctrine), p 6.
LL
I ..
1. Q
g
l
< 25
v
N
r
f °
_J
.n
J
J
Q
WW
,n
W
cV
u
N
N
QW
..
N
Q
g
O
ouG
W
z
a F-
a
n
z
O
a
a
u
CD
N
p
ua;°
ex. Z
O~QQ
zz
LL
J oQ
"' a
Oz0
0
U
_
t 0
o 7.
4 N
W
f.
z
M
d
N
®
a g
uzca
r®
_
3 tY
N
N
W
T
.
G.
O
'Q
O
a F
{-"
' ?
rr '
Q
M
Q
N
a'
N
Z
<
a0
G
~
O
0z.Q
Z
4
l l
p
^.
0S
:Q
a
a il
n
yG V
N
d z
a
00
N
ti
H
N
Yas
ox
u
70
0W
c
3O
a N
a
8
Q
s
G,
f- 3
pa
rrr
.O
Q
T
' V
VV
i
z
a
0
u
V OQ
of
z N
0~ °C
a
0
0
N
O1-
N
Oti
x
N
N
;O
jI~iI1~
(5 -(10i
I-IS
Fi55OOIt
(e It71
-QeLiO
iO.5
z Oc51 c
((6 OLO
s7T &
KV
I1
«a
R1
g c c:c5~ s
O0 50-:
=
01c10oY*c5o3
I( E1
q 40
SOt
-,
OI
r -
10-0 -i
Io o'o
LIO
.O
ai
3 r
I-
si ,~
z ..
g
cj0
Co
U
I-
'4
"iI1I
i-a I
119
CHAPTER 3
TPE 628th TAK DESTR(OYER TATTALION(StL' PROPELLED)
Introduction and Buildup
General. The 628th Tank Destroyer Battalion (SP)
was selected for study in the preparation of this report
on tank destroyer operations in the European Theatre of
Operations after a careful consideration of factors,
situations and missions; the more important of which are
as follows:
(1) This unit was employed extensively in theprimary tank destroyer role.
(2) A self propelled unit, it worked throughoutcombat on the European Continent, except for one briefperiod, with an armored unit, the 5th Armored Division.
(3) In the Battle of 'WALLENDORF, the battle selectedfor detailed study, this tank destroyer battalion wasemployed with an armored division in the penetration of aheavily fortified position; the SIEGFRIED LINE.
(4) Also in the Battle of JVALL'NDORF, this battalionwas heavily enga;ed in repelling armored attacks.
(5) In addition to the above listed roles thisbattalion was employed in just about every manner towhich it could be adapted, for example; reinforcingartillery, as assault guns, against personnel in theopen, as road blocks, and to provide flank protection,
On 5 August 1944, only a few days after the 628th
Tank Destroyer Battalion landed in Europe it was attached to
the 5th Armored Division. Neither the Battalion nor the 5th
Armored Division had been committed to combat. Thus a team
that was to work together through most of the European
Campaign was formed. It is of crurse important that a team
remain intact if the ultimate in cooperation and coordination
is to be achieved. This permanent attachment was, therefore,
very desirable and led to understandings that could ohly
have been bettered if the units had trained together.
In order to understand the operating procedure of
this team, of which the 628th was a member, it is necessary
to explain that the 5th Armored Division employed "married
companies" to make up tank-infantry teams.
One tank battalion and one infantry battalion wereassigned to each combat command, but the cooperation be-tween tanks and infantry was to go further than that.The "A" tank companies and "A" infantry companies werepaired off. Likowise paired were the "B" and "C" tankand infantry companies. Within the companies each in-fantry platoon of five squad half-tracks was pairedwith a platoon of five medium tanks. Within theplatoons each medium tank crew of five men was pairedwith its own infantry squad of 12 men, The final re-sult of the marriage was a Sherman tank, a half-trackand 17 men who were to eat, sleep and fight togother.1
It was also customary to att:.ch a platoon of tank destroyers
to a mar"ied company.
CCB's tank-infantry teams were made up from the
81st Tank Battalion and the 15th Armored Infantry Battalion,
The B Companies of the medical battalion, engineer battalion,
ordnance battalion, and Troop B or the cavalry reconnaissance
squadron were the normal supporting troops, and the 71st
Armored Field Artillery Battalion was normally in direct support.
It normally fought as two task forces; one heavy, containing
two "married .companies", and one light, containing one
"m-Lrriod company".
Each task force bore the name of its commander. During
the "TALL:E'..DORF operation the commanders were Lt. Col.
13
Anderson and Lt. Cole Winteemutea
CCr's two units were the 10th Tank Bat' alion andthe 47th Armored Infantry Battalion, Its regularlysupporting artillery the 95th Armored Field ArtilleryBattalion and its normal supporting companies the "C"companies of the Engineers, ordnance and Medics and"C" Troop of the Cavalry. The heavy task force duringthis operation was commanded by rt. Col, Hamburg theCO of the 10th Tank Battalion and contained the married"A" and "C" Cos, Task force Boyer named for Lt, Col,Boyer the 47th Armored Infantry Battalion Commander wasthe light task force and was made up of the "married' , Cos".2
Since CCA was occupied in a different sector pro-
tecting the City of Luxemburg, during the period while the
5th Armored Division was on German soil, and did not figure
in the '"TALLENDORF operation, its organization is not im-
portant and is omitted.
The 628th Ta~k Destroyer Battalion was committed
to combat with the 5th Armored Division 2 August 1944, and
with them fought through France into Belgium and liberated
Luxemburg. During the advance the major actions participated
in were at the 'ALAISE-ARGENTAN Gap and the SEINE River,
Friendly Situation, By the end of August the
Allied force on the Continent included twenty American
divisions, twelve British divisions, three Canadian div-
isions, one French division, and one Polish divisions and
the necessary supporting troops. Against a defeated and
demoralized enemy they were advancing rapidly. Due to
limited port facilities and conditions of the railroads in
France it was impossible to support the armies as the
supply lines lengthenend indefinitely. There was bound
to be a time when the rapid advance would of necessity
stop, if not due to enemy resistance, then because the
supply lines had been stretched to their elastic limits.
All along the front we pressed forward in hotpursuit of the fleeing enemy. In four days theBritish spearheads, paralleled by equally forcef,.ilAmerican advances on the right, covered 195 miles,one of the many fine feats of marching by our for-mations in the great pursuit across France. BySeptember 5, Patton's Third Army reached Nancy andcrossed the MOSELLE River between that city and 1\ TZ,Hodge's First Army came up against the Siegfried de-fenses by the thirteenth of the month and was short-ly thereafter to begin the struggle for AACHEN.Pushed back against the borders of the homeland, theGerman defenses showed definite signs of stiffening.On September 4, Montgomery's armies entered ANTWNCRP
,...NARSEILLE had been captured on August 28 and this
great port was being rehabilitated,3
Enemy Situation, By September Ist no organized
front existed. The remnants of the German formations were
fighting unorganized rear guard actions in an attempt to
fall back into Germany and gain the protection of the WEST
WALL.
In the meantime the Germans were making a desperate
belated attempt to prepare the defenses of the SIEGFRIED
LINE, Labor battalions and Volksturm (home guard) troops
were being employed along with crippled units that had with-
drawn from the battle of France.
Early in September 1944, when the German armedForces in the West during their withdrawal through
F'anooBolgiu app eabhodthe German frontier, thebulk of the formations could be designated only as
romanants. According to the statistics of the 0KW(High Command of the Armed Forces), the YWesthecr,including the navy and the air forces, but includingthe fortresses, had suffered a total loss of about500,000 men since 1 June 1944. Principally as aresult of the absolute air supremacy of the Allies,the losses in material were oven more conspioious.As an example,, it may be mentioned that the I SS
Pz Corps had at its disposal only one tank fTltTor-'PTiio'nnd the LXXIV Army Corps possessed only onegun, which was in full fighting order. All for-mations w.-:re heavily intermixed, so that there weredivisions consisting of men belonging to a varietyof units of every branch of arms.
During the entire withdrawal to the Germanfrrntior, the controlling organs,, however, hadremained intact, The army,, corps,, divisional,, aswell as the bulk of the regimental and battalionstaffs "oere in working order and h.d on hand more orless strong cadres of the troop formations4
The main German forces opposing the 5th Armored
Division on 13 September wore the:256th S Panzer Regiment
Elements of the- 5th Pa'achute Division
lemien-ts of the 130th anzer Lehr DivisionIiscollaneous VolIstrm formationi
Operations
Pre battle movement, The U. S. First Army planned
to make its entry into Germany with a main thrust in the
vicinity of AACH-'N. To assist in the execution of this
thrust V Corps, to the south, consisting of the 4th I-"
fantrv Division, 28th Infantry Division, and 5th Armored
Division attacked the much taunted EST' '"ALL CCR of the
5th Armored Division was ordered to cross the OTUR River and
? netrate the SIDGCFRITD LIFE in the vicinity of WALLENORr ,
The following quotation from the unit history of the 5th Armored
Division indicates the Division had already done some reconnaissance
of the Line on its own initiative.
At 1815 on September 11, 1944, a strong patrol fromB Troop 85th, crossed the Our River into Germany andmade history. Word flashed back to division, to army,to the world that the first Americans were fighting onGerman soil.
For the next three days patrols probed the SiegfriedLine and found it manned by small lightly armed forces.The enemy began building up his strength, however, andthe steep hills, mud and defiles threatened to makemovement difficult for the tanks, 6
This action proved to be correct for
On the 12th of Sept the 5th Armored Division wasdirected to conduct reconnaissance to the SIEGFRIEDLINE, demonstrate to its front and be prepared to breakthrough the German defenses in the general areaWALLEYNDORF-ECTERNACE to secure objectives in Germany.
By Corps order on 13 September the 5th Armd Div was toldto reconnoiter and demonstrate against the Line in itssector. If the Line was not held in force one CombatCommand with one Bn 112th Inf Regt was to break throughand seize the high ground east of BITBURG. 7
CCB was to assist and cover the advance of CCR withartillery support. Company A (628th TD Bn) was attachedto CCP for this purpose. The rest of the rattalion wasattached to CCR.
Operations 13 September. Elements of the 628th TD Bn
attached to CCR moved into position to fire into German on 13 Sept
1944. They fired all that afternoon, all the next morning and then
about 1300 hours on the 14th crossed into Germany. An interesting
observation made by members of the CCR task forces was that in all
the time during the two days of firing the enemy did not fire in
return,
Dispositions of troops may be noted on map Figure 3.
On the 13th the action, as is shown in the following quotations,
consisted primarily of moving into positions and firing
into the enemy pill-boxes,
A demonstration against enemy fortifications of theSiegfried Line with tanks, tank destroyers and artilleryfire was ordered by Corps and was carried out beginning at1500, 13 September.... CCR delivered direct t-nk andartillery fire on enemy pill boxes between AnM)ELD Tr-ESNand rETE~E,-EN ° No enemy fire was returned, 9
On 13 September 1944, 2d Platoon, Company B (628th)in position on hill mear I .ELBACH, Luxemburg, useddirect fire methods at 2000 yards range on German pillboxes and other enemy targets in the vicinity of[,TALLZNDRF and BI'SDORF. On the same day 2d Platoon,
Company "C" moved across the MOSELLE River and firedon enemy pill boxes northeast of T TCESDORF, Germany.Direct fire methods were used and six pill boxed wereknocked out, after which the platoon returned to thebivouac area,
On 13 September 1944 Company "B" with ReconnaissancePlatoon attached, moved with the 47th Armored Inf Bninto firing positions on high ground east and northeastof REISDRF, Luxemburg, on direct fire support for 47thArmored Infantry n.,, attacked fortifications of theSiegfried Line northeast of WALLT;'DORF'
Three inch gun direct fire from massed M-10s wasemployed against the permanent fortifications of theSiegfried Line, It was observed that normal AP shellshad .little effect against concrete, especially whencovered with earth.lO 0
. Company "C" with Reconnaissance Platoon, stillattached to the 10th Tank Battalion moved to an assemblyarea five miles east of GILSDnRF at 1315 hours. 1stPlatoon, Company "C' then moved to WALL0nTORP, Germanycrossing the OUR River, and set up road blocks to pro-tect the main body of CCR. 2d Platoon, Company 'C',assisted Ist Battalion, 112th Infantry Regiment, 28thInfantry Division also attached to CCR in the seizing ofREI DORF, Luxembourg, and the establishin of road blocksthere, 3d Platoon Company tC' moved to a position onemil north of 7AT.ID TRF, Germany to guard the rightflank of CCR. Pioneer Platoon, Reconnaissance Company,was attached to Company 'Cg 22d Armored EngineerBattalion for a bridge building mission. Company 'C'was in Germany and to Major Burgess, then Captain, go
the honors of being the first man in the Battalion to setfoot on German Soil, The remainder of the Battalion ex-copt Company .' working with CCB. crossed into Gotmany on15 September 1944 and at 1700 hours the Battalion CP wasestablished on Hill 408 one mile east of FRThLITGE'N, aporox-imatoly six miles into Germanyooa1ll
Operations 14 Septombe r . See Figure 4 o Since there
was no large caliber fire being returned from the enemy positions
the task forces decided to cross the OUR River and go into po-
sition preparatory to crossing the Gay Bach the next morning.
At 1130 B (14 September 44) Combat Command R withthe 1st Battalion212th Infantry, attacked to breakthrough in the vicinity of W;ALLEYNDORF The infantry,preceded by the armor crossod the OUR River at 1330 Bcrossing by ford since the bridge had been destroyedby the Germans before our forces reached the river....Progress was slow due to automatic weapons and smallarms fire., A hard rain also slowed the movement., 1 2
The advance continued and at 1825 the bulk of theCCR forces were across the river and on the high groundl 3
Company "C" (628th TD Bn) with Reconnaissance Platoon,still attached to the 10th Tank Battalion, moved to anassembly area 5 miles east of GILSDORF at 1315 hourse1st Platoon Company "C'"then moved to .ALLE\i'ORF,Germany, crossing the 0 r River and set up road blocksto protect the main body of CCR, 2d Platoon Company"C", assisted 1st Battalion, 112th Infantry Regiment,28th Infantry Division also attached to CCR in theseizing of REISDORF, Luxemburg, and the establishing of
road blocks there., 4th Platoon, Company "C" moved toa position one mile north of WALLENDORF, Germany, toguard the right flank of CCR. Pioneer Platoon,Reconnaissance Company, was attached to Company "C"22d Armored Engineer Battalion for a Bridge Buildingmission, 1 4
Operations 15 September,
At 0800, 15 September CCR resumed the att ck, Fogand low clouds made visibility very pooSb Some enemytanks had moved in front of the combat command duringthe night. The advance against heavy resistance con-sisting of the enemy tanks and some 88 mm guns continuedand by noon elements had moved into HO ERDI TGEN, Soonthereafter the 1st Bn 112th Info was in BIESDORF, Theforeward momentum continued and by night Task Force Ham-burg had advanced through ENZEN and STOCHEN to BETrTNGENand Task Force Boyer was occupying Hill 408, which wasabout a thousand yards north of FREILE\TGEN and commanded
the areal 5
Company "B" 628 TD Bn occupied positions to commandthe apprnaches to Hill 408618
Company "C" had moved through the fog to attackHO :RSDTNTGEN and ORUCHTEN, Part of the company pro-vided flank protection for Task Force Hamburg andthe remainder of the company established road blocksto protect CCR Headquarters- 17
On the evening 15 September V Corps ordered CCB
released to division control to assist in the con-tinuation of the division attack to seize the ob-
jective in the vicinity of Bitburgi18
Operations 16 September,
CCB with Co "A" 628th attached crossed the Our intoGermany on the 16th, passed through WALLENDORF andstopped for the night at HOM-'RDIWEN, with a forcestill engaged in cleaning out NIEDERSGEGEN,19
Co A 628th went into direct and indirect artillerypositions po J CCR lines of communication,2 0
CCP had continued its attack but at 1500 was stillup against heavy enemy resistance and had made no ad-vance during the day, At 2145 they reported that theenemy was counter-attacking five hundred yards South-east of WETTE\TGEN.2
The 1st Bn 112th Inf, attached to CCR was dug inat WETTENGEN, During the day CCR threw back threestrong counterattacks at 'ETTE" ,GEN,. and smashed anarmored attack, 22
1st and 3d Platoon of Gom6tany "B, 62 h were inposition southeast of k~ll 408,. and the 2d platoon wason Hill 298 near STOCHEN supoorting 1st Bn 112th Inf,.
The 1st and 2d Platoons of Co "C" in anti-tankdefense of Task Force Hamburg wore in positions south-east of STOCKER and northeast of HALSDORF, respoctivly,whilb the 3d Platoon provided anti-tank defense forCCR trains near HOfVERDINGEN, 23
Operations 17 September. See Figure 5
On 17 Sept enemy small arms,.mortar and artilleryfire increased in intensity in all areas. At 0745 CCRreported that its artillery was firing on enemy tanksto the northeast, that the 1st Bn 112th Inf Regt wasreceiving enemy machine gun and artillery fire north-east of 1WETTENGEN, that the right tank column was fight--ing in the vicinity of STOCKEM, that artillery firew:s coming from the north, northeast and east and enemytanks w.re to the northeast and east. At 0830 CCR re-ported the fifth enemy counter-attack repulsed, thata total of eight enemy tanks were knocked outt... Theenemy attacks were supoortod by at least forty tanks. 2 4
The enemy counter-attacks against TaskForce Hamburg,.the right tank column of CCR, in and around HALSDORFand STOCKER were launched from the vicinity of BETTTNGENand wore made by tanks accompanied by infantry. Artilleryfire which was placed on the attacking forces separatedthe infantry from the tanks. The tank attack was thenbroken up by tank destroyers of 1st and 3d platoons ofCo "C" 628th TD bn from positions in the vicinity ofHALSDORF and STOCKE,. and tanks on the high ground north-east of HALSDORF.2 5
Meanwhile...on the unforgettable Hill 298 the secondplatoon, (Co "B" 628th) under Lt, Leon Ronnebaum, wasengaged in desperate fighting. This platoon was supprotingthe 112th R3gt of the 28th Inf Div,.... In close support ofthe foot sloggers, the platoon was successful in repulsingseveral enemy counter-attacks attempting to dislodge theTank Destroyers from their excellent firing positions,Sgt Thomas R. K.;arney and Sgt. John Kalis had fired alltheir ammunition and accounted for many enemy dead andwounded....Pvt. Grizzle and Pfc. Masters accounted fora good many casualties among the attacking force. After
throe destroyers wore hit and damaged by enemy fireand the romaining forces were just aboht out ofammunition Lt. Rennobaum gave the order to withdraw,26
For this bravo show of arms, .th second platoonwas recommended for the Presidential Unit Citation andLt Rennobaum subsequently received tho DistinguishedSorvice Cross,27
1st Bn 112th Inf was withdrawn to the vicinity nfSTOCKEDM. They dug in on the high ground west of town .On the 17th CCB left elements of the married Cos "B"at HOFWERDINGEN to protect CCR's rear and moved to theWALLET',DORF, AMPI"ELDTNGEN, NIEDERSGTGEN area where theywere employed destroying pill-boxes and to protect theloft flank of the penetration, Task Force Anderson,loss the "B" Cos elements occupied Hill 375,.betweenNIEDERS(EGEN and AMELDITGET, .which commanded the terrainin that sector, Task Force Wintormute continued to holdNIEDERSEGEy, 28
By the night of the 17th Sept th.., furthest penetration
into ecrmany had been made,
Operations 18 September.
No appreciable changes in dispositions or locationstook place on 18 Sopt.. CCR with Task Force Hamburg in thevicinity of HALSDORF IAD STOCKE'r, and Task Force Boveron Hill 408 were subjected to artillery fire, but sus-tained no major attacks. CCB continued to destroy pill-boxes and to drive the enemy from NIEDERSGEGEN, FBIESDORFand .from around the bridge site at WALLENDORF, TheGermans rooccupied these localities nightly by in-filtration, 2 9
Operations 19 September,
Ninteenth of September was the high point in theBat alionts (628th TD Bn) combat history in so far asknocking out enemy tanks during any single twenty-four-hour period is concerned. Missions and positions hadremained approximately the same .as on 17 September, 3 0
At 0400,.19 September, CCR reported enemy vehiclesmoving in its sector and placed artillery concentrationon them. Considerable movement of enemy tanks wasreported in the vricinity of METTETDORF, At 0740 the
positions of CCR were being heavily shelled by enemy
artillery. At 0800 the enemy launched a two-pronged
tank and infantry attack on CCR, moving southeast and
southwest from FETTEITDORF. Eighteen enemy Mark IV
tanks are known to have been knocked out by CCR in re-
pelling this attack,.,,. At 0910 CCR reported its CP
had moved to HOMERDTNGETN to avoid enemy artilleryfire..... CCR was attacked at 1325 from the northeast.
The attack was repulsed but CCR continued to receive
heavy artillery fire,The 2d Bn,. 112th Inf Regt going up to relieve the
1st Bn with CCR had been halted by fire north of EIESDORF.
CCB was ordered to send a force to relieve the pressure on
them so they could ccntinue, This pressure was neutralized
by CCB at 1600,.,,. The 1st 3n, 112th Inf Regt, having
been relieved from CCR was given the mission of pro-
tecting the bridge at WALLENDOR for the night 19-20
September. At 1800 the Commanding Officer, Division
Artillery, was ordered to move all artillery to the west
of the German border without delay,
At 1830 CCR was ordered to have 2d Bn, 112th Inf Regt,protect its East flank while the remainder of CCR withdrew
west of the frottier to a position south of DIEKICHo....At 1845 Commanding Officer, Division irtillery, was given
a fire line and ordered to lay heavy fire east of the line
to cover the withdrawal of CCR.31
Prior to the CCR withdrawal both Companies B and C
of the TDs had an artillerymants field day, 1st Platoon,
Company "B" with Lt,. Jones commanding, while in position
north of FRFILTNGEN, Germany, protecting the left flank
of' CCR knocked out six Mark VI tanks attempting to approach
their position from the vicinity of HUTJTIFGEN, Germany,by direct fire at range's from 1500 to 3600 yards. Cpl.
Rice, Tank Destroyer gunner, knocked out three enemy
tanks in quick succession at 1800 yards while Cpl,.
Tomaszewski and Cpl, Kiwior knocked out tanks at 3600
and 3200 yards respectively, Two unidentified enemy
tanks were also knocked out by the 2d Platoon, In
addition, this Platoon assisted the tank attached to the
47th Armored Infantry Bn, in knocking out an additionalfive enemy tanks of undetermined designation, while Cpl.
Giacomino knocked out two other enemy tanks but was un-
able to identify the tanks due to enemy fire. The 3d Platoon,.
Company "C", with Lt, Feldman commanding, established OP and
firing positiona on the revers slope of a hill 1500 yards
north of HO'MERDINGEI, Germany,. Considerable enemy move-
ment was observed in the vicinity of HUTTINGEN .ad brought
under fire at ranges from 1000 to 2000 yards which resultedin one enemy Mark V tank definitely knocked out and ob-served hits scored on six Mark VI's and one other Mark V,which the enemy either recover.d or else completed the de-struction. This in one twenty-four hour period. TheBattalion received credit for six Mark VI''s., one Mark V,and four unidentified tanks destroyed; six Mark VT's andone Mark V probably destroyed and assisted in the de-struction of five unidentified tanks.,32
The sector held by CCB was also heavily attacked on
the 19th. At 0800 they reported the enemy working west and north-
west from rIESDORF with continuous light and medium enemy artillery
fire coming from east and northeast. They had cleared the enemy
out of BIESDORF by 1037, but at 1030 enemy infantry attacked
and took the bridge at WALLENDORF It was held for only a short
time for by 1250 they had been forced to withdraw to the scuth-
eastern edge of WAJLEN DORF,. At 1225 CCB repulsed an attack by
enemy tanks from the north.3 3
One platoon of the TD company with CCB was sent back
into Luxemburg to face into Germany and cover the approach lane
from the north of Hill 375 located between AM ELDTNGEN and
NEIDERSGEGE . Another TD was driven up on top of Hill 375 from
where it poured direct fire into the town of NEIDERSGEGEN in support
of Task Force YWintermute. 3 4
Enemy fire continued to increase in intensity forcing
movement of the Tank Force Anderson CP to a new saucer-like
location on Hill 375, where they organized a tight defense,35
Task Force Winter.ute and the "morried" companies B
were ordered to cover the route of march of CCR in its with-
drawal,36
'Operations 20 September. See Figure 6. CCB was
ordered to consolidate its position and prepare to follow CCR
on 20 September, Orders were, however, received from Corps
at 2005 that CCB would not be withdrawn west of the ferman
border except on Corps order, 3 7
CCR successfully completed its withdrawal from
Germany and at 0500 20 September was closing in its assembly
area south of GILSDON, The 1st and 2d Battalions, 112th
Infantry protecting the W ALLEDORF Bridge were subjected to
heavy artillery and mortar fire and enemy attacks, but retained
possession of the bridge throughout the day.38 CCB continued
to be subjected to enemy attack and intensive artillery fire.
A column of eighty Werhmacht troops, marching alongthe river road from GE~TI GEN south toward AY ELDj''GENwas caught in the open by the TD platoon from "B" Companyof the 628th Subjected to a heavy fire from the platoons'50 cal, machine guns and three inch cannons, only one ofthe German soldiers managed to crawl away, 3 9
NEIDERSGEGEN was lost to the enemy and the attempt
to retake it was unsuccessful. During the night the enemy
infiltrated through the elements of the 112th Infnatry pro-
tecting the :TALL NDORF Bridge. 4 0 Both the threadway bridge
and timber bridge were demolished, 4 1
Operations 21 September. CB was continuously attacked
during the 21st by both infantry and tanks, and was subjected
25
to hostile artillery fire that grew in intensity as'the day
grew olde . To add to their difficulties heavy fog prevented
obser-{ien of enemy activities and enabled the Germans to
infiltrate into CCB positions before they were detecte.d. 4 2
By now the Germans had moved an Air Force infantry
division into BIESDORF, along with elements of five other
divisions, a regiment of medium field artillery and fivebattalions of assorted artillery. A tank brigade hadbeen badly beaten by CCR but the renamts were stillthrown into the fight to hurl the Americans from Germansoil, 4 3
During the afternoon the fog lifted and permit4+d
the Air Force to fly. This gave CCB temporary relief., but
as the afternoon passed and the planes had to return to their
bases the German artillery again opened up, 4 4
At 1930 CCB was ordered by dropped message to with-
draw west of the river beginning at 2130, CCR was ordered to
cover the withdrawal and to maintain forces along the river
at 1: ALLENDORF. The Division Artillery was to deliver heavy
fire to cover the withdrawal. The withdrawal was executed
as planned and by 0400 22 September CCB had cleared the ford, 4 5
Summary. The Battle of W7rALLENDORF, one of the first
battles of World War II fought on German soil was over. In
this engagement the 628th TD Battalion had been put to a sever
test, for it had operated in just about every role that could
be assigned the TDs. During this assault on the SIEGFRIED LINE
the battalion employed its M-10 Tank Destroyers in the followOng
ways;
(1) Anti-tank defense(2) Road blocks
(3) Flank defense
(4) Assault of fortified positions and pill-boxes
(5) Direct fire against ground personnel(6) Reinforcing Field i.rtillery 46
Several lessons concerning the TD's and their employ-
ment were further proven. For example:
(1) The TDs could best be employed by attaching
companies to major commands of the supported unit, be.cause the Germans continued to employ their tanks piece-
meal in delaying actions as du;g-in guns, and in suchnumbers as not to warrant the use of an entire TDbattalion against them,4 7
(2) None of the HE, AP, APC, or APCBT)F 3-inch typesof ammunition could satisfactorily penetrate the concrete
fortifications of the Siegfried Line. However, when
used against the steel doors of the fortifications the
APCBDF ammunition would make a satisfactory penetration
and often blow the door open, 4 8
(3) The much vaunted German Tiger Tank (Mark VI)could be knocked out by the 3-inch gun by a directfrontal shot even at ranges up to 1500 yards. 4 9
(4) T'e .50 cal. MG on the mount porvided on the M-10
destroyer was inadequate, particularly for firing against
ground troops. A ring mount or coaxially mounted .50 cal.MG's would be highly desirable, 5 0
(5) Mannually operated turrets were not satisfactoryin cold weather. Even when the lightest lubricants were
used it was almost impossible to turn the turret,5S
Another deficiency that existed and was costly in
this battle but which was borne out more strongly in later
operations was that most of the casualties sustained by
the TDsresulted from the lack of an armored covering over
the turret,52
An interesting light is thrown on this battle by
the statement of German Major General Frhr Von Gersdorff
who was Chief of Staff of the Seventh German Army. When
questioned in November 1945 and asked if he recalled any
action where the American troops were thought to have
blundered badly he replied6
It is my opinion that the thrust the 5th AmericanArmored Div and the 28th Am Inf Div through the West,Wall near WALLENDORF mid September 44 was neither plannednor executed skillfully. Admittedly the terrain pre-sented special difficulties in that it restricted tankattacks to certain directions so that it would have beennecessary to use strong forces. The objective of theoperation is not known to me, but I presume it was anattempt to breach the West Wall in the First attack andto thrust forward up to the Rhine- Strategically thisdrive represented a grave danger for the German commandbut its execution was weak and inefficient and there-fore we were able to contain and later eliminate by com-parativoly weak German forces. This enterprise causedthe Americans heavy losses and greatly improved the moraleof the German troops who had suffered a series of defeatspreviously, For the first time once again it had beenpossible to defeat the American troops who were superiorin every respect. The steady increasing feeling of in-feriority on the German side was reduced substantiallyby this fighting, Thus the operation was disadvantageousto the American command in every respect, even if itwas meant to be only a scouting raid or an attempt&For particulars I refer to the report presented to theTwelfth Army Group by General Bayerlein in April 1945,53
This of course need not in any way reflect on TD's
or TD operations
LOGISTICS AND PERSO.NEL
General, The status of logistics and personnel, of
course, has a direct bearing on military operatinns. It is
appropriate then that brief comments be made concerning these
matters and how they affected the 628th TD Bn.
In the penetration of the SIEGFRIED LITE equipment
and material losses were heavier than at any other like
period of time in the campaign. Supply and evacuationwas difficult due to inability to protect the supply line
within German territory. In the previous phases of the
campaign it had been necessary for the combat unitsto keep their combat trains close behind, for protections
6f the trains, This policy resulted in abnormal losses
in Germany when the train areas were subject to enemyartillery and mortar fire. The withdrawal from Germany
was accomplished with the evacuation of the majorityof the damaged vehicles which were repairable, 5 4
Class I, The platoons of the 628th were, for the
most part, scattered and had no organized serving of hot
meals. The men subsisted on emergency type rations, 55
Class II and IV, During the early part of the month
supplies had to be hauled aporoximately 135 miles. This
partially immobilized the service elements of the battalion
due to the tire on the road to and from the supply point,
Later in the month a new T/O and E which would allow additional
vehicles was placed in effect lessening to some extent this
restriction caused by limited trarsportati'n.,56
Some items of ordnace were hard to replace, i, e,launchers rocket,. 2,.36 in, Replacements on M-IO and T-2recovery vehicles were slow,5 7
Class III. Class III supplies became critical during
this period4 After unit trairig had been withdrawn from Germany
CCB became out off and ammunition, gasoline and water supplies
became nearly exhausted. It became necessary to form: armored
supply convoys using half-track vehicles and fight in to
the troops, 5 8
Class V. Procurement of class V supplies presented
no problem, however, because of the inability to maintain the
supply lines open ammunition became critically short at times.
It is noteworthy that one of the heaviest TD engagements during
this period, fought by the platoon of Lieutenant Rennebaum
on Hill 298, was broken off when the TD's became very short
of ammunition, 59
Maintenance. The performance of maintenance on the
vehicles during this period was quite a problem because of
enemy action which caused considerable damage to the vehicles
and permitted little time for repair. This conditions ex-
istod for only a relatively short period of ti-e, and follow-
ing the withdrawal from Cermarrthe 628th was given time for
repair and maintenance.
Evacuation of Casualties,
During the month of September the Company Aid Menevacuated casualties through the 112th Infantry Bn AidStation and the 75th Medical Collecting Company.During the time that the aid men were evacuatingthrough the 112th Infantry Aid Station, the aidstation was located approximately two miles fromthe front which was found to be the best'method of
ovacuati on 6 0
Communication. With the normal communications
available to armored units this phase presented no un-
usual problems. Because of the excellent communications
available it was possible to keep an accurate picture of
the situation at all times.
Pers onne l..
The practice of making almost daily requisitionswas found to work well and was continued, The re-placement battalion serving the command was movedcloser thereby greatly facilitating the receipt ofreplacements. The quality of replaceomnts, as inthe preceding month, ranged from very satisfactoryto excellent, Difficulty was still experienced inobtaining certain categories of specialists., Toomuch time elapsed between requisition and receiptof personnel, This resulted in important positionsremaining unfilled over too long a period; and inT OS getting converted to meet the requisitions --Sometimes without sufficient accuracy. It isappreciated that, this being a question of stockage,it goes back ultimately to training necessary special-ists at home in sufficient numbers and of the neededkinds. To the extent that numbers and diversity ofspecialists available as replacements can be in-
creased, it should be done,
The number of our men returned to duty continuedunsatifactory. The p esent policy of holding them for30 days before use as replacements for other units isnot enough,61
Battle losses for September 62
Friendly EnemyKilled 11 Killed '527''Tounded 38 Captured 205
Since most of the action of this unit for the
month of September was fought during the battle. described
herein the casualties listed above are indicative of the
results of that battle,
Morale. Remained excellent throughout this period
despite a shortage of supplies indicated above,
Enemy Material Losses63
Tanks and SP Guns
P Kw VIPz Kw VPz Kw IV'UnidentifiedArmd Car w/20 mm gun
Destroyed Damaged
Transport
Armd Personnel CarriersCommand Cars (sedan)Gen Purpose (1 to 3 tons)Motorcycle s
Towed Guns
88 mm
40 mm
Enemy Installations
Pill-boxesOP' s
Mis cellane ous
MG (emplacements)Mortar positions
NOTES FOR CHAPTER 3
The Victory Divisin in Europe, a unit historycompiled bfTT-mbe- r ' i -s -'q Tt-,of t AmredT- i vi s ion (Enge hard-Rcyhersche Hofbuchdruckerei, Gotha (Germany) p4,
2Ibid; p5.
3Dwight D. Eisonhower, Crusade in Europe, (Doubleday
and Compan -y, New' o:--Ts) 1- .F
4Questions for consideration and reply by General
Frhr V'n G O T-s'su - nT JF -- g--T-- I"S o-- Lino ub-section,.:lst rl cal-sec Tn Tovmber i9F
5V Corps Operatins in the E T 0, 6 January 1942
9 IMay 194 5 .p 4y 9T" ToT
6Op cit, Th. Victory Division in Europe, p 83
7Op cit, V Corps Operations in the E T 0, P 250.
8
Victory TD, a unit history of the 628th TankDostroyer Fittalion, compiled by nembers of the unit ("Muster-Schmidt", Ltd., Germany) p 41
9After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division, Sep 1944,
p8
After-Action Report, 6e8th Tank D strovyr Battalion.September 1944, p4.
11Op Cit, Victory T D, p 4.2,
12Op cit, V Corps Ooorations in the E T 0, p 252
Op cit,.After-Action Report, 5th.Armored: Division,
14Op cit, Victory T D, p 42,
15Op cit, After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division,
p9,
16Op Cit, Victory TD, p 122,
February 19
18
Lt, Col, William A, Hamberg, personal interview,)50,
Op cit, After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division,
p10,
19Voodoo, unit history of 81st Tank Battalion compiled
by members o~Tthat unit, (81st Tank Battalion Association 1947)p 42
20Op cit, Victory TD, p43
Op cit,After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division,
22Op cit, Victory Division in Europe, P 83,
23Op cit, Victory Td, p 43
24Op cit, After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division,
25Op cit, Hamberg, personal interview,
26Op cit, Vic tor W p 123
p9.
p 10
p 10
Ibid, p 123
28
Op cit, Voodoo, p 42
pas sim.
Op cit, After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division,
30Op cit, Victory TD, p 44,
31
Op cit, After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division.
32
Op cit,. Victory TD, p 45
33
Op cit, After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division,
34
Op cit, Voodoo, P 43
35
Ibid, p 43.
36
Ibid, passim.
37
Op cit, After-Action report 5th Armored Division,
38Ibid, p 13,
39Op cit, Voodoo, p 44
40Ibid, p 44
41Op cit, After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division,
p 12.
p 12.
p 12,
p 13.
Ibid, p 13,
43Op cit, Voodoo, p 46,
44Ibid, p 46.
45Op cit, After-Action Report, 5th ^rmored Division,
pas s im.
Op cit, After-Action Report, 628th Tank Destroyer
Battalion, pass m,
47Ibid, p 7,
48Ibid, p 7,
49Ibid, p 7.
50Ibid, p 6.
51Ibid, p 6.
After-Action Report, 628th Tank Destroyer Battalion,December 1944, p 7,
Op cit, Von Gersdorff,
Op cit, After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division,p 14
Op cit, After-Action Report, 628th Tank DestroyerBattalion, Sp7T 1944, p 6.
56Op cit, After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division,
passim,
57Op cit, After-Action Report,
Battalion, . p"T944, .p 6628th Tank Destroyer
Op cit, After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division,p 14
Op cit, After-Action Report,Battalion, Tpt-944, Passim.-
628th "ank Destroyer
60Ibid, p 5
61Op cit,.After-Action Report, 5th Armored Division,
p 15.
62Op cit, After-Action Report,
Battalion, p 6628th Tank Destroyer
63Op cit, After-Action Report,.628th Tank Destroyer
Battalion, p 6-
CHAPTER 4
644th TANK DESTROYER -BATTALION OPERATIONS IN THE ARDSNNES
Introduotion
General. The 644th Tank Destroyer Battalion (Self Propelled)
commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Ephriam F. Gaham, Jr., sailed from
United States on 2 January 1944, on board H.2.T. Aqutania, The
battalion landed in Northern Ireland on 13 January and there con-% 1
tinued its training with emphasis placed on indireot fire,
This unit left the United States equipped with the 3 inch
motor gun carriage, Y 10, the'vehicle it retained throughout its
operations in. Europe.
On 10 May the Battalion moved to HUNGERFORD, England where
along with more training, preparations were made for the move to
NORMANDY Peninsula. In order to provide protection for the crews
against artillery fragments, a cover for each tank destroyer turret
was made. These covers were made of one quarter inch armor plate..
They completely covered the' overhead openings of the turrets.
The battalion landed in Europe on UTAH Beach on 11 July 1944.
The major portion of the battalion moved across the English Channel
on 11 July in Landing Ships, Tank. The remainder of the battalion,
also in LST's and under the control of its executive officer, Major2
Edward R. Garton, crossed the following day.
On 15 July the battalion was attached to the US 8th Infantry
Division and although elements of the battalion were from time to
time attached to other divisions, the battalion itself remained so
38
attached until early December 1944.
Friendly situation. In late autumn 1944, the U. S. forces
driving across Europe were confronted with the ROER River in their
northern sector. The crossing of the river itself as it flowed at
this time presented no great problem. However, located on this
German river in the vicinity of URFTTALSPERRE and PAULUSHOFF were
two very important and well defended dams. The importance of these
dams was fully realized by both the Allies and the Germans. Should
these dams be blown, the released water would cause the river below
to become so swollen and swift that a relatively small defending
force could render a military crossing in this area next to impos-
sible. The US First Army stated, in its report of operations for
that period, "Since the middle of September our attention had been
directed toward the problem presented by the ROER River dams. It
was realized at that time that no large-scale crossing of the ROER
River below the dams could be undertaken until they were in friendly
hands." The US First Army was commanded at that time by Lieutenant
General Courtney H. Hodges.
V Corps, US First Army, stretched thin its lines in the south
so that it might assemble a force in sufficient strength to attack
these dams.
... Early in December changes were made in V Corps dispodsitions in order to attack in the area of the Roer Dams. On7 December the newly attached 78th Division commenced toarrive and close one of its regiments into assembly areas inthe zone of V Corps, its second regiment arriving the fol-lowing day. On 10 December the 2d Division commenaed movingits units from front line positions in the Schnee Efel area
to the area of V Corps. On 12 December CCB of the9th Armored Division was attached to V Corps, and the2d Division was attached at 1030 hours and closed inassembly areas. On 12 December the 78th Divisiontook over the center of the corps front from Lammers-dorf to Monschau, relieving the 102d Cavalry Group.To its left the 8th Division continued along the lineof the Kall to include the Brandenberg Ridge. To itsright the 99th Division still held the front fromMonschau to the corps southern boundry in the BucholzForest northwest to the Losheim Gap. The 2d Divisionwas now assembled in the Camp Elsenborn region readyto participate in the attack by passing through partof the 99th Division front... 4
V Corps order of the battle on 13 December 1944 was as follows,
front line units being listed in order from north to south:
V Corps
8th Div78th Div2d Div99th DivCCB 9th Armd Div (in reserve)102d Cav Gp (in reserve)CCR 5th Armd Div (in reserve) 5
General Dwight D. Eisenhower, in his account of World War II,
wrote the following in connection with the situation existing in
this area:
... Through late November and early December the badlystretched condition of our troops caused constant concern...In order to maintain the two attacks that we then consideredimportant we had to concentrate forces in the vicinity of theRoer dams on the north and bordering the Saar on the south.This weakened the static, or protective, force in the Ardennesregion. For a period we had a total of only three divisionson a front of some seventy-five miles between Trier andMonschau and were never able to place more than four in thatregion...Our conclusion was that in the Ardennes region wewere running a definite risk but we believed it to be a mis-taken policy to suspend our attacks all along the frontmerely to make ourselves safe until all reinforcements ar-riving frcm the United States could bring us up to peak
strengths .
Enemy situation. In the fall of 1944 the German troops and
equipment at the front were generally in a poor state after ten
years of fighting and repeated Allied bombings of industries and
transportation.
The Germans were engaged in the east along a wide front
against the Russians. On the western front the Allies were attack-
ing the border of the Homeland. The German defenders had been
forced back to the SIEGFRIED LINE and in the north to the line of
the ROER River.
Hitler, anxious to regain the initiative and bolster home
front morale, was extremely desirous of mounting an offensive. He
reasoned that no decisive objectives could be gained on the eastern
front against the unlimited Russian manpower. In the west pros-
pects looked better to him. An attack through the difficult, but
thinly held ARDENNES could with surprise cross the MEUSE River,
capture the port of ANTWERP and destroy the northern half of the
Allied Forces. The SIEGFRIED positions were to be held with a
minimum of troops. The best units were withdrawn, reorganized, and
completely reequipped for this grand offensive,
Three armies were to attack. On the north, General Dietrich's
Sixth Panzer Army; in the center, General Manteuffal's Fifth Panzer- -
Army; on the south, General Brandenburg's Seventh Panzer Army
Sixth Panzer A assigned the major effort was forced, be-
cause of the terrain and narrow front, to attack with the I SS
Panzer Corps followed by II SS. Panzer Corps.
... The plan was that the Corps was to break through on its ownsector of the enemy's main field of combat with the three infantrydivisions: the 277 VGD (right) to reach the area of Elsenborn, the12 VGD (center) T-e-rah the area of Nidrum - Weywertz, and the3 F JD (left) to reach the area of Schoppen - Elberdingen,,.
General Kraemer, chief of staff of the Sixth Panzer Army,
in his report of the commitment of that army, wrote the following
"The best division was the 12 VGD which had an especially skilled8
Commander and had fought excellently in the Battle of Aachen,"
The 1st and 12th SS Panzer Divisions were not to be used in
the initial breakthrough, The strength of these divisions was to9
be conserved for the thrust beyond this.
... On 14 Dec 44 at noon, the Corps took over the command ofits attack sector.
Following formations were committed in the sector:277 VGD, the right wing of which stood at the edge of the
wooe aout 2 kms southeast of Alzen, and thus, inside thesector of the contiguous corps (LXVII). The left wing wasnear Losheim.
1 Bn of the neighboring corps on the left (LXVI) was nearKrewinkel.
e. Moving into the assembly areas.In the evening of the 15 Dec 44, the 12 VGD and the
3 Para Div moved into their attack sectors aE assembly areas..g. Situation immediately before the attack....,The reinforcedn o the 27 G,which was in the LXVII
Corps sector, had not been relieved, so that it was abs~ atthe beginning of the attack. This weakened the right wingattack group.
The 12 VGD had completed its preparations according toplan, £a13 a undertaken its own security.
The 3 Para Division, which had been put under Corps com-
mand on 14 Dec 44 by Army Group (Heeresgruppe), arrivedduring the early evening of the 15 Dee 44 with only tworegiments (the second regiment of which was without heavyweapons in some of the elements.)...
At 0530 hrs, the artillery opened its preparatory firel9.
Operations
Pre-battle movement. In the early days of December, the
US 8th Infantry Division of the US First Army was fighting its way
through the HURTGEN Forest in an attempt to capture the ROER River
Dams. The resistance displayed by the Germans proved too stubborn
for such a head-on attack by this depleted division. First US Army
commander, Lieutenant General Hodges, organized a new plan calling
for a strong ground thrust from the south, just north of the ARDENNES,
aimed at these all-important dams. The attack was to be made by the
2d Infantry Division on 13 December. To add more power to the
attack, US V Corps, on 8 December ordered the 644th Tank Destroyer
Battalion (minus one gun company and one reconnaissance platoon)
detached from the 8th Division and attached to the 2d Division,
then commanded by 1Major General Walter M. Robertson.
The order was received on 8 December and the battalion com-
mander accompanied by Captain Harry L. Godshall, Jr., the battalion
S-3, proceeded immediately to the headquarters of the 2d Division
located at ST. VITH, Belgium, where orders for the battalion to
proceed to SOURBRODT, Belgium, on 11 December were received
Graham and Godshall returned to the battalion area, located at
HJRT GE , Germany, on the 9th of December and plans were formulated11
for the move.
On 10 December the 817th Tank Destroyer Battalion (Towed), a
unit believed to be less suited for offensive operations because
its weapons were towed, relieved the 644th TD Battalion (minus
Company B and one platoon of Reconnaissance Company). The battalion
moved to SOURBRODT the next day. From this point on in this report
when the 644th TD Battalion is mentioned, i.t is to be understood
that it is referring to the battalion minus Company B and one pla-
toon of Reconnaissance Company.
On the morning of 11 December at approximately 0930 hours, the
battalion set out on its move from HURTGEN to SOURBRODT. The dis-
tance was approximately 50 miles. The weather was very dold and
all roads were covered with snow. No enemy intereference was enco-
untered, however, and the battalion completed the move without in-12
cident at 1745 hours the same day. The battalion CP was set up in
SOURBRODT and the tank destroyers were serviced and made ready for
the operations to come.
On 12 December Company A was attached to the 9th Infantry
Regiment, then located at ROCHERATH. Company A moved to the regi-
mont's assembly area located in NONSCHAU Forest north of ROCHERATH,
and closed by dark. Company C was attached to the 38th Infantry
Regiment which was at that time located at CAMP ELSENBORN. Plans
were made to move Company C forward to the regiment's assembly area
on order. The 644th TD Battalion was attached to the 2d Infantry13
Division Artillery.
The plan to capture the ROER River Dams initially called for
the 9th Infantry Regiment to pass through the positions held by the
2d Reconnaissance Troop ard the 99th Infantry Division north of
ROCHERATH, and to attack and seize that portion of the SIEGFRIED
Line located at the WEHLERSCHEID Road Junction. The regiment was
then to swing north and seize the town of ROHREN lying to the north14
beyond the MOSCHAU Forest. When the 9th Infantry had taken
WEHLERSCHEID, the 38th Infantry was to pass through the 9th and15
advance through the MONSCHAU Forest toward DREIBORN, Germany.
Operations, 13 December. At 0830 hours the 9th Infantry began
the attack as planned. The regiment advanced through the woods
along both sides of the ROCHERATH-WEHLERSCHIED Road. Because the
woods on both sides of this road contained many swamps, the tanks
and tank destroyers were confined to the road. With the morning
had come a sudden thaw. The snow on the road turned to slush.
Visibility was very poor. In order to gain surprise, no artillery
preparations were fired. By 1330 hours the regiment had advanced
to within 600 yards of the 'WAEHLERSCHIED Road Junction. There it
met a German strong point impervious to quick attack. The road
junction was defended by 24 enemy pillboxes placed 20 or 30 yards
apart. In front of these pillboxes was an anti-tank ditch,. a wide
belt of barbed wire concertinas, and thickly sewn anti-personnel16
mines. The ROCHERATH-WEHLERSCHIELD Road was also mined, thereby
denying the infantry the direct fire support of the tanks and tank
destroyers.
Operations, 14 December. On 14 December the regiment was not
successful in its efforts to seize this strong point. This was
largely due to the lack of effective supporting artillery and to17
the weather, which kept our tactical bombers grounded. On this
45
date the 644th TD Battalion forward CP moved to ROCHERATH. The
battalion forward CP, as was normal, consisted of the battalion
commander, the S-2 and S-3 sections, and the Reconnaissance Company.
Operations, 15 December. The morning of 15 December found the
weather still too hazy for the use of tactical bombing. The 9th
Infantry spent the day patrolling and probing the objective.
The 38th Infantry made plans this date to relieve the 9th In-
fantry on the 16th. The regiment planned to employ the 3d Batta-
lion in a flank attack against the position from the southeast.
During the day routes and positions Were reconnoitered for the
attached tanks and tank destroyers so that their direct fire wea-
pons could be brought to bear on the objective, thereby assisting
the 3d Battalion in the main attack. Just after dark on 15 Decem-
ber Lieutenant Colonel Walter M. Higgins, Jr., commanding officer,
2d Battalion, 9th Infantry, sent a patrol to cross the German lines.
The patrol reported the Germans off guard and an attack in strength
was made by the 2d Battalion. The attack was successful.
Operations, 16 December. The 1st and 3d Battalions, 9th In-
fantry advanced through the gap in the enemy lines, made by the
2d Battalion, prior to daylight on 16 December. By 1200 hours,
what was to be remembered as "Heartbreak Crossroads" was taken, and
the 9th Infantry was in the process of consolidating its positions.
Due to the success of the 9th Infantry attack, the 38th Infan-
try did not carry out the attack planned the previous day, but ad-
vanced north to pass through the 9th Infantry as called for in the
original plan. By 1700 hours the 38th Infantry was located in a
defensive position for the night along the high ground approxi-
mately 1100 yards directly east of the WEHLERSCHIED Road Junction,.
Company C, 644th TD Battalion, which had been in support of
the 38th Infantry was disposed as follows on 16 December: 2d Pla-
toon located just east of ROCHERATH-WEHLERSCHIED Road approximately
5500 yards north of ROCHERATH; 1st Platoon located approximately
3000 yards north of ROCHERATH and 600 yards east of the ROCHERATH-
VEHLERSCHIED Road in the vicinity of 2d Battalion, 395th Infantry
Regiment, 99th Infantry Division; the remainder of Company C was
located in ROCHERATH where the company CP had been moved this18
date.
Late in the evening of 16 December Companies A and C were
ordered released to 644th TD Battalion control as of 17 December.
On 16 December the Germans launched their counteroffensive in
the ARDENNES. Their attack extended from KESTERNICH in the north,
to include all of the LUXEMBOURG frontier in the south. In the
area immediately concerning the 2d Division the Germans had attacked
the over-extended 99th Division lines and succeeded in local pene-
trations. The US lines held, however, and by the end of the day
the situation was partially restored. The Germans had, in their
attack, succeeded in breaking contact between the 99th Division on
the north of MANDERFELD, and the 106th Division on the south of19
MANDER ELD by capturing that town.
On the afternoon of 16 December the 23d Infantry Regiment,
2d Infantry Division, then located at CAMP ELSENBORN, received
orders to attach its 1st and 3d Battalions to the 99th Division,
The lst Battalion was attached to the 394th Infantry. This bat-
talion left on trucks at 2330 hours and proceeded to BULLINGEN
where the troops were detrucked and marched southeast -to HUNNINGEN
where the battalion took up a defensive position. The 3d Battalion
was attached to the 393d Infantry, and .left its area on trucks at
1400 hours. At 1630 hours the battalion arrived at the western
edge of KRINKELT Forest and immediately deployed north and south of
the road, in the 393d Infantry area.
The 2d Battalion, 23d Infantry Regiment, under 23d Infantry
control, was moved at 1345 hours a distance of approximately 15
miles by truck to an assembly area 3000 yards north of KRINKELT,20
arriving at 1430 hours.
Operations, 17 and 18 December. Early on 17 December the
German 1st SS Panzer Division committed its armor in the attack.
The division smashed to the northwest on the railroad running from
LOSHIEM to BUTGENBACH, and averran the town of HONSFELD. By 0830
hours the armored force was in BDLLINGEN, and shortly thereafter
sent an armored thrust northwest toward the villages of WIRTZFELD21
and KRINKELT.
The 644th TD Battalion received information of the heavy
armor attack advancing toward BULLINGEN. One platoon of the Recon-
naissance Company, commanded by First Li tenant Edward B. Patterson,
was immediately sent to establish and maintain contact with the
enemy tanks. The platoon was surrounded in BULLINGEN and the
1st Section was captured. The 2d Section escaped capture by
breaking from the encirclement.
To meet the enemy armor thrust driving from the southeast
1st Platoon, Company C, 644th TD Battalion, and one platoon of the
741st Tank Battalion were ordered to pick up infantry of the 23d
Infantry and proceed south. At 0845 hours the tank destroyers and
tanks contacted Company E. 2d Battalion, 23d Infantry, north of
ROCHERATH. With the company of infantry mounted on the tanks and
tank destroyers, the small force moved south through ROCHERATH and
into KRINKELT. Colonel Stokes, assistant division commander, 2d
Infantry Division, met these tanks and tank destroyers at KIIN~ELT.
He ordered the tank destroyers and that part of Company E mounted
on them to go to WIRTZFELD. The four tanks and accompanying infan-
try, he ordered to BULLINGEN under Captain Byrd. The tanks had
gone only a short distance out of KRINKELT when they encountered
a Mark IV tank, a half track, and an armored car. The infantry dis-
mounted and took cover while the tanks prepared to open fire. Menn-
while the three tank destroyers hich .had turned right toward
WIRTZFELD sighted the enemy vehicles.. After the infantry had dis-
mounted, the tank destroyers immediately, opened fire and knocked
out all three enemy vehicles. The infantry from the tanks and tank
destroyers joined forces and captured 12 prisoners who were hiding22
along the road in the vicinity of the three enemy vehicles.
Company A (minus 2d Platoon), 644th TD Battalion, had been
ordered to WIRTZFELD early on the morning of 17 December and ar-
rived just as the 1st Platoon, Company C, had knocked out the three
enemy vehicles. The commanding officer, Company A, was wounded by
a shell fragment and evacuated. First Lieutenant Clarence Steves
assumed command of Company A and was ordered to provide anti-armor
defense for WIRTZFELD, relieving Company C without delay. Conmand-
ing officer, Company C, was ordered to provide anti-armor defense
for ROCHERATH-KRINKELT area. With the bulk of the battalion located
in WIRTZFELD and KRINKELT, the forward CP (minus the Reconnaissance
Company) was moved to WIRTZFELD. Captain Godshall, the battalion
S-3, was ordered to take command of Company A late in the afternoon
of this date. The commanding officer 38th Infantry assumed re-23
sponsibility for the defense of ROCHERATH-KRINKELT area.
The 2d Battalion, 9th Infantry, and the 3d Battalion (minus
Company K), 9th Infantry had moved from WEHLERSCHIED down to
WIRTZFELD about noon on 17 December. The 2d Battalion was given
the mission of protecting the road out of WIRTZFELD to the east.
The 3d Battalion (minus Company K) was positioned between WIRTZFELD
and BULLINGEN with the mission of protecting WIRTZFELD from the
direction of BULLINGEN which was in the hands of the Germans. The
commanding officer, 9th Infantry was made responsible for the de-
fense of WIRTZFELD where his CP was now located.
From the time the elements of the tank destroyer battalion
moved to WIRTZFELD and KRINKELT, heavy artillery fell throughout
the area.
On 17 December the Germans pushed forward directly from the
east in an attempt to take ROCHERATH and KRINKELT, and joined its
southern forces attacking toward BULLINGEN and BUTGENBACH. The
enemy unit making this attack directly from the east was the German
277 Volksgrenadier Division reinforced with assault guns. The plan
for this attack was recorded by General Kraemer as follows:
.. ,The 277 Volks Gren Div was to continue their attach-onboth sides of U rebrt past Krinkelt-Wirtzfeld fro a laterassault on Sourbrodt, south Elsenborn. The division was rein-forced by an assault gun detachment that had not been ready forthe commitment on 16 Dec (because the last parts of this detach-ment could only be extricated during the night 15/15 Dec).: Itwas to be expected that the division with their attack in thedirection of Elsenborn would gain terr' 4n and contain the enemyforces that were situated in this area.o.
The seriousness of the attack was realized by Major General Walter
M. Robertson, the 2d Infantry Division commander. One platoon of
Company A, 644th TD Battalion was sent to guard the crossroads
located about 1400 yards east of ROCHERATH. Also sent to this lo-
cation were the Armunition and Pioneer Platoon, Company K and 1st
Platoon, Company M,.. all elements of the 3d Battalion, 9th Infantry.
Orders to proceed to this location were received while this unit
was proceeding south between ROCHERATH and WIRTZFELD. The units
bearing the brunt of the German attack aimed east toward ROCHERATH
were those of: the 23d and 393d Infantry Regiments. It was apparent
that this line was about to give way to the German thrust.
The movement of the 1st Battalion, 9th Infantry, to the south
was intercepted by General Robertson about 4000 yards north of
ROCHERATH. The battalion was ordered to move to the road junction
recently occupied by the platoon of Company A, 644th TD Battalion.
General Robertson punctuated the urgency of the situation by person-
ally loading the leading elements of the infantry in commandeered
22 ton trucks and leading them to within 1000 yards of the road25
net. The commanding officer, 1st Battalion, 9th Infantry had orders
to command all friendly troops in the area. The battalion managed
to get Companies A and B astride the road facing southeast just as
darkness fell.
The commanding officer, 1st Battalion, having of necessity
left all the battalion anti-tank mines in the WEHLERSCHIED area,
contacted the tank destroyer platoon leader and arranged for the use26
of anti-tank mines in the possession of the tank destroyer platoon.
The problem of setting up a defense in this area, at this time, was
extremely difficult. The elements in contact with the enemy were
falling back in a disorganized fashion. The area was subjected to
direct enemy machine gun fire. With darkness setting in the units
attempted to set up their defenses in an unfamiliar area.
The commanding officer, Company I, 23d Infantry arrived with-
out men from the east. He was shown the area he would occupy and
defend when and if he could get control of his company. A hurried
defense plan was given the company commanders at the 1st Battalion
CP, located 300 yards northwest of the crossroads.
The battalion artillery liaison officer had been out of con-
tact with his artillery battalion for over two hours. He worked
feverishly to restore cornunications and as darkness set in he
succeeded, He immediately planned his defensive fires along the27
road in front of the position.
With the darkness came the first enemy attack. The entire
situation was confusing. While the enemy was attacking, elements
of the withdrawing front line units were entering the battalion's
position from the same direction. In attempting to allow friendly
elements to pass into this position, enemy vehicles, including
tanks, were allowed to pass through, When this was discovered, a
"daisy chain", made of the tank destroyer platoon's antitank mines,
was dragged across the road. This measure along with artillery fire
support and direct fires from the battle position stopped the attack.
By midnight this force had destroyed five enemy tanks and an un-
determined number of foot troops. Throughout the night artillery
fire was placed continuously in front of the position.
At 0645 hours on 18 December the full force of the German
armor fell in this zone. Every means at hand was employed to repel
this attack, but the task became impossible. Had it not been for a
platoon of Company A, 741st Tank Battalion, which was sent forward
to the position about noon, this unit could not have been withdrawn.
By employing tremendous amounts of artillery fire and counterattacks
by the tank platoon, the defenders were able to withdraw through the
2d Battalion, 38th Infantry, and assemble 2000 yards northwest of
ROCHERATH,
For this action at the crossroads near ROCHERATH, known to the
men of the battalion as "Purple Heart Corner", the 1st Battalion,
.9th Infantry, received a Presidential Citation. Throughout this
entire defensive action, the 2d Platoon, Company A, 644th TD Batta-
lion, remained in its position at the crossroads, lending its support
to the 1st Battalion. The platoon withdrew with the 1s-t Battalion.
This platoon proceeded to KRINKELT on the afternoon of 18 December
and was attached to :Company C, 644th TD Battalion.
The German's view of the action of 18 December on this front as
expressed by General Kraemer, was as follows:
... The attempts, to win the roads from Monschau to Euskir-chen to the camp at Elsenborn, and from there the roads fromBullingen to Weismes, were continued in cooperation with277 V.G.D., that continued the attacks near Udenbreth.
The 277 V.G.D. advanced well forward on 18 Dec, and tookthe heigts n or h of Wirtzfeld. With this the Division wasfreed and together with the 12 V.G.D. could attack in thedirection of Elsenborn. This was ordered for the 19 Dec.The attacks -- Monschau -- and Elsenborn -- had to be underthe direction of LXVII Corps.
The 12 V.G.D, Cal togetr with the 12 SS Pz Div takenBuellingen aFer a hard battle. Both dTisions ought forthe village Butgenbach against a strongly defended enemy,who for the first time attacked with tanks. 2 8
When the 644th TD Battalion CP moved from ROCHERATH to WIRTZ-
FELD on 17 December, the Reconnaissance Company (minus one platoon)
remained in its position in ROCHERATH. At about 2030 hours that
night the Germans who had passed through, and to the south of the
defensive position of the Ist Battalion, 9th Infantry, forced their
attack into ROCHERATH. The attack fell in the area of the Recon-
naissance Company, The CP group was organized by the commanding
officer and the company attempted to repel the enemy attack. The
company managed to hold off the attackers until late in the morning
of 18 December, at which time the attack ceased. During this action
the company destroyed an enemy tank, damaged another, and accounted
for about 20 casualties among the enemy. The company lost all ve-
hicles open to the attackers view, but suffered only minor personnel
casualties.
On 18 December the commanding officer, 644th TD Battalion, was
made responsible for the anti-armor defense of the WIRTZFELD area.
Company C, 612th Tank Destroyer Battalion (Towed), and three guns of
the 801st Tank Destroyer Battalion (Towed) were attached to the
644th TD Battalion. Throughout the day of 18 December elements of
the 394th Infantry and 1st Battalion, 23d Infantry withdrew through
the defensive positions of the WIRTZELD-KRINKELT area,
The 801st TD Battalion had been attached to the 99th Division
since 9 November 1944. This battalion had met the brunt of the
German attack with the 99th Division. The three guns attached to
the 644th TD Battalion on 18 December were of the 1st Platoon,
Company A. These were the only guns remaining in Company A.
Lieutenant Colonel F. B. Horsfall, commanding officer, 801st TD
Battalion wrote of this in the unit's after action reports
..,18 Dec - At 0215A the 1st plat of Co A was ordered toproceed to WIRTZFELD thru KRINKELT. Upon reaching WIRTZFELDthey met with the 23d Regt, 2d Div. There they set up ATdefense on the North and East side of town with their remain-ing three guns. The rest of the Co. which had lost the majorityof its equipment were employed with the infantry...
All of the remaining guns of the Bn, less three in IRTZFELD,were placed East of Elsenborn in AT defense. A provisional
55
company was organized from these gun crews and placed underthe command of the Co C commander...
The concensus of opinions of the plat leaders and thegun crews are that if it had not been for the fact of thenon-mobility of the towed gun and the lack of armor pro-tection for the gun crews and in most cases the over-run-ning of the gun positions by the infantry many more tanksand vehicles could have been destroyed...
Enemy action on 18 December in the area consisted of armor
and infantry attacks from the south and southeast. None of the
attacks were successful, but the pressure being brought to bear by
the powerful enemy caused the U. S. forces to plan a withdrawal to
the better defensive terrain of ELSENBORN Ridge approximately two
miles west of ROCHERATH and WIRTZFELD. The pulling back of the
forward units of V Corps resulted in the concentration of force in
a tight semicircle to the west of ELSENBORN.
Operations, 19 December. The withdrawal was planned for the
night of 19 December. Enemy artillery fire was moderate during the
withdrawal. Company C covered the withdrawal from ROCHERATH -
KRINKELT as rear guard. Company A covered the withdrawal from
WIRTZFELD which was set on fire. The withdrawal was accomplished
without undue difficulty.
On ELSE BORN Ridge, Prior to daylight on° 20 December, one
platoon of Company C moved into position on the high ground east of
BERG in support of the 38th Infantry. Company A moved into reserve
in ELSENBORN. One platoon of Company A moved to high ground east
of ELSENBORN to provide anti-armor protection from the east. The
battalion forward CP was established in BERG.
On the morning of 20 December the 2d Division commander,
ajor General Robertson, called the commanding officer, 644th TD30
Battalion, to personally commend the battalion.
General Kraemer recorded the actions of the Germans in this
area on the 19th of December as follows:
... 19 December:On that day the enemy countermeasures were quite obvious..
The enemy resistance at the LXVII Army Corps was growing.Counterattacks were made in t henorth. he terrain capturedduring the preceding days had to be given up. Kalterherbergsouth of Monschau was taken. The 277 VG Div reached the roadForsterei Wahlerscheid-Rocherath. ER wole, no perceptibleprogress was made.- On 18 Dec, a Volksartillery Corps wasattached to the LjX:I Army Cors and was moving up to the newpositions.
The 12 SS Pz Div and 12 VG Div of the I SS Pz Corps couldno more aRvanoe against the increasing enemy fores. Theterrain being very muddy, the .nfantry advanced only slowly,and the tanks could not be committed off from the road. Enemyanti-tank guns and tanks were Well emplaced. Stronger artil-lery fire and the difficult terrain would probably prevent ourbreakthrough past Buettgenbaoh, because it was no more possiblef6r the attacking forces to move into the assembly positions.Evidently the two divisions did not find the appropriate ter-rain for the attack, the ba talions could not advance on themuddy ground and had to use the roads, where they were exposedto the enemy artillery. That caused temporarily an incoordi-nated direction of the two divisions, Tanks, that during themorning hours had found by-passing road south of Buettgenbachbroke down in the mud at the west end of the village and onlyat night could be removed from there with great difficulties.A further advance was impossible the weather continued likethis. Therefore, the Army gave order in the afternoon thatthe 12 SS Pz Div cease the attack, be extracted rapidly andassembe in te earea Baasen - Losheim - Mandoersfeld, and besent either after the 1 SS Pz or the 9 SS Pz Div.
mm . During the period covered by this report the 644th
TD Battalion's offensive operations were severely limited due to
the terrain and weather. The method in which the battalion opera-
ted is shown however-, As was normal, the battalion itself was
attached to division artillery. The companies were attached to the
infantry regiments. The platoons were attached to the infantry
battalions. 'hen working with infantry on the offensive, the
battalion attempted to operate in units no larger than platoon
strength.
On the defensive the battalion operated where possible in
company strength. At times however, when it was more suitable, it
operated in platoon strength. Also, because of their flexible or
ganization, there were times when platoons were attached to com-
panies of the battalion other than their parent companies.
In regard to destroying enemy armor in this operation, the
38th Infantry recorded the following:
... In the attack, every effort was made to keep tanks andTD's well forward to place direct fire on enemy fortificationsand to repel any counterattacks. When the enemy launched hisoffensive available elements of 741st Tk Bn and 644th TD Bn,SP, were employed to counter enemy armor. Because of the su-perior firepower and frontal armor of the enemy tanks, ourarmor was employed in TD fashion, taking up firing positionsalong the flanks of approaches and placing their fire on theflank and rear of enemy tanks. Normal procedure in counteringenemy armored attacks on Rochorath and Krinkelt were to takeenemy armor under fire with medium artillery before it reachedour lines; then to hit individual tanks from the flank withour tanks, TD's and 57 mm AT guns, and mop up infiltrations.Destroyed were set afire with gasoline-oil mixes poured onthem and with thermite grenades set in gunbarrels which burnedthrough the barrels. The 57mm AT gun proved very unsatis-factory, only one effective hit being scored on the turret ofone enemy tank. Medium artillery proved effective in breakingup enemy tank formations. The close teamwork between infantry,artillery, tanks and TD's accounted for 69 known enemy tanks,plus several armored trucks and scout cars3,
When the 2d Division had completed its withdrawal to the
ELSENBORN Ridge area, General Hodges phoned the following message
to General Robertson: 'WVhat the 2d Division has done in these past
four days will live forever in the history of the United States
33Army."
The 644th TD Battalion indeed playqd an important part in the
defense of this area, for during the period starting on the morning
of 17 December and ending on the night of 19 December, the batta-
lion destroyed 17 enemy tanks, knocked out two SP guns, and damaged
two enemy tanks,
Lsti@ and PerSomnl-
General. The 644th TD Battalion during the period covered by
this report was well supplied with materiels and personnel. Moving
supplies from the battalion CP located at SOURBRODT to the forward
CP in ROCHERATH became a problem when the Germans launched their
counteroffensive. The only practical route from SOURBRODT to the
forward CP was the ELSENBORN-BUTGEB3ACH-BULLINGEN-KRINKELT road.
On the morning of 17 December a battalion supply convoy moving to
the west, met the advancing Germans on the eastern edge of
BULLINGEN. The supply vehicles were able to withdraw to ELSENBORN.
Only after much difficulty did they succeed in reaching the forward
CP by moving over foot trails southeast of ELSENBORN. Many routes
appeared on the map in. this area but these routes proved to be but
trails. An engineer unit made a road from WIRTZFELD to ELSENBORN
by enlarging one of these trails and it was used by all units in
the area for both supply and withdrawal.
59
Class I. At no time were Class I supplies short in supplyb.
Prior to 17 December the rations were picked up by company vehicles
from the battalion CP These consisted of 5 in 1 rations and wheh
available, fresh meats and vegetables were sent forward. Three
days supply of rations were carried with each unit. The company
kitchen trucks were kept in the battalion CP area.
Classes II and IV. These classes of supply presented no
problem. The only items not readily available were certain ord-
nance items. Due to the proximity of division and army supporting
ordnance units and readily available transportation, these needed
items could be obtained with little difficulty.
Class III. Because this unit was equipped with M-10 motor gun
carriage, the fuel problem would have been that of diesel fuel.
There was at no time however, any shortage in this fuel*. There was
also no problem in the supply of gasoline.
Class V. Ammunition supply was no problem during this period.
There seemed to be always more than enough small arms ammunition
available. This unit had opportunity to replace their 3 inch motor
gun carriage, M-10 with the M-18 at various times in Europe. How-
ever, because the supply of 3 inch ammunition seemed always to be
adequate, the commander retained the M-10. Such was the case during
this operation, an adequate supply of 3 inch ammunition was at all
times available. HVAP (high velocity armor piercing) proved most
effective and was in good supply.
Mnntenance this battaii h Was well traihed in Vehidular
maintenance. Because of this the maintenance problem was kept to a
minimum, Also, because of the excellent availability of Class II
supplies and the availability of ordnance units, no serious prob-
lems were encountered,.
Communications. This battalion used much wire. It made a
practice of installing wire between its CP and the switchboard of
the division to which it was attached. The forward CP also in-
stalled wire to the nearest regimental switchboard. Because of
this, radio had to be used only between platoons and as a supple-
mentary means of communications for forward and rear CP's and the
companies.
Personnel. This battalion was kept to its authorized strength
most of the time. The replacements received were seldom tank de-
stroyer personnel. However, because the battalion had lost only
between 10 and 15 percent of the personnel it landed with in
NORAtIDY, the training of these replacements presented no problem.
NOTES FOR CHAPTER Iy
1
Unit History, 644th Tank Destroyer Battalion, p 17.2Ibid, p 18.
"FIRST UNITED STATES ARMY, Report of Operations, 1 August1944 - 22 February 1945" (U.S. War Dept.), p 95.
4Ibid, p 96.
Ibid, p 97.6General of the Army Dwight D. Eisenhower, Crusade in
Europe, (Garden City, New York, Doubleday & Company, Inc, 1948),p 337.
7"Commitment of the I SS Panzer Corps during the Ardennes
Offensive (16 Dec - 25 Jan 45)", a translation of interrogationof Gruppcnfuehrer Hermann Priess, Commanding General I SS PanzerCorps, in March 1946, (MS # A-877), p 9.
8"Commitment of the Sixth Panzer Army in the Ardennes 1944/
45", a translation of General Kraemer, chief of staff, 6 PanzerArmy, (MS #A-924), p 13.
9"Commitment of the I SS Panzer Corps during the Ardennes
Offensive (16 Dec - 25 Jan 45)", a translation of interrogation ofGruppenfuehrer Hermann Priess, Commanding General I SS Panzer Corps,in March 1946, (MS #A-877), p 10.
10"Commitment of the Sixth Panzer Army in the Ardennes 1944/
45", a translation of General Kraemer, chief of staff, 6 PanzerArmy, (MS #A-924), pp 24-26.
11After-Action Report, 644th Tank Destroyer Battalion, December
1944, p 2.12Ibid, p 2.
13Ibid, p 2.
14After-Action Report, 9th Infantry Regiment, 2d Infantry
Division, December 1944, p 5.15After-Action Report, 38th Infantry Regiment, 2d Infantry
Division, December 1944, p 2.16
"Combat History of the Second Infantry Division in World WarII", p 84.
17After-Action Report, 9th Infantry Regiment, 2d Infantry
Division, December 1944, p 27.18After-Action Report, 644th Tank Destroyer Battalion,
December 1944, p 2.19After-Action Report, G-2, 2d Infantry Division, December
1944, p 3.
20After-Action Report, 23d Infantry Regiment, 2d Infantry
Division, December 1944, p 10..21
After-Action Report, G-2, 2d Infantry Division, December1944, p 4.
22After-Action Report, 23d Infantry Regiment, 2d Infantry
Division, December, 1944, p 11,23
After-Action Report, 644th Tank Destroyer Battalion, December1944, p 3.
24"Commitment of the Sixth Panzer Army in the Ardennes 1944/
45", a translation of General Kraemer, chief of staff, 6 Panzer Army,(MS #A-924), pp 29-30,
25After-action Report, 9th Infantry Regiment, 2d Infantry
Division, December 1944, pp 12-13,.26Ibid, p 13.
27Ibid, p 14.
28
"Commitment of the Sixth Panzer Army in the Ardennes 1944/45", a translation of General Kraemer, chief of staff, 6 PanzerArmy, (MS #A-924), p 33.
29After-Action Report, 801st Tank Destroyer Battalion, December
1944, pp 5-6.30
After-Action Report, 644th Tank Destroyer Battalion, December1944, p 4.
31"Commitment of the Sixth Panzer Army in the Ardennes 1944/
45", a translation of General Kraemer, chief of staff, 6 PanzerArmy, (MS # A-924), pp 36-37.
32After-Action Report, 38th Infantry Regiment, 2d Infantry
Division, December 1944, p 7.33
After-Action Report, 9th Infantry Regiment, 2d InfantryDivision, December 1944, p 19.
CHAPTER 8
704TH TANK DESTROYER BATTALION
On 11 July 1944 the T04th Tank Destroyer Battalion left the
marshalling area in southern England and boarded LCT's at South-
hampton. On the following day the battalion landed on Utah Beach on
the iormandy coast of Prance. Shortly afterwards the battalion
joined the recently arrived 4th Armored Division.
On the morning of 17 July the battalion left the beach area
with the 4th Armored Division and went into a defensive position in
the vicinity of Raids, France. The battalion was in general support
of CCB, 4th Armored Division with the mission of furnishing indirect
fire for the front line armored infantry battalions.
The battalion took up firing positions in fields approxi-
mately one half mile behind the armored infantry battalions. The
battalion remained under control of its own battalion commanddr and
his staff. It was assisted in its fire missions, which consisted of
firing at enemy observation posts, snipers in buildings and church
steeples, and area targets in the orchards, by the forward observers
of the 4th Armored Artillery battalions and by the mortar platoon
leaders of the armored infantry battalions. Although much firing
was done, the extent of damage was never ascertained.
Through the month of August and early September the 404th
moved with the 4th Armored Division in the exploitation phase of the
Battle of France. During this exploitation the 7O4th lost its in-
tegrity as a battalion operating under command of its battalion
commander. It was decentralized and its units were attached to the
64
Combat Commands of the 4th Armored Division. One company was attached
to Combat Command A; one oompany to Combat Command B; and the remain-
ing company and the Battalion Headquarters were attached to the Re-
serve Command.
In this manner of attachment the company commanders remained
at the Combat Command comoand post and received their orders from
the Combat Command commander or his representative. In turn the
company conmmanders would transmit their orders to their platoon
leaders whose platoons would normally be supporting a reinforced
tank battalion.
The battalion comrpander and his staff kept in close touch
with his company commanders by personal visits to the Combat Command
command posts. Supply, evacuation, and replacements were executed
through the logistical channels of the 4th Armored Division.
Undoubtedly one of the most descriptive and typical examples
of the use of tank destroyers with both the infantry and armored
units was the action of the 704th during the Battle of Arracourt,
France. There the speed, maneuveribility and firepower of the tank
destroyers were exploited in their fullest; with results that were
successful beyond even the highest hopes of the backers of this type1
of anti-tank tactics.
The general situation was as follows: During the early part
of September the Third Army was making rapid progress against what
appeared to be a somewhat confused German Army, The unrelenting
pressure exerted against the enemy lines was practically impossible
for the Germans to contain for more than brief periods of time.
Without a doubt the Americans were on the move; and they had every
intent of keeping the offensive rolling.
On the 16th of September General Patton got his Corps Com-
manders together and gave them two important objectives as their
next missions. The XX Corps was to advance as rapidly as possible
and seize FRANKFORT. The XII Corps' mission was the capture of
DARMSTADT and the establishing of a bridgehead east of the Rhine.
The XV Corps was to follow the XII Corps and be prepared to take
MANTHEIM on order.
The tentative target date for the XII Corps attack was set
for the 18th of September. The maneuver plan was a column of divi-
sions with the 4th Armored Division in the lead. It was decided to
2strike between SARREGUEMINES and SAARBRUCKEN.
As was stated, the penetrating force was to be the 4th
Armored Division. It was to be followed by General Paul Baade's
35th Infantry Division whose mission was to send one regiment to
accompany the armor, and to use the remainder in widening the gap,
General Horace McBride's 80th Infantry Division was told to mop up
any remaining pockets of enemy resistance, got behind the attacking
column, take SAARBRUCKEN, and continue on to the RHINE.
This was the general plan for a rapid advance to the RHINE,
but as usual, the Germans had ideas of their own. They were already
on the march to launch a counterattack with elements of their Fifth
Panzer Army, which most certainly was going to interrupjhe
66
execution of the Third Army's plans.
On the 18th of September General John 8. Wood, commander of
the 4th Armored Division, issued orders for the resumption of the
advance on the following day: CCB to move from DELME ON SAARBRUCKEN,
CCA was to move from the ARRACOURT area along the center road in the
XII Corps zone (MORHANGE, PUTTELANGE) and by using subsidiary roads
on the south flank towards SARREGUIMINES.
But the Germans did a little attacking of their own on the
18th of September at LUNEVILLE, forcing CCA to send a task force to
help CCR whose position at LUNEVILLE was being menaced.
And so, on the night of the 18th of September the 4th Armored
Division was situated as follows:
CCR had thrown off the German attack with minor losses and
was holding its position.
CCB was deployed near FRESNES-EN-SAULNOIS, ready for its
attack on SAARBRUCKEN on the following day.
CCA, minus the task force it had sent to CCR, was assembled3
about 12 miles southeast of ARRACOURT.
Since our first account of tank destroyer action concerns it-
self with the tank destroyers attached to CCA, the details as to the
position of units of that command are of importance.
The sector assigned to CCA was an extended one, reaching
from CHAMBREY south nearly to the MARNE-RHINE CANAL. The protection
of the north flank between CHAMBREY and ARRACOURT was the responsi-
bility of an armored infantry battalion reinforced with a company of
medium tanks.
Another medium tank company, Company C of the 37th Tank
Battalion, was the combat outpost at the crossroads at LEZEY, about
4 or 5 miles northeast of ARRACOURT,
CCA Headquarters, the attached field artillery, and a pla-
toon of tank destroyers were grouped in and around ARRACOURT. The
attached engineers held the south flank.
It seems that at this time, the night of the 18th of
September, CCA was additionally told to protect the city of NANCY.
Reports from air observers and ground reconnaissance patrols had
stated that elements of a German Panzer Division, the 111th Panzer
Brigade, and units of the 15th Panzer Grenadier Division were con-
centrating to the southeast of ARRACOURT. It was thought that the
Germans were preparing an attack against the bridgehead at NANCY;4
hence, the mission of the protection of NANCY for CCA.
What was actually occurring was that the German 113th Panzer
Brigade, with 42 Panther tanks of the Mark V Battalion, and the
2113th Panzer Grenadier Regiment, had moved from BOURDONNAY in a
successful night march, reorganized its advance guard near LEY, and
was pushing its way toward BEZANGE.
At this point it is of extreme importance to talk about the
weather, for it actually played a major role throughout the fight-
ing. There was a seemingly permanent heavy fog coupled with mist
and rain at intervals. Actually, the fog was so dense at times that
visibility was to all practical purposes non-existent. This fog
68
played a dual role in that it protected the German armor from air
attack, but at the same time permitted American armor to fight at
close quarters where the larger range of the German Panther tank gun5
was of no advantage.
The stage was now set for action. It was early in the foggy
morning of the 19th of September. German armored units were gener-
ally known to be in the area. CCA was deployed as described pre-
viously, and was preparing for its own advance while awaiting the
return of the task force it had sent to the aid of CCR at LUNEVILLE.
Captain Evans, the commander of Company C, 704th Tank De-
stroyer Battalion, (the company attached to CCA) stated that at this
time his mission was that of supporting the anti-tank mission of the
tanks, and when necessary, to furnish protection for the combat
trains going to and from the Division Supply Point.
The first reported contact with the German armor occurred
near LESEY where Company C of the 37th Tank Battalion was outposted.
A section of M-4 tanks were in position just south of LESEY when
suddenly out of the dense fog which permeated the area appeared a
Panther tank, hardly 75 yards from the two American tanks. The
Panther, and two additional German tanks were destroyed almost with-
in a matter of seconds; the remaining German tanks turned away in a6
southerly direction.
Now Lt. Leiper and the 3d Platoon of Capt. Evans' company of
the 704th Tank Destroyer Battalion enter the picture with their
brilliant action against the German armored thrust. As told by
Lt. Leiper, this is what happened:
For some time prior to the 19th of September, Company C of
the 704th was assisting in manning the combat outpost on the high
ground north of ARRACOURT. Its Command Post was located at XANREY
and the company had two platoons placed on the line on the ground
east of MOYENVIC and its 3d Platoon in reserve with CCA Headquarters
in ARRACOURT. Their system was alternating the platoons every three
days to give each one some rest from the guard detail. The 51st
Armored Infantry was deployed along the MOYENVIC line and the tank
destroyers were being used as an infantry support team. Along the
same line, but just west of LESEY was Capt. Tanner with tanks of the
35th Tank Battalion.
On the night of the 18th of September the 3d Platoon of
Company C, with Lt. Leiper in command, was brought back to ARRACOURT
after being relieved from its tour on the line. It had spent an
extra day on the front and was tired and ready for a little rest.
There had been no anti-tank action on the line, but the machine guns
of the tank destroyers had been used effectively against enemy night
patrols attempting to pierce the area. And so the platoon bedded
down, with no forethought of any action in the immediate future,
About 0730 of the 19th of September Lt. Webb, the Communica-
tion Officer of CCA, rushed in to Lt. Leiper and told him to alert
his platoon immediately but could offer no explanation as to the
reason for the emergency. A short time later, Capt. Dwight, a
liaison officer from the 37th Tank Battalion hurried in and asked if
the platoon was ready. By this time Lt. Leiper was sure something
big was up, and his thoughts were confirmed with the arrival of
Colonel Clark, CCA commander, who ordered the platoon to follow
Capt. Dwight to a certain HILL 279 and take up positions there as an
outpost.
But further than that, Lt. Leiper had no idea as to the
enemy situation or as to what was occurring in the immediate area.
Probably no one knew exactly what was happening, except that there
were a lot of German tanks rumbling around the zone.
Lt. Leiper and his platoon followed Capt. Dwight on the road
to RECHICOURT. It is interesting to note that Lt. Leiper, as pla-
toon leader, did not ride in a tank destroyer, but rode at the head
of his platoon in a jeep. This type of guidance had been decided
upon by the tank destroyer Battalion Commander in England who had
reasoned that it gave the platoon leader a better chance to direct
the actions of his 5 tank destroyers; whereas, if he were squeezed
in one of the tank destroyers he would be more apt to fight the one
tank destroyer rather than the five.
As they reached RECHICOURT, enemy fire started coming in
from the east, and Capt. Dwight jumped from his jeep to ask Lt.
Leiper if he thought it was direct fire; and it certainly was.
Again, the rain and fog made it impossible to determine exactly
where the shooting was coming from.
The platoon ontinued through RECHICOURT and was relieved to
recognize an American jeep barreling down the road from BESSINGEN.
Lt. Leiper turned his platoon off the main road in RECHICOURT and
started north on a narrow lane for about one thousand yards to the
vicinity of HILL 246. They then started cross country up toward
HILL 279 which had woods to the front and the right.
As the hill was approached, Lt. Leiper, who was still in
front with his jeep, was startled to see the muzzle of a German
tank gun sticking out through the trees at what seemed to be less
than 30 feet away He immediately gave the dispersal signal and the
many months of continuous practice proved its worthiness as the
platoon promptly deployed with perfect accord.
The lead tank destroyer, commanded by Sgt. Stacey, had
evidently seen the German tank at the same time as Lt. Leiper, and
opened fire immediately. Its first round scored a direct hit, ex-
ploding the German tank. The flames of the burning tank revealed
others behind it in a V-formation, and Sgt. Stacey's next round hit
a second German tank, but immediately afterwards he had his own tank
destroyer knocked out by fire from a third German tank. This enemy
Mark IV was taken under fire by the No. 2 tank destroyer, and was
destroyed. The maneuver and fire of the 3d tank destroyer got an-
other German tank as it tried to back out of the unhealthy situa-
tion, and a fifth enemy tank was destroyed almost immediately there-
after.
The entire affair was over in a matter of minutes, and as
soon as the shooting had stopped, Lt. Leiper ordered the platoon to
the area to make sure the enemy tanks were all out of action and to
be certain that there were no more there.
The box score for that short action stood at 5 Gbmn tanks
destroyed, and one tank destroyer knocked out of action. The tank
destroyer had been hit on an angle along the base of its gun barrel
and through the gun shield. The ricocheting round had bounced
around the interior of the tank.
The platoon withdrew about five hundred yards to a defi-
laded position behind a small rise. Security sections were posted
around the perimenter and the damaged tank was sent back under its
own power so that the injured could get medical care immediately.
The assistant driver had been killed at once, and all the others
except the gun sergeant had been wounded by the ricocheting shell.
After this engagement Lt. Leiper stated that he no longer permitted
the assistant driver to stay in the tank destroyer when action was
imminent. He served no practical purpose then as assistant driver
but just sat around and waited; and Lt. Leiper decided that to place
a man in such a position uselessly was not good thinking; and there-
fore he put the assistant drivers at other tasks when fighting was
close.
The tank destroyers were placed in position as near as
possible in the direction that the enemy was thought to be. The fog
stayed in all the low areas continuously--and it was still raining...
Lt. Leiper and his sergeant made a reconnaissance of the area for
the next hour trying to find the enemy locations. They succeeded
only in receiving small-arms fire from the left and in hearing tanks
moving about on the right of their positions.
Shortly after returning to the platoon defense area, Lt.
Leiper and some of his men saw a number of tanks moving on the crest
of a hill some twenty five hundred yards away in the area between
BESSINGEN and RECHICOURT. They were able to see them because the
fog was confined to the valleys and low spots. Because it was
known that the 1st Tank Destroyer Platoon of Company C was in the
area fire was withheld initially. However, when the sixth tank was
counted it was obvious that they must be German, and the platoon
opened fire. Either four or five of the tanks (they were Mark IVs)
were knocked out. At this time the attached field artillery batta-
lion under Lt Col Parker opened fire on the tanks who were accom-
panied by infantry, and the enemy was dispersed.
More time of tense waiting went by. A liaison plane was
seen overhead dodgin in and out of th$ clouds. The plane was that
of Tajor Carpenter, who had figured out a method of attaching bazoo-
kas to the wings. They saw him dive behind them into the fog and
fire his bazookas.
The flash from the exploding bazooka shells revealed three
German tanks that had obviously circled around the 3d Platoon and
were making their way up the back of the hill to their positions.
Lt. Leiper pulled a tank destroyer around and brought its
fire on the tanks destroying two of them before the 3d one's fire
hit the right sprocket of the tank destroyer knocking it out of
action. Lt. Leiper signalled for another tank destroyer to come up
with a tow to pull the damaged tank ddstroyer back, but before the
plan could be put into action the second tank destroyer was also
hit--this one through the gun shield, It was reported that most of
the tank destroyers that were destroyed were knocked out by hits on
the gun shield, and it was thought that this was probably due to the
fact that the gun blast made it a good target point.
Lt. Leiper pulled back his one remaining tank destroyer to
defilade, dismounted his other men and set up a perimeter defense
using the machine guns from the damaged tank destroyers.
There the platoon stayed until about 1500 when far to the
right near RECHICOURT the 1st Platoon of Company C 704th made its
appearance.
For some unknown reason several German tanks came out of a
wooded area and attempted to cross the cemetery near MONOCOURT mak-
ing perfect targets of themselves. Before they could get back to
cover two of them were stopped by hits in the rear of their tanks by
the 3d Platoon's last tank destroyer.
Then the enemy infantry tried an attack but the emplaced
machine guns changed their minds immediately.
Finally, Major Hunter, with a platoon of tanks from the 35th
Tank Battalion arrived and relieved the dead-tired but still deter-
mined members of the 3d Platoon who went back to ARRACOURT for their7
well-earned rest. Capt. Leach, Company Commander of Company B of
the 37th Tank Battalion stated that the entire Combat Command was
amazed at the terrific fight put up by the tank destroyer platoon
and confirmed the fact that fifteen German tanks had been destroyed8
by the platoon's fire during that day.
On the 20th of September CCA was ordered to continue toward
SARREGU MINES. However, after several hours of road marching, CCA
received word that German tanks had returned to ARRACOURT which CCA
had just left (actually, only eight German tanks had returned). CCA
dispatched a company of tanks and one platoon of tank destroyers to
take care of the Germans, This was done as ordered, with the entire9
force of German tanks destroyed.
On the 21st of September CCA received orders to utilize the
remainder of the day and the nextday for a rest period. This was
needed as a result of the tank battles around ARRACOURT, and for
preparation for an attack against CHATEAU-SALINS.
However, on the morning of the 22d of September the Germans
attacked CCA on its left flank which was being protected by the 25th
Reconnaissance Squadron, Mechanized. Company C 704 was dispatched to
drive the Germans off.
Company C took the situation in hand, and again against
numerically superior Germans destroyed seven tanks, and then caused
the remainder of the force to go into a disorganized retreat.
While Company C 704th had been with CCA, Company A 704 was
attached to CCB, 4th Armored Division, and Headquarters 704th was
attached to Reserve Command, 4th Armored Division.
Company A worked with CCB in the area from DROUVILLE-
SALLONES on the 16th of September and remained there until the
21st of September when it moved near PRESNES'EN-SAULNOIS
On the 24th of September the enemy was encountered near
DROUVILLE-SALLONES and four tanks were destroyed. No tank destroyers
were lost. Capt. Ryan was wounded in this action and evacuated and
on the 25th, Lt. Preneta from Company B was assigned to command
Company A. On the 27th of September Company A rejoined the batta-10
lion in the vicinity of ARRACOURT.
Headquarters 704th and Company B 704th were in bivouac on
the 16th of September l~ miles southeast of LUNEVILLE. Its mission
was the protection of the left flank of CCR which had been scheduled
to attack and take LUNEVILLE. However, it was discovered that LUNE-
VILLE was already occupied by friendly troops; and so the 704th went
into bivouac on the high ground northwest of the city on the 17th of
September and stayed there until the 20th of September.
During this period the 3d Platoon of Company B, 704th moved
to LUNEVILLE, which was under heavy artillery fire, in order to out-
post the city against German armored columns which were approaching
from the east. The 1st Platoon of Company B, 704th was given the
mission of supporting the 10th Armored Infantry Battalion which was
located on the high ground north of the city.
In the area east of LUNEVILLE the 3d Platoon of Company B
fought throughout the night and destroyed 3 MK V tanks. On the 19th
the platoon destroyed one MK V .tank, one heavy SP gun, one heavy
machine gun and crew, and took five prisoners.
In the afternoon of the 19th of September both the Battalion
Headquarters bivouac area and the position of the 1st Platoon Corn-
pany B, 704th wore shelled, Lt Col Bailey, the battalion commander
was killed by enemy mortar fire in LUTEVILLE,
Headquarters 704th and Company B, 704th were relieved on the
afternoon of the 19th and moved twelve miles north to the vicinity
of SERRES. On the 20th of September these units moved again--this
time to the vicinity of ARRACOURT where Lt Col H. P. Heid Jr.
assumed command. Company B, 704th took positions guarding the right
flank of CCA. On the 20th the company destroyed 5 TMK V German tanks
nd on the 22d of September the 2d Platoon of Company B, 704th de-
stroyed 3 more enemy tanks near RECHICOURT."
As a discussion and condensation of the activities of tank
destroyers in general there are several points which can be brought
out;
(a) From the employment of Capt. Evans' company at ARRA-
COURT (page ) it is noted that tank destroyers were used in platoons
under company control, supporting an outpost line, and moving from
place to place looking for enemy tanks or other suitable targets of
opportunity. Company B had a similar mission (page ) when it was
told to support the 10th Armored Infantry Battalion north of LUNE-
VILLE.
(b) Tank destroyers fought in tank destroyer versus tank
actions as shown by the fighting of Lt. Leiper's platoon near
RECHICOUJRT (Page ), Company A's action near DROUVILLE-SALLONES,
Company B s fight with German tanks when guarding the right flank
of CGA (page ).
(c) Missions of flank and outpost security were prevalent
for tank destroyers as described throughout the battles.
(d) During the battles at ARRACOURT the Battalion Commander
of the 704th lost complete control of his battalion. The control of
his detached companies was established at Combat Command Headquarters.
However, the tank destroyer Company Commanders did conduct close
liaison with the tank destroyer platoons when they supported other
units. Both Major Miller, executive officer of the 704th and Lt Col
Bidwell, a later battalion comrmander of the 704th, confirmed the
above use of tank destroyer units. Additionally, they both thought
that throughout the battles near ARRACOURT the tank destroyers were
well employed under combat command control since the higher head-
quarters had a better picture of the overall situation and could
dispatch tank destroyers to the right place at the appropriate time.
(e) It was also generally agreed that the tank destroyer
missions at ARRACOURT could not have been as well performed by heavy
tanks, such as M-26's, inasmuch as the tank destroyers were able to
utilize speed and maneuverability over rough and muddy terrain over
which M-26 tanks would have been unable to move. It was also stated
that the open turrets of the tank destroyers were both a psychologi-
cal and an actual discouraging feature to the crews inasmuch as they
were always exposed to artillery airbursts and infantry grenades.
79
NOTES FOR CHAPTER V
1History o the 704th Tank Destroyer Battalion, p 3-6.2Dr. Hugh M. Cole, The Tank Battles in Lorraine (Military
Review, Volume XXIX Nov 194T3Ibid.
4Interview with Lt Col Robert M. Parker, The Armored School,
Fort Knox, Ky.5Cole, Op Cit.
6Ibid.
7Interview with Captain Edwin Leiper, Indianapolis, Indiana.
8Interview with Captain James Leach, The Armored Center,
Fort Knox, Kentucky.
Cole, Op Cit.10
Afteraction Report, 704th Tank Destroyer Battalion.11
Ibid.
CHAPTER 6
THE 823D TANK DESTROYER. BATTALION (TOWED) AT MORTAIN
Introdution arnd Buildup
General. Much thought and study has gone into the selection
of a "typical action" invoVing the 823d Tank Destroyer Battalion
(Towed). The MORT IN operation was selected for four paramount
reasons, They are as follows:
(1) Heavy enemy armor was encountered,
(2) This unit remained attached to one infantry divisionthroughout the European campaign except for shortperiods.
(3) 'The great significance, tactically, of the Germancounter-stroke at MORTAIN.
(4) Last but not least, a general consensus of opinionfrom members of the 823d that this action typifiestank destroyer vs tank warfare.
A great opportunity in infantry-tank destroyer cooperation
existed early in the history of this unit but whether this coopera-
tion existed in its full potential still remains questionable. It
goes back as early as the staging at HERTEFORD, England, where it
was attached to the 30th Infantry Division in April, 1944. At this
town some 20 miles north of LONDON, began the relationship which
brought mutual understanding and respect lasting throughout the
European war.. During May and June the battalion drew vehicles,.
weapons and other equipment and found time to spend two weeks on
indirect firing training on the SALISBURY PLAIN. After completion
of this firing, it moved on to BASINGSTOKE, England, where all ve-
hiles were waterproofed and last minute preparations were made for
*81
thie thvion of the EUo.pean continent. The 823d was an extr mely
Wei -trained unit,. with high morale and plent; 6f eiprit'de4rps
this was proved correct in its later operations on the mainlad d±
Europe. It had an added advantage,, too, in that it had made the
acquaintance of and enjoyed mutual respect with the 30th Infantry
Division
Liaison officers of the 823d TD Battalion landed 13 June
1944 in France but it was not until 24 June that the battalion
proper disembarked on OMAHA Beach. The 823d participated in the
action of the beachhead breakout in and around ST. LO. This was an
indoctrination and shakedown period which placed the battalion in a
high state of combat efficiency, much to be desired for its latter
test at MORTAIN. This action was truly to be a test of tank destroyer
capabilities in their primary role against enemy armor where many
interesting aspects were brought forth regarding mobility, armament,
and lack of armor protection.
Friendly situatioa. For the proper buildup and importance
of the MORTAIN operation, as studied in the light of tank destroyer
action of the 823d, it is necessary to pause a moment for the set-
ting of the stage by the Allied Forces, 15 July to 5 August 1944.
The Allied Forces in France were gaining a foothold against stubborn
German resistance. By the middle of July, the Allied Front stretched
from CAEN through CAUMONT to ST. LO and on west to LESSAY on. the
western coast of the COTENTIN Peninsula . On 25 July General Omar
N. Bradley and his United States First Arna broke out of ST. LO,
QRS, W, 144 4 4 P' E
A 1!
per. /,'
$ r.ARRNTA 4
CON,s 4 t
ST-to06- ff'
t, Oki s F-
44offs W,
.r44fit"
9 i+1Qt i A$' /;'
mar,/ '"
es
slashed downward to the base of .the COTENTIN Peninsula, passing
through the bottleneck at AVRANOHES and bursting out in full. force
upon the rear of the German Armies. (figure 10) On 1 August,
General George Patton (United States Third Army Headquarters) was
brought up to take over operations on the First Army's right flank
and to continue the exploitation deeper into France.
Enemy situation The German High Command wasted little time
in realizing the seriousness of the situation now confronting them.
Field Marshal von Kluge, in command of the Germans in France and
the Low Countries, reported to General Warlimontz, Hitler's personal
representative, on 31 July that AVRANCHES must be recaptured and
held at all costs. From Field Marshal von Kluge's diary of 4 August:
Estimate of situation . * the American is trying to
exploit his penetration at Avranches by pushing southwardly...... the first mission is to cut off the enemy units whichpenetrated to the south from their rear communications andto reestablish communications with the Coast . .1
On 4 August, Hitler issued direct orders to Field Marshal von Kluge
to stage a large scale counterattack with the objective of smashing
through to the sea at AVRANCHES. Von Kluge had foreseen the neces-
sity of such an operation and had commenced the assembly of forces
as early as 31 July. This counterattack plan, code named "Luttich",
contemplated an attack along the axis of the SEE River, using two
good secondary roads, one on each side of the river, for the advance
into AVRANTCHES to the west. The main objective was the capture of
the high ridge paralleling the SEE River and gaining the commanding
observation for the entire area. A secondary objective was the
capture of the tactically important HILL 314 at the eastern edge of
MORTAIN, a few miles south of the intended breakthrough corridor.
In German hands, HILL 314 would not only provide excellent obser-
vation of American dispositions south of the SEE River, but would
serve to deny the Americans almost equally good observation east-
ward. The First Army history gives this German operation the code
name "Liege", apparently the operation was the same as to mission",
troops used and commanders assigned.
Prior to this time, the German High Command had committed
its armor by division or even an element thereof at a time. How-
ever, with the very survival of the German Army itself at stake, the
High Command decided to employ no less than five Panzer divisions'
plus attachments, for the counterattack. These were the:
XLVII CORPS
1st SS Panzer Division Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler,
2d SS Panzer Division Das Reich filled up with whatwas let of t-he 17th SS Panzer Grenadier DivisionGoetz von Berlicbiger.
116th Panzer Division, plus miscellaneous troops.
LXXXI CORPS
9th Panzer Division.
460th Artillery Battalion (motorized).
One AA Regiment, 13th AA Division.
394th Assault Gun Brigade, plus miscellaneous troops.
All of the above units were under the command of the German Seventh2 . -
Army.
Pre-battle movement. August 2d found the 823d TD Battalion
and the 30th Infantry Division in XIX Corps reserve south of ST. LO
engaged in maintenance activities. The 823d after its leading in
Europe had fought with the 3Oth Infantry Division, crossing the
VIRE River and participating in the ST. LO breakout. Personnel and
equipment replacements had been coming through in good order and the
battalion was nearly at 100% operational strength. On 5 August, the
battalion and the 30th Infantry Division were attached to VII Corps
and ordered to move into the vicinity of MORTAIN. These units were
to relieve the US Ist Infantry Division, which was in turn ordered
to extend the Allied line southward and farther into the German
rear.
Little if any information was passed down to the battalion
units in their relief of the lst Infantry Division and none was
forthcoming. Indeed a vague situation existed and along with this
went the usual relaxation that is prevalent in a quiet sector. This
statement is substantiated as follows: company commanders report
the relief of position took place without incident, that no enemy
information was turned over during the relief, and that the units to
which they were attached gave them none. One reconnaissance platoon
leader reports that information he received was "not much out there."
From these observations it is clearly apparent that a true and de-
termined defense of the sector was never considered, thus a great
initial advantage was given to the enemy. According to reports
a warning of imminent attack reached the 30th Infantry Division from
VII Corps approximately 20 minutes before the first signs of trouble
appeared: "Enemy counterattack expected vicinity MORTAIN from east4
or north within 12 hours.."
Initial dispositions. On 6 August the 823d Tank Destroyer
Battalion was disposed on the ground as follows:
Battalion Headquarters and Headquarters Company, located inle CLOS MARION, about 3 miles west of JUVIGNY leTERTRE.
Company A1st Platoon initially south of MORTAIN guarding'roads
from Barenton
2d Platoon on HILL 285 west of MORTAIN.
3d Platoon near the 1st Platoon, protecting approachesfrom east and south of MORTAIN.
The 1st Platoon, Company A, commanded by Lt. Thomas Springfield,
moved the same day, 6 August, to ABBAYE BLANCHE which is located
north of MORTAIN. This platoon gained the distinction of halting
the enemy's efforts to clean out the MORTAIN area. This freedom of
maneuver for a thrust west was badly needed. Company A was attached
to 120th Regiment, 30th Infantry Division.
Company B1st Platoon on the road west of ST. BARTHELMY.
2d Platoon on the same road, echeloned slightly fartherwest toward JUVIGNY.
3d Platoon (reinforced) located in ST. BARTHELMY.
Actually Company B was disposed in depth from ST, BARTHELMY west
along an important road net that the Germans proposed using as one
of their supply routes in the attack to the sea to AVRANCHES. It is
not believed this disposition was I~deseen to the extent of the pur-
pose served, but it had much to do with the defeat of the enemy in
its attempted advance along that route. Company B was attached to
the 117th Regiment, 30th Infantry Division.
Company C1st Platoon near REFFtVIEILLE, in firing positions along
main highway running west from JVIGNY le, TERTRE.
2d Platoon near la DAVIAIS protecting Battalion CP.
3d Platoon, in vicinity of 1st Platoon.
Company C, although not receiving the heavy fighting of Companies A
and B, made many moves and their presence alone could have done much
to thwart off the enemy movements in those areas. Company C was
attached to the 119th Regiment, 30th Infantry Division. A recon-
naissance platoon was attached to each company and accompanied their
respective companies to their new positions. For a further descrip-
tion of the disposition of the 823d Tank Destroyer Battalion on
6 August, see figure 11.
In general, most of the positions were taken over lock, stock
and barrel from the preceding tank destroyer unit and remained in
the same location throughout the operation. The time fator must be
considered here, because as indicated, time was not available to do
much moving and it is doubtful whether a full study of the platoon
positions was ever made. The fact that the company commanders and
platoon leaders did not actually choose their own positions probably
had much to do with the later loss of the 3d Platoons of Company A
87
i/b'"E
~
"_
.q
.. "."+
r
11 7
j S
iti. //fj//J!
I."
Igf
/i{
Lq
1
r
E
I
;, '.
r )
Y
EI
~,
t
.?
"/ J
''yY
,°
a +ar'
" /
+
I
/ljdt
C
,S
i
p
'+ T
a
.k
-J:
"I+
J
y
,.r ; /
y+
Y
" ^
.'
r.Y
\
A fT
i x
dC
C
/
' \/'*
1t.
1.1
,
"t '
, r
_"
l_
' ,!
(' r
r
n
' ,
,".
>r.
" 'Y
Y
r
..,u w
i.
{, {.! ra
:/.,
I'
'" \
l.- ir rxl
" h+
al'.
.
[w
a.{^
f
#. .C
-b
Q
^,
,5
\ 1
4
... /
M..
tC
\
Ir_
tl
r
fig-
s(
d
r* I
r
"s
f--
' >
.
_
-"
M
Y
,y"
J
J
r f
r
1'
f l
c'"
"yL
h
+.
^r".
,
O
' w
1
'li 2
?
p
l' tt
t j"
( +
\' F
-
3
y
.. 1
i :l
"1
.+
v
" ,,t
1'
'I F
ir h
11
r
-\,,,
T/
'M1t
.g
, q
"+
/, r'E
'T
+
,1°
h
,' \
, \,
A 4. }"1 I
:..
+
.. I
" "i,
4
Y
' I.
rA
}
x'v
' r,
I-
c
" t."
I
AC
1
L
' +
'"71C
r
1;1
P
%"
' t
" ./a
saa Y.
IV
d
"'J
'
\ "tp
I l
° .T
V
.e
l ~
{
'P
/ I
S.
I /'
a
r }1 ',
fi r'
{ '
tiY
rri r'
j. 1
' r
I ,
: 1
F
"" t5
+
'
4.G
r, 'f
Pr
/e
"eY
/
i °,t'r .
}; 1
t /
1
F'" f"
/ ;y
L
{ 1 {
1
tq<
r
, , r,
,y:'
Xa.
r ,+
'Y
'
t .
). r
r".a
1,
kC
C
Y
' r
r ",
f -
" t
-i. ,
..j :I
:fir c
r ~
r
.
y
-: E
SM
_ 3
r .x
" "
/ t
Y
1
t v
/ h c :.
y.
; r
.y
a
a
1
I
YY
1
-_
' +
f ,.,\
( / I'"+
/fit-
t 1
s.
f.
: I (p
y
I.
F
"\
I
l +
/
\
I
I.^
r
'y
' \
" o i
Y.
_ "1-
_
rf
f
y°f
[ L
[ .. "
7 .1:'
r, ,.
/ agv
t 'y
*J
_
5.=
. .t
/ r'
" /
" ''
F"
1\
: ..
'k.
1r,
i tY
.....t
a:
t '
y
) L
'} _ u
t;"
.1
i 1
J
[C7y.
'{"
k
tr ^
,.13j
'7
I N
fr.
,.{p".'
lr .
, f
; " 5
' .
-r
1
' iF
,''.
' $
, ,
, Y
,
" ?
t' r
'fir
^'
y°
F)
k;
! T
, ,C
/r °"
Yg
gt
"' +
'
r '
^l
, i
t 4>
. ia
1 ;>
:. F
,l '"i
/ R
"+
{
+
j "
:.7r
s
1
X
, '
+
Lt
.rr
Y
-_f
d
'Q1r a
' 1 1
.v .+
E
,L
J
r
/ f
.,
z
I+Itj
r' 7.
-. .,'
F
~
rty
_
r
"tl
-,e
rr., [
' ,". ,') "
jhlC
>
R
a"T
b"_
"ll!
""7X
aF
-
i -IjiI
.,r,
-
r r
Y
ti 3
, :'
^ty
'
Y "
, ai'
.,p
yr
i, 4
1
° A
'.j' 1 tt
-Y^,
?
i tk
"
1 L
7
i
'L
y
ter.
_. ,y
P
7J
"h.P
' )
\ Z
?
4 r8
a
J
1'9
y/ h
f
f 4 }
°yf
*l
11
/. 1
ILA
'{
/ L
., 4-
"s
! rl
5'.
i ..,"
f ..1.
r l,
I.1
l. r
l r
,"'
_
{/ -
¢__
N"
'rte
-__0..
\ _
"r
, :
.1" t
'" :"
'-t
f"
,fit I
~° -
r a
LL
"?
e r
( ..
j rr.
F
.I '1
."'y
y
"' .
Z
y5
a
i i,
c
/ /
t f'4
ki
1,
, rlr
r r
Vt"
i
v
''iw 'S
;
s
LL
J !7F,
LL
i
3
g
Jf
.rtiL
r y
+
-
r"7S
: c.
a
q
.1
s
s
C E
, 7
1
it
i t'
.7""t
[ Y
tp
Jr
U
1
p
$ \
!J
r
and B. They were without infantry protection and the guns were not
mutually supporting. However, Springfield, commanding the 1st Pla-
toon, Company A, did make a study of the terrain after relief at his
particular position. He was not satisfied with the location of the
guns, so he moved them 200 yards north, just across the bridge span-
ning the railroad leading into ABBAYE BLANCHE. From this position
seven roads and trails could be brought under fire. All of these
led into ABBAYE BLANCHE and MORTAIN from the east and north. In
addition, southern approaches out of MORTAIN could be covered.. Any
two guns could take under fire the same road.
Infantry units were disposed as follows:
120th Regiment in vicinity of MORTAIN, particularly theimportant terrain feature east of MORTAIN (HILL 314)and west and north (HILL 285).
119th Regiment in an assembly area, vicinity le M SNILADELEE
117th Regiment situated in the ST. BARTHELLE.Y area,north of MORTAIN.
For a further description of infantry locations, see figure 11.
Tank destroyer gun positions as located on figures 11-14 are5
substantiated by tank destroyer commanders and after-action reports..
Directions of fire of the main guns were variable, of course, and
daily changes were made without appreciable difference in their pri-
mary mission assignments. It is interesting to note here that all
weapons were located generally to deny the use of roads to the enemy.
Roads are always the principal avenues of approach and it is a known
fact that although weather permitted cross-country operations, all
88
defenses includihg infantry were generally set up to block roads.
The 823d paid particular attention to roads and road blocks for two
reasons; their importance to the movement of enemy armor, and
secondly, the ease of movement and change of position for their own
weapons. This point is brought out as doctrines teach cross-country
operation but very limited use was ever made of same by towed tank
destroyer guns. One cannot pass from these remarks without mention-
ing the restrictions of movement due to hedgerows, most of which
could not be traversed by halftracks without the use of demolitions
or bulldozers which were not used in this operation. It can be
stated that generally the enemy was limited to the road nets, and
that they made no serious penetration without that factor being
present. Short penetrations were made by roving enemy armored units
at positions such as HILL 285 and along the deep valley on the 30th
Division's left flank, but neither penetrations were extremely ef-
fective. Weather was a great benefit to the enemy at the start of
the battle, as they attacked at night or in the early morning hours6
under cover of fog. It is not to be construed that the terrain was
a total obstacle but it did constrict, at least initially, all move-
ment to the roads. This is borne out by members of the infantry as
well as the commanders of the tnnk destroyer units.
0perations, .7 August. A dark cloud sprang out of the east on
the night of 6-7 August, the German counterattack for AVRANCHES.
The actual time of attack was set for 2400 hours on 6 August but due
to last minute difficulties encountered by the enemy in assembling
7
troops, it was delayed somewhat. Artillery observegs in the oarth
of the 30th Division zone reported tanks moving along the northern
road paralleling the SEE River, where it bends south toward ST.
BARTHELMY and MORTAIN. This enemy attack was directed along the SEE
River towards le IESNIL ADELEE. At 0130 tanks and infantry advanced
out of the FORET de MORTAIN and swept around and engulfed the road
block manned by the 3d Platoon, Company A, guarding MORTAIN from the
south, and penetrated the town itself. Actually the full force of
the enemy attack came just before daylight. The Germans had weather8
conditions in their favor; "darkness gave way to fog-laden daylight."
The first enemy action encountered at ABBAYE BL TCHE was at 0500
hours. A German armored halftraok mounting a 75mm assault gun was
knocked out by an anti-tank gun. This vehicle was closely followed
by another halftrack, loaded with ammunition, which was also taken
under fire and destroyed. "It was a foggy morning and we waited
until the cars were only 30 yards from the number three gun before we9
opened fire." The anti-tank gun referred to was undoubtedly a tank
destroyer 3-inch gun as only two anti-tank guns were in position and
one was south of the overpass and could not have taken the enemy
under fire.
Much controversy arose later as to the composition and com-
mand of the roadblock at ABBAYE BLANCHE. It was this roadblock that
stood so determinately in the way of the enemy advance throughout
the entire action. Most of the evidence points toward command by
Springfield, and as to composition it varied daily, even hourly. As
the fighting continued and pressure increased many individual soldiers
drifted into the area, ,some with crew-served weapons and others with
just individual arms. Eventually the defense of this roadblock con-
sisted of some 75 men including tank destroyer and machine gun crews.
Best accounts put composition of the road block as follows:
1st Platoon, Company F, 120th Regiment.
1st Platoon, Company A, 823d TD Battalion.
1st Platoon, Anti-tank Company (minus 2 guns), 120th Regiment
1st Mortar section and 1 machine gun section, Company F,.120th Regiment.1 0
Lt. Colonel J. W. Lockett, commanding 2d Battalion, 117th Regiment,
had this to say:
it was learned that Company A of the 823d Battalion(towed) had established a roadblock at the intersection atABBAYE BLANCHE, and that this roadblock, although supportedby Company F of the 120th Infantry, stuck out rather precarious-ly, and was weakly protected. I realized the importance ofthis position as an avenue of approach for enemy tanks andvehicles and agreed that Company E should move up and tie inwith this tank destroyer unit and that the 2d Platoon ofCompany F, 120th Infantry should cover the guns while theyorganized and made further plans. This was done - placingmachine guns and bazooka teams in support of the tank destroyerposition. The wisdom~f this decision was borne out throughoutthe period of the counterattack. The area in front of theposition became a graveyard for about 35 to 40 German tanksand vehicles.
Lockett had nothing but praise for Springfield and his unit of tank11
destroyers.
An after-action interview with Colonel Hammond D. Birks,
commanding the 120th Regiment and Lt. Thomas Andrew, of Company F,
120th Regiment, substantiates the tactical importance of the ABBAYE
BLANCHE roadblok to the effect that it *as one of ihe most important
facto Ls in the 120th infantry's successful repulse of the major enemy
counterattack of 6-12 August. If this roadblock had not held, the
whole position of the 120th Infantry would have been nullified and
the resulting gap would have permitted the enemy to smash through the12
MO RTAIN area.
The enemy had once occupied this very ground around the rail-
road bridge and had set up defensive positions there. Sprin.gfield
used these as there were no alternate positions in the area. They
were adequate and time was short. A 3-inch gun was placed on either
side of the main road, with two 30-caliber machine guns nearby for
support. A bazooka and BAR team, plus half a squad of riflemen, were
placed in former enemy dug-in positions along a small hedgerow at the
sharp left turn north of the railroad bridge. A 57mm anti-tank gun
was placed at the end of the road paralleling the main north-south
road, covering not only penetrations down this road, but from an
additional road to the left that curved into it. Two other 3-inch
guns were placed north of the railroad bridge, one to cover the main
road, the other facing southwest across the railroad to cover any
enemy penetration along a straight stretch of the road coming in from
the northeast. A 57mm anti-tank gun also covered this road from a
position at the road junction near the river in ABBAYE BLANCHE it-
self.
Immediately south of the railroad bridge, riflemen and bazoo-
ka teams were placed in dug-in positions on either side of the road.
92
The right flank was pio'teoted by 8 men and & 30.caliber madhine gun
at a big 'ddk just off the road from the northeast ahd faing towa'ds
the river. A line running through a cleft in the rook furnished the
communications with the mortar squad to the rear of this position.
Along the important left flank, a squad of riflemen and two 30-caliber
machine guns were placed in an orchard that covered two road junctions,
in addition to a short stretch of the north-south road. Six rifle-
men and a 50-caliber machine gun, manned by tank destroyer men, were
placed in and among the houses between this orchard and the railroad
bridge. Two belts of mines were laid near the bend of the road from
the southeast, at the south end of the roadblock, and these were
covered by a bazooka and BAR team.
To sum up the defensive dispositions of the roadblock force,
four 3-inch tank destroyer guns and two 57mm anti-tank guns were
posted to cover all important roads, with the main emphasis on the
north-south road to MORTAIN, and these guns were protected and sup-
ported by riflemen and bazooka and machine gun crews.
On 7 August, Lieutenant Stewart with two squads of the 2d Pla-
toon of Company F, 120th Infantry, joined the ABBAYE BLANCHE road-
block. He had established a roadblock to the south, but had been
forced to withdraw from his position. Upon joining the ABBAYE BLANCHE
roadblock, he-organized and defended the rear (south) end. From time
to time during the next few days other men from different companies
straggled into the roadblock, so that eventually Springfield had men
from Companies D, E, H, K and G, 120th Infantry, totalling some 150
men. However, the greater imber of these ieh wre battle fatigue
cased and had little part in the actual defense. The previous figure
of 75 effectives still stands. Some of these extras were concentrated13
to the south of the roadblock with Stewart,
During 7 August, the roadblock was not only shelled repeatedly,
but was also attacked by the Luftwaffe twice, which strafed the
little force with rocket guns. They were even hit by British planes
with rocket guns, two tank destroyer men being wounded in this un-
fortunate and erroneous attack. However, as far as the roadblock
force was concerned., the British were soon forgiven as they were
quick to testify that the British did a wonderful job against the
Germans on the front of the ABBAYE BLANCHE positions.
The 3d Platoon of Company A had a less important existence
particularly as to defensive contributions. Its activities can be
summed up quickly. Shortly after daylight on 7 August, enemy tanks
and infantry came out of the FORET de MORTAIN to the east and
slightly south of MORTAIN and swept into that town from the south.
The 3d Platoon was quickly surrounded and overrun along with some
units of the 120th Infantry. Much happened here to cause bitterness
and scepticism among the tank destroyer units-their guns were not14
protected by infantry. This one factor had a great deal to do with
their capture and destruction, they could not protect themselves
against an infantry attack. This story is best told by Robert L.
Hewitt, author of the 30th Infantry Division History. The tank
destroyer platoon south of MORTAIN fended off the first German attack
94
with 50-caliber machine guns mounted on half tracks but was subse-
quently split asunder when the Germans swept around its positions,
making the platoon's 3-inch guns untenable. The close-in fire of the
enemy was devastating to say the least. Sixteen men reached the ist
Platoon's positions north of MORTAIN after 5 days of fighting. Nine
others joined nearby infantry and fought their way into friendly
lines on HILL 314. One man remained hidden in a ditch for five days.
Thirteen men were still missing when the battle ended.
The 2d Platoon of Company A held an important position along
with doughboys of the 120th Infantry, that of HILL 285, northwest of
MORTAIN. Action on the slopes of HILL 285 began in the "mist" about
0500 hours on 7 August. A bazooka team led by an officer of the ist
Battalion, name unknown, went forward about 500 yards stalking a Ger-
man MK IV tank. The tank was finally stalked down and knocked out by
Sergeant Ames.Broussard of the tank destroyer platoon. Broussard was
unable to get back to his own lines for 14 hours. At 0900 two more
German tanks approached, and were knocked out at 150 yards by one of
the tank destroyer guns. Another tank moved up, firing at the Ameri-
can position, and it also suffered the fate of his team mates. This
last tank was set afire by a shot from only 50 yards by a well con-
cealed tank destroyer gun. Two enemy self-propelled guns and an ar-
mored car also fell victim to the tank destroyers on HILL 285.
The 3d Platoon of Company B met with a fate similar to that of
the 3d Platoon of Company A. This unit was located in ST. BARTHELMY
and had one 3-inch gun from the 2d Platoon of Company B and a platoon
of 57mm anti-tank guns with it.- These towed tank destroyer guns of
Company B played an important part in halting the Germans, although
particularly vulnerable to the well coordinated panzer grenadier-tank
attack. Weather enters the picture again: "handicapped by the fog"
is used in the same breath as a "well coordinated enemy attack" re-
garding the loss of positions at ST BARTHEMY. At the start the
gunners were firing at nothing more tangible than flashes of enemy
tank guns. The 3d Platoon destroyers knocked out two German tanks
early in the fight, but three of the four guns of the 3d Platoon were
soon casualties. The heavy towed tank destroyer guns were sitting
ducks when they revealed their locations by firing. Lt. Leon L.
Neel, commanding the lst Platoon, Company B, brought forward a re-
placement gun from his platoon under heavy fire in an attempt to
reach the beseiged weapons of the 3d Platoon at ST. BARTHELMY. His
platoon was 1000 yards in rear of the town-to the west. This gun
never reached ST. BARTHEL MY due to enemy action. It was forced to
take a position just west of the town and while there, knocked out a
MK V, killed another tank commander and "mowed down" supporting in-
fantry with small arms fire. A German 88 soon found the range on
this gun and promptly eliminated it, wounding most of the crew.
Another gun from the same platoon was brought forward and had an
equally short but useful career. One enemy tank approached and was
knocked out. Two more enemy tanks appeared, but halted out of gun
range. Then, one of these advanced, covered by the second, and the
tank destroyer gun knocked this tank out. About this time, however,
the second tank opened fire and destroyed the tank destroyer guns
Company B lost seven of its twelve guns and their respective half-
track prime movers during the action of 7 August. One intrepid ,crew,
however, ventured out forward of the friendly lines and extricated
one of the abandonedguns. Other members of Company B fought along-
side the infantry with their carbines or joined bazooka teams stalk-
ing enemy tanks. Company B accounted for eight MK V tanks during
that first day of operations with a probable additional two. The
2d Platoon added depth to the position and never actually engaged the
enemy on the first day of operations.
Company B fared little better on enemy information and friend-
ly infantry support than did Company A. According to Neel:
Lack of information probably destroyed the 3d Platoonbefore it made any defensive contribution whatever ., . wewere requested at 0800 to reinforce troops within ST.BARTHELMY without being informed that our 3d Platoon waswiped out.
Contact was inadequate with the infantry as it was not be-
lieved they ever realized their obligations to protect tank destroyer15
units from enemy foot troops. A change of support mission had much
to do with this inadequate cooperation. Neel's platoon was changed
from support of the 2d Battalion to support of the 3d Battalion,
117th Infantry, but was never able to contact that headquarters,
thereby leaving the guns to operate alone. Nothing could be gained
in information other than that which came from personal observation.
Company C was quite removed from the heavy action that con-
fronted Companies A and B. They were in position initially with the
823d Battalion Headquarters and during the early morning of 7 August,
they took up direct fire positions in vicinity of LA ROCHE and
REFFUVIEItLE along the highway running from ST BARTHELMY west to
JUVIGNY and on to AVRANCHES,
As the German counterattack became more definite in strength
and direction, many hurried calls arrived for additional tank destroyer
support in the threatened sectors. Orders were received by 0630 to
send guns some 8000 yards to the south along the highway running
northeast to southwest from MORTAIN to ST. HILAIRE du HARCOUET. This
order could not be carried out at the time but by 1200 hours, the 3d
Platoon of Company C was released from control by the 119th Infantry
and proceeded to this point'to meet this threat of approximately 35
enemy vehicles, including armor, to the south.
The other two platoons moved north toward IeBLAIRIE near the
AMBROIS woods and took up direct fire positions, see figure 12.. The
mission of these two platoons was to prevent the withdrawal of a large
number of enemy soft-skinned vehicles which were reported in the
AMBROIS woods. ctually these two platoons were to go as far north as
le MESNIL ADELEE. Contact was made with a rifle company from the
119th Regiment and they proceeded to a point just south of the town.
They were informed (by whom it is unknown but it is unimportant as it
was rather obvious in a few minutes) that the enemy was just ahead.
A 57.mm anti-tank gun nearby knocked out a MK V tank with two flanking
shots. Other German tanks were heard moving around in the woods to
the north. By 0800 heavy enemy mortar fire began to fall on the tank
F
r
" >
r-
( i
.a
,i
( ,
..fi,
O
1
1
v
jI.-
--i .
/ 1}\
1
e
' 'N
l
/' ",tr
F.
a
;
w
i "
1
, 1
S
,t l
i '
' { s
J
r i
z
f a
3
C r
JY
T
.
j
rI
it n
9'Y
l '
r
1: '"
.f,
"e
S
' Y
yip
f
Y
,y_ _
,S
1
;
/ L
r
/ $
"! ip
q
hr
F 4
n j1+
1
..,1?
$'
i _,,
q
' -
LC
S
t 1
" -.y
.,'/ 1,
M
Yc
~
4 -
i " '
s
Y i
Ev.
a
.: s7.
S
e
'
rnLL
t.r' a
//
WIL
i
.v
S
g
!(tr r~
1
Q
W
f
C
.
f
r
destroyer positions. "This action convinced us that le MESNIL ADELEE
was no place for us to take our armored care and halftracks, towing
3-in~h guns, so we se Up a 'oad1ock in fpace," writes Captain T. L.
Raney (then 1st Lieutenant) commanding the 1 st Reconnaissance Pica
16toon. Tho American 3d Armored Division took over the mission of
taking le MESNIL ADELEE, somewhat relieving this situation.
The 3d Platoon on the right flank down south was reinforced by
a reconnaissance platoon, which moved by a circuitous route from the
northern position. Many French families were moving to the west on
foot and in wagons, and managed to constrict movements on the roads.
This type of movement by civilians usually points toward an attack or
expected attack by the enemy. It was about 1700 when the reoonnais-
sance platoon reached the 3d Platoon at their position. It was said
to have been a strong defensive position with an equally strong al-
ternate position. Generally speaking this flank of the 30th Division
was open, making any defense by this platoon almost unfeasible. For-
tunately, no enemy was encountered.
Here ends the first day of action at MORTAIN, the situation
very obscure and the final outcome yet to be determined.. It was a
touch and go proposition with a slight advantage to the defender. An
appropriate remark at this time comes from the 30th Infantry Division
History: "with a heavy onion breath that day the Germans could have
achieved their objectives."
Operations, A August. Throughout the night 7-8 August, the fog
of battle cleared a little,. probably for both sides. Stock was taken
of destruction to personnel and positions, resupply was effected
where possible and a vigilant watch was established. The Germans put
out heavy patrols, either iti in attempt to gain information or to
gain positions to continue its attack or withdra wal. It is a fact
that much field recovery of personnel and vehicles was attempted and
in some cases was carried out effectively. It was the German army
policy to pick up their dead close into the battle position even at a
great risk. This was psychological in two respects; that of building
the morale of the German soldier because he wouldn't have to face
these sights in his advance as well as that of knowing he was cared
for, and from the American side, the possibility of assessing accu-
rate enemy losses was eliminated. This was particularly bad for the
American soldier, when after a heavy fire fight and he was sure the
German had many casualties, he pushed forward to find little evidence,
if any, of same.
In telephone conversations during the night of 7-8 August by
the German commanders, the Leibstandarte was spoken of as having been
stopped and in remnants. In instructions to the 1st SS Division for
the following day we have this remark: "Each man must give his
best. . . if we have not advanced considerably by this evpning or to-17
morrow morning, the operation will have been a failure......" The enemy
had gained ground on the 7th but certainly not of any significance
and the key terrain was still in the hands of the Americans. ST.
BARTHELMY, MORTAIN and the area south of MORTAIN were in the hands of
the enemy but HILL 314 and HILL 285 were in the hands of the 30th
100
Division, who also held control of the road nets leading west,
The principal German attack of 8 Aui~it came fro the ST.
BJ3RT1M LMY area to the southwest against HILL 285 where the 2d Pla-
toon of Company A was located. The attack commenced at 0130 and con-
sisted of infantry supported by at least 8 tanks. By 0430 this
attack had pressed close to positions on HILL 285 and Company A,
120th Infantry, was forced back to a road traversing the hill. Two
flame throwers prevented tank destroyer crews from manning their guns
and again tank destroyer men fought as infantry. Artillery fire soon
broke up this attack but it was resumed again farther to the south.
From all accounts the German attack on the 8th was more intense and
better supported than it had been on the 7th. On the other hand, the
Americans had an additional regiment, from the 4th Infantry Division,
attached and an attack was launched at the Germans at 0800. This
attack was in the direction of ST. BARTHELMY and was supported by the
629th Tank Destroyer Battalion. It relieved the immediate pressure
on HILL 285, but made little progress. Apparently the tank destroyer
unit on HILL 285 spent the day licking their wounds and reorganizing
as this attacking force had now presented them with that opportunity.
All along the line the American forces attacked with negligible suc-
cess, but nevertheless it stopped the German assault.
The 1st Platoon of Company A was attacked at 1530 hours on
8 August by an enemy unit of patrol size, which was completely anni-
hilated. Four anti-tank men at the roadblock were wounded. The Geri
mans had managed to mine a road to the south which was being used as
a supply and evacuation route, A halftrack being used to evacuate
casualties was knocked out by this amnefed. This evened the score
as a Germa hial-track stopped to investigate the same minefield and
was promptly destroyed by our forces. Throughout the day, the 2d
Platoon is credited with 2 tanks, 4 half-tracks, 1 wheeled vehicle18
and 15 prisoners of war.
Company B had been receiving artillery fire all morning and at
1000 moved to a spot not so well "zeroed" in. Two ammunition trailers
had been lost. Company B positions were held during the day with
little chance to fire. This situation occurred as a result of the
American attacks to regain MORTAIN and towed tank destroyers served
little purpose, if any, in the attack.
Company C remained substantially in the same localities with
exception of the 3d Platoon which moved to the vininity of JUVIGNY.
Operations, 9 August. Fighting was almost continuous night
and day in the MORTAIN - ST. BARTHELMY area. Hours and days meant
little - survival was all important. The enemy launched another
attack to the southeast on 9 August at 0430 toward the 2d Platoon,
Company A on HILL 285. Less strength and aggressiveness was apparent
but to the soldier on the ground and at the point of contact, one
attack is as strong as another. The 3d Reconnaissance Platoon
assisted materially against this thrust by giving close-in protection.
No material gains were made by the enemy and by 1600 hours, the 117th
and 12th Infantry Regiments launched a counterattack against the
enemy attack. This left the 2d Platoon in an exposed position due to
a pocket created by earlier, Getwan gains. In order to cope wit :
the situation this platoon pulled back to a better position and the
2d and 3d Reconnaissance Platoons rendered the close protection
that was needed. (see figure 13 ) Artillery fire destroyed one
3-inch gun of the platoon and Lieutenant Cunningham, commanding
the 3d Reconnaissance Platoon was wounded by mortar fire. Spring-
field's 1st Platoon was having a field day against local attacks and
against movements across their front directed against HILL 285. The
1st Platoon had two 3-inch gun sights destroyed by artillery fire,
*ven so he mentions destroying an enemy vehicle by sighting down
the tube.
Company B remained in position with little or no activity
occuring in their area, Artillery fire continued, causing little
damage but placing heavy strain and tension on all members of the
company. They received one replacement, Lieutenant Rady, who must
have been counting his hours - entering combat at this particular
time and place.
Company C made only one change of any consequence during
the period. The 1st Platoon was moved near the 3d Platoon in
vicinity of JUVIGNY. This completed a build-up to add the
necessary strength to hold the important road west out of BARTHELMY.
Operations, 10 August. The German commander had reported
his heavy losses and inability to make any substantial gains in
the MORTAIN area, but he did not receive that much desired order
103
-7 "
lls
kX
,7
t'
/ ,
.t Iy
t I~ r
^
}<
~~ ~
"=
_~
m
/\t V
a .
, .a
?9lf' a
'K \I
lsr -d
./
W-
A,
-, '/
^'
, /Y
Y
! "'
y
-'^
.t ti'
.ld K
<
I
A i
u,
p
' a
) /
' .
\i /)
r ' 1
h/ t
f1
IIT
; '
L "/l\ .t ! (7'
:1,,%'4
f '< ,
.. L
y 9 rt Tr
Y 'l
, .1t ' y '
..
?,' ;t
a I °
t ,
r _'
; a 'm.+
E
" Q"+
o
3: y
w. _
d s
' i
1 \.'i T
S
?,
-r
t S
-'
~ n
,
I r
\ +
a.e
A
"
to withdraw. Although he had taken MORTAIN and ST. BARTTTELMY, he20
remarked that the enemy was not entirely cleared from this area.
References were undoubtedly made to the infantry on HILL 314 and
the ABBAYE BLTANCHE roadblock. "Springfield's shooting gallery", the
lst Platoon, Company A, defense at ABBAYE BLANCHE, was creating
quite a disturbance to the German program of operations.
Hitler ordered the attack resumed and again on the early
morning of 10 August, the push continued. A vast difference was
noted as it lacked the intensity and coordination of previous days.
A local attack was made against the 2d Platoon of Company A former
position, but to the surprise of the Germans no one was present.
Contact with the 1st Plat rn had been lost during the night due to
a roadblock emplaced by the Germans, It was quickly removed and
c-ntact ws reestablished. The 1st Platoon was having its usual
field day by destroying several halftracks and nine other assorted
vehicles.
C ,paZny B suffered two casualties from intense artillery
fire which they had been subjected to for the past three days.
No other action was reported outside of an integration of re-
placc:ments into that depleted unit.
Company C remained in its former positions without incident.
The platoon :n the Division south flank made contact with the 35-i
Division now moving up on-the right flank. You will recall that
this platoon had reported being in an exposed position qarliej
Final operations, 11-14 August, On 11 August the 2d Platoon
104
of Company A was ordered back to its original position on HILL
285 alone with the 2d and 3d Reconnaissance Platoons. This was
accomplished by infiltration ih an effort to attract as little
attention as possible. No interference by the Germans was encoun-
tered. This period was reported as quiet other than local artillery
fire. The 1st Platoon, Company A lost one 3-inch gun by such fire.
Company B reports no contact for this period, only artillery and
mortar fire in the area. Company C completed movement of its 2d
Platoon to area of the other two platoons, closing at 2030 (figurel4).
This period of inactivity by the enemy meant two things;
another attack was in the making or a general withdrawal was about
to c ,mmence. The latter was more probable, as friendly infantry
successes had been greater during 11 August and on the 12th contact
was made with the besieged and isolated battalion rn HILL 314. This
c ntact also relieved pressure on the 1st P.Latoon, Company A. The
high light of the day was the return of 11 men who for the past 5
days ha ' been fighting with the infantry on HILL 314. They were men
from the 3d Pla.t"n vwhich had been destroyed when their guns were
overrun south of MORTAIN on 7 August. The 1st Platoon of Company C
relieved the 2d Platoon of Company A nn HILL 286 at 2200 with the
2d Platorn )cing into assembly position near their company command
post (sec figurel4). Company B spent the day in reorganizing the
1st and 2d Platoons. On the 13th, they moved into an assembly
position shown on figure 14 )~
The German withdrawal had cm -ooncod and the much needed rest
105
[
r
Y
"s
Y
/ -
fS
i ,
ssz
\
Y
s
N .H
S
7
' i
"J
s
i 1
T
\
-
J h41
f
"1
T
-a
s
} <
<
T
^
.. f
t vac
~
--
-lr
;\
" T
om
. i
" T
.I y°
Y
o
_ ] 1
: 1 1
_
Ri'
_ 'l
Z
m.L
y
P
E,.
01
' +
,¢
y
' 1.
; r 1
_
.+
.1
1 j
A
"' N
T
r may-
1
/ N
1
r
y
t r
ii 3
V
O
cr
W
N
Z
17
I ^
K
t
.l: ;t
om
S
''-
- _
" :
,r
"zr
\ ,.t
.:.
1..c
,c
, '
e .
,. _
.. 4 "
r. 1..1
.
t -5
, ..
(; c.
.' ..
_ f
_z'Y
-. .
and reorganization period had come. Company C completed the relief
of the 1it Piatoon of Company A, allowing them to assemble near their
company command post. The rest was less than 24 hours in duration;
In the late afternoon the 1st and 2d Platoons of Company A moved to
ac area southwest (f MORTAIN to give close support to the 119th
Infantry* The 3d Reconnaissance Platoon was attached to the 2'
Platoon.
On 14 August the MORTAIN battle ground cea&ed to be a scene
of bitter struggle. The 30th Infantry Division published a field
order attaching A, B and C Companies to the 117th, 119th and 120th
Regime nts respectively. In turn the 823d Headquarters attached the
1st, 2d and 3d Reconnaiseance Platoons to Companies C, B and A res-
pectively. The infantry and tank destroyers moved some 14,000 yards
east of VORTAIN in a quick followup of the withdrawing enemy. This
move o-n 14 August completed the MORTAIN action, where defensive con-
tributi -ns by the tank destroyers had been great.- The 823d Tank De-
str':yer Battalion had proven it was here to stay, its losses had been
many but even so they were only proportionate to the intensity of
co mbat.
Logistics and Personnel
General. It is appropriate at this time to summarize the
logistical and personnel problems that crnfronted the 823d TD
Battalion. An account of enemy losses is also appropriate as at
no other time in the European war did this battalion contribute so
highly to the destruction of the enemy.. Generally supplies were
106
adequate during the MORTAIN operation.
Class I. Rations wore short on occasions but never to a
dc'. r, e =hre unit offici3ncy was affected. 10 in 1 rations with
some K rations were used exclusively during the operation. Hot
i od was impossible during the battle as transportation was unable
to move effectively ancd the situation was too tense for that type
of feeding. No units complained, in fact they were well satisfied.
Moals, using 10 in 1 rations could be served hot to small units at
any time desired.
Cl-ss II and IV. Class IV supplies presented no immediate
prrblem and in most cases was adequate. Class II presented a problem
with the loss of twr plat ns and tieir equipment was irreplaceable
at the ti.:-e. Pers' r nol w- uld not have been available to man the
replaced items even so. The 1st Platoon of Company A desired
additional barrels for 30- mnd 50-caliber machine guns. Company
B had a replacement of ',ne 3-inch gun and halftrack on 11 August21
and Co.'pany A h:-ad a like replacement on 10 August.
Class III. Class III supplies presented no problem. With
few exceptions no moves wore made. Company C shuffled around some
:n the 8th and 9th and again on the 11th and 12th of August, but
all those moves were short.
Class V. Class V presented a problem to those units heavily
enga ed, however, it was replenished with some difficulty. No unit
was defeated or forced to withdraw for lack of ammunition, Each
plat 'r carried a basic load of ammunition into this engagement.
107
For each 3inch gun, 90 rounds were car ied 65% armors piercing
and 35% higrh explosive with an aditi nal 50 hirnds (mixed) carried
on : thr io-quarter ton truck for each four guns. Small arms ammuni*
ti-n was always adequate.
Maintenance, Maintenance was not a major problem in this
opcration and was performed by each driver locally. Maintenance
of dostr yod or disabled vehicles was nrt acc mplished during the
operation duo to the intensity of fire which restricted evacuation
procedues. After the enemy co.mmenced his withdrawal on the 12th
some battlefield rec',very took place aad maintenance was performed
to the limit of time available. Vehicular replacements were avail-
able and c-uld be had easily as the supply lines wore short,
Evacuation of casualties, Evacuation of wounded personnel
from the front lines was performed in the usual manner with few
exceptions. The 1st Platoon, Company A, evacuated a few casualties
by use of their halftracks. One of these struck a mine as it was .-n
its way to the rear.
Communication, In some cases communication was adequate,
in other cases it did not exist. Actually the only communications
neoded were th-se with the infantry units supported, as operatirn4
control was usually taken away from the company commanders. Three
means of commurication were used; wire, radio and messenger with
wire and radi carrying the brunt of the load Lt. Colonel Ashby
I, Lohse, Battalion S-3,, says "'le were in conmmunication with higher22
headquarters at all tirie,." It was not quite the same story at
108
platoon level, where after all, the battle is being fought and in-
formation must be forthcoming to properly understand the situation
and control the units. As brought out previously, Companies A and B
had poor oommunidations Compdny A commander places the blame on
hi'.Self frr not moving his command post closer to his platoons.
Personnel. The personnel situation is hard to summarize
exactly, as strength reports are not available for an accurate
accounting of losses. From after-action reports and letter inter-
views with former unit personnel, the total losses add up as follows:
6 KIA, 47 WIA and 91 MIA with enemy losses at 130 KIA and 25 prisoners23
of war taken. No accounting of the enemy wounded is available, but
members of the 823d believe the number runs as high as 100. Losses
for the 823d were nearly 20% of their authorized strength. Somewhere
in the vicinity of 40 replacements were received to help fill these
losses. Replacements were adequate for those units still intact.
Gunners and radio operators were the most difficult replacement
problems; however, gunners were trained from old men on hand. Re-
placements were initially placed in less important positions until
they had their feet on the ground.
Companies A and B received the Presidential Citation for their
efforts at MORTAIN. Many individual acts of heroism brought indivi-
dual awards. Lt. Springfield was decorated with the Silver Star and
according to Captain Crissinger, his company Commander: "He deserved
more. I just wasn't smart enough to realize it at the time. He was24
a wonderful platoon leader and a great soldier."
43UH
V)
* 0
R@
0
0 X
4
-c 4
343,
411
o4 V
V
i
F~043
S4
.30044
02
1) 0
..- 0
co tH
1
'Z5540
N.-
0 0
43
43
E-d
b
in*4
"3
NOTES FOR CHAPTER VI
1Report of OS r ations, First United States Army, 1 Auti
1944 tpo 5. .
I id, p 6.
Lt Col Dettmer, letter interview, 29 March 1950.
Personal interview, General Freiherr von Gersdorff,November 1945.
3Dettmer, op cit.
Captain T. L. Raney, letter interview, 30 December 1949.
Lt Col Ashby I. Lohse, letter interview, 16 December 1949.4Robert L. Hewitt, Workhorse of the Western Front -The
Story of the 30th Infantry visn, p 5.
Dettmor, op cit.
Raney, op cit.
Lt. Thomas Springfield, letter interview, 10 January 1950.
Lt. Ellis Melnnie, letter interview, 27 March 1950.
After-Action Report, 823d Tank Destroyer Battalion, August1944.
6Dettmer, op cit.
Lohse, op cit.7Gersdorff, op oit.
8Hewitt, op cit, p 58.
9Springfield, op cit.
10Colonel A. H. Payton and Colonel H. A. Tribolte, Combat
Observations, 18 August 1944, Documents Section File No. 1. , TheAnnored ool, Fort Inox, Kentucky.
110
11Ibid., passim.
12Ibid, passim.
13Ibid, passim.
14Dottmer, op cit.
Lt. Leon L. Neel, letter interview, 21 December 1949.15
Dettmer, op cit.
Neel, op cit.16
Raney, op cit.17
Report of Operations, op cit.18
Dettmer, op cit.
After-action Report, op cit.
Payton and Tribolte, op cit.19
After-action Report, op cit.
Springfield, op cit.20
Gersdorff, op cit.21
After-action Report, op cit.
Springfield, op cit.22
Lohse, op cit.23
After-action Report, op oit.
Neel, op cit.
Springfield, op cit.24
Captain Bruce A. Grissinger, letter interview, 4 February 1950.
111
CHAPTER 7
C ONTEPORARY C ODMENT
The preceding chapters of this report have been concerned
with the organization and tactics of TD units and an analysis of
combat actions in which four TD battalions participated. During
the period from June of 1944 to May of 1945, members of antitank
units, observers from rearward headquarters, and foreign military
authors with the same vital interest in the subject, prepared a
number of articles and reports on the new team weapon designed to
stop armor. It is the writings of this group of officers that are
of major consequence here. Author members of TD units are considered
of primary importance, foreigh authors are touched upon lightly, and
observers passed over almost entirely because of the still confi-
dential nature of their reports. Three military writers of the
1940 era are presented because of the impact of their studies on
the subject.
Publications from which articles were considered for comment
are the Field Artillery Journal, the Infantry Journal, and Observer
Reports. There remains to the future researcher in TDs a vast field
of similar untouched source material of at least equal, if not
greater value. Particularly with reference to secret VVar Department
Observer Reports, which may be downgraded at a later date.
Authors writing for military journals and official observers
have approached the subject of TDs from varying points of view.
112
Officer-observers with instructions to obtain specific
information on various items of eqIipmehtj problems of personnel,
tactical employment, the application and correctness of .doctrines
and technique, and numerous other details of interest to those enh
gaged in long-range support of the battle forces, had the detached
and impersonal viewpoint of a reporter-commentator.
Allied officers and enemy writers discussed the subject as
it affected their battlefield successes or failures, and wrote from
a position tempered by their experiences and differences in equip-
ment and techniques.
The TD officer on the job was generally too busy with more
pressing problems to prepare choice items for analysis, but when he
write, his material was directly influenced by the immediacy of
combat requirements. His were the most personal and detailed of
all the sources of authorship.
Early Comment , 1940-1941
In the Field Artillery Journal of March, 1941, are ten
articles of major interest. Four are on topics directly related to
the gun-armor problem, and are titled, "Field Artillery Organization,
Armored Force," "The Artillery in Large Armored Units," "Can Grandma,
75-mm. 1879, Stop 'Em?" and "Some Thoughts on Emplacement of Anti-
tank Guns." Two reviews are on activities of German field artillery
units,oneis on Japanese field artillery, two are on the procurement
of artillery materiel and the establishment of an Artillery Replacement
Center, and the tenth is a seven-page article, "Suggestions for
113
Equitation Instructors." Even at that date, it can be seen that a
large share of spontaneous writing on military subjects probed
methods of aiding or abetting the armored attack, and this issue
of the Journal is typical of its time,
An erudite foreign writer of the period was an Italian
infantryman, Colonel Oete Blatto, author of "The Artillery in Large
Armored Units," translated in the March, 1941 issue previously men-
tioned. The article is outstanding for its foresight. Colonel
Blatto presented a number of principles in the use of armor which
were borne out in later combat, and of which some have since been
adopted as part of the current U. S. Armored Force doctrine.
Of these, four are considered for purposes of this report.
They are: 1. German tank success in Poland and France does not
indicate the invincibility of the tank-air team; 2. The most impor-
tant task of an armored division is the exploitation, the next most
important the breakthrough; 3, Armored divisions should be organized
for counter-armored actions as well as the exploitation; and 4. The
armored division
... must have two types of weapons. The first should havethe same mobility as the tank, to perform the functions ofantitank or accompanying artillery. The other should be morepowerful and possess long range, so that tactical mobilityis less essential; this should assume any other functionwhich the tactical situation may demand. It would seem thatin the armies of the important powers the tendency is towarda caliber between 75 and 90 rm, on a tank or self-propelledmount, for the first type; and between 105 and 120 mm, motorized,for the second type.
'hile the infantry and cavalry writers of the time were con-
triving new and ingenious methods of tracking tanks with the primary
114
antitank weapon of the U. S. Army, the 37-mm gun, a scholarly
summary; "Antitank Defenses" appeared in the liay, 1941 issue of
the Field Artillery Journal The author was 1ajor A, C - Vedemeyer,
now Lieutenant General 'edemeyer, an infantryman who, according to
the Journal of 1941,."has spent the last four years in close study
of the whole aspect of antitank defense,"
As part of a "Proposed Antitank Defense," Major Wedemeyer
wrote:
... The 37-mm, antitank gun is sufficiently powerful tostop tanks protected by 2' inches of armor. If the constantlyreported trend to thicker armor on tanks (over 3 inches)becomes an established fact, the present 37-mm, gun may bemodified to increase its penetration, or a 47-mr., a 57-mm.,or even a 75-mm. antitank gun may be necessary., . It isfurther suggested that the .8 75-mr,. antitank guns how assignedto the medium artillery battalions be removed entirely fromthe division and that 12 more 37-mrm, antitank guns be addedto the recommended division antitank unit. This would resultin a battalion of 36 37-mm. antitank guns. The commander ofthe unit would act as antitank advisor on the division staff.
... The medium tank is considered one of the most effectiveantitank weapons. It should mount at least a 3-inch gun andstress should be laid on its mobility and speed, rather thanits armor. This tank is visualized primarily as a "tankchaser" - a positive means to seek, overtake and destroy enemytanks. . .It is not believed desirable to employ the armoreddivision or its tank elements in the antitank role. Armoreddivisions and corps are decisive means in the hands of thecommander, to be employed primarily in large-scale offensiveand defensive operations,
leajor vedemoyer's article mentions the tremendous assault
aimed at the French Army by a German armored force of 45,000 motor
vehicles striking through the ARDENNES FOREST in 1940. He writes,
... The French General Staff couldn't conceive of anarmored thrust of any magnitude driving successfully throughthe rugged terrain of the Belgian Ardennes. Yet five armoreddivisions and three motorized divisions successfully penetrated
115
this deep forest and crossed the Ivhouse River in a:n unpre-cedented er ployent of arnlorod forces.
An antitank doctrine suggested by Major vedemieyer was
similar to that adopted for the employment of TD units when they
became a part of the U, S, Armed Forces. His suggested doctrine
;W:,s: "Vigorous searching for the armored foe,, tenaciously holding
on to his flanks, pursuing and destroying him at every turn."
The article ends with several pertinent conclusions, among
them the following:
... Tanks and airplanes have not deprived the infantry andartillery of their former supremacy, but have greatly acceleratedthe mcthods, changed techniques, and provided supplementary meansfor maneuver or denial of maneuver. . .The tank itself (or tankchaser) is the primary defensive weapon against tanks. Otherantitank means, active and passive, create conditions, such asdisruption, delay, casualties and canalization, which favorthe employment of tank units.
Shortly after this article appeared, the concept of tank
chasers was given additional support in a contribution to the Field
i rtill ry Journal by Lajor N. B. Palmer, which came out in September
of 1941. Writing on the subject "Field Artillery - 1941," Major
(now Lajor General) Palmer included a section on "The Antitank
Artillery." In it he asserted,
.... It is probably true that the ideal antitank gun is theantiaircraft gun, with its expensive laying devices andterrific muzzle velocity. It can blow the tank apart. Itis true, also, that an antitank gun should have a high muzzlevelocity, an arr-Lor-piercing shell, grea:t mobility, and greatmaneuverability. It should have an armored tow vehicle or aseif-propelled mount; rather definitely the latter, if it isto chase tanks around the battlefield.
The observations of these officers are of interest as examples
of informed military thought which, in 1940 and 1941, was the basis
116
for the conception and formation of tank destroyer units.
Excerpts from Comment in 1944-1945
The concentrated emphasis on counter armor operations
between 1940 and 1944 gave our ground forces a number of methods
of dealing With the tank threat, particularly by the time U. S.
forces faced nfajor German strength on the European Continent after
the invasions of 1944. TDs came into their own when a large-caliber,
high-velocity gun was placed on the mobile mount foreseen by earlier
writers. Armed with this weapon, they enlarged on their prirrary
role. On antitank missions they worked in close support of, or
attached to, infantry and armored organizations. As supporting
units for artillery they served to reinforce fires and added greater
range to the artillery capability.
Vith these changes came alterations in basic missions. The
Tank Destroyer Field i.anual of 16 June 1942 gave the units primary
antitank missions, and secondary missions as "beach defense, action
against parachute and airborne troops, and the reduction of bunkers,
pillboxes, and other weapon emplacements."l
The same manual, revised and dated 18 July 1944, lists
suitable secondary missions as:
a. Direct or indirect fire to reinforce or supplementthat of artillery units. b. Destruction of pillboxes andpermanent defensive works. c. Support of landing operations.d. Defense of beaches against waterborne attack. e. Roving'un and roving battery mission.2
Pursuing this secondary employment with reference to rein-
forcing or supplementing artillery fires, several combat authors
117
found time in 1944 to forward articles to the Field Artillery and
Infantry Journals describing successful methods of using TDs as
artillery. Others mention the practice in articles on associated
subjects.
Among interesting comments on this debated method of employ-
ment was one by a Gerr.an officer, a Colonel Seither, written in
November 1942 for a German service paper and translated in the
Larch 1944 FA Journal.3 Colonel Seither considered
...The modern antitank gun is taking on the characteristicsof a field gun, which may determine its future appearance. Inview of these facts it can readily be irnagined that the fieldgun, which has, at all events, disappeared from the GermanArmy, is experiencing a rebirth but is being provided with thespecial tochnical improvements characteristic of an antitankgun and is to be used primarily against tanks and secondarilyfor other artillery purposes.
On the other hand the necessity of at least using thedivisional artillery for antitank defense has compelled us toprovide these guns also with the technical improvements thatensure that they will have the necessary flexibility and rateof fire.
His conclusion is given as another approach to the evolution
of heavy weapons.
Returning to the employment of TDs in a role supplementing
field artillery, five combat officers, a cavalryman and four ar-
tillerymen, are quoted from contributions to the Field Artillery
Journal of August, October, and iovember of 1944.
In the August issue, lajor E. C. Hatfield, Cavalry, pre-
sented operations of four TD units in the supplementary artillery
role. 4 They were the 630th, 776th, 803d, and 808th TD Battalions.
He says,
118
The following missions were developed: a. Reinforcing thefires of field artillery battalions. b. Deepening and ex-tending the zones of fire of the field artillery. c. Targetsof opportunity. d. Counter-battery fire -- to a limitedextent. e. Harassing missions. f. Interdiction missions.
... An example of the accuracy of the 3" gun was evidencedon the night of 14 January 1945 when "C" Company, 808th TDBn, in the role of reinforcing artillery, was called upon todeliver emergency fires on a troop concentration. The targetwas over 800 mils outside the transfer limits, requiring ashift of 1612 mils, and over 12,000 yards in range. A K of/ 78 yards per 1000 was used. A check round fired at thetarget in the morning showed that the deflection was correct,range 100 short.
During a 24-hour period 21022 March 1945, Company "A" ofthe 630th TD Bn fired 17 harassing missions on a Rhine Riverbridge, a total of 4180 rounds of HE being expended.
The.comparative cheapness of 3" aimnunition in tonnage andtransport, and the fact that TDs are highly effective in per-forming harassing and interdiction missions, were the reasonswhich caused a marked increase in their use as reinforcingartillery in Europe.
In the same issue of the Uield Artillery Journal, Colonel
f. B. Bell, Field Artillery, reported tank destroyers in the XIX
Corps played a "prominent part" in providing fire support for the
ROER River crossings. 5 The value of TD guns on harassing and inter-
dicting missions, according to the Colonel, "is too well known to
require comment. ,6
The 90-mmi. guns were used mainly for long range missions.Because they can be sited well forward, their fire can beplaced on targets beyond the range of most of the CorpsArtillery. It should not be assumed, however, that theirvalue is limited to long range missions only. As an illus-tration, three 90-mm. platoons were called upon to placeinterdiction fire upon roads leading to a junction at STEIN-STRASS, approximately 11,000 yards distant. . .PWs from ahorse-d:awn 150-mm. artillery battery, captured intact by the30th Infantry Division, stated that they were unable to evacuatetheir materiel because of the terrific interdiction fire.
... A maximum degree of effect is obtained with tank des-troyer ammunition, and the great saving in shipping weight andspace (over heavier calibers) is evident. 7
119
Statements of Lieutenant Colonel J. i.. Barney Jr.,8 Field
Artillery, and Captain F Ct leacham," in the November 1944 issue
of the Field Artillery Journal, corroborate those of Colonel Bell
and 11ajor Hatfield under different circumstances of combat.
vMa jor Edward A..Raymond, Field Artillery, author of "Brass-
ing off Kraut," in the October 1944 Field Artillery Journal, con-
cludes that
...The 1o10 is one of the most versatile weapons on thebattlefield. It is a quadruple threat, not only doing itsdefensive job in spectacular fashion but also acting offen-sively as an infantry assault gun, as a mobile artilleryweapon, and as an invaluable adjunct in tank attacks.10
Coordination of TD units with armor and infantry has been
given detailed explanation in preceding chapters; however, two
additional briefs on tne operation of the TD-Infantry team are
presented here.
It was developed on the battlefield, according to Colonel
J. F. Barney, Jr., the artilleryman quoted previously, in an
article written for the Infantry Journal of November 1944.
Infantry commanders saw, he reports, "in the heavy fire
power of a TD battalion, a powerful weapon to help Doughboys
when the situation called for their use in this way."
A study of the results of Infantry-TD action is well pre-
sented in an article on the "Froper Use and Abuse of Tank Des-
troyers," by Lieutenant Eugene T. Oborn, Field Artillery, pub-
lished in the Field Artillery Journal of July, 1945. Lieutenant
Oborn declares the success of the TD weapon depends cn an under-
standing of its capabilities by the infantry commander to whom it
120
is attached for combat. 12 He produces a table showing a comparison
of accomplishments and losses in component comp.tLnie;s of the 899th
TD Battalion, covering a period of seven months. During that tin ,
gun compa ni.s worked with the same infantry regiments of the 9th
Division under varying conditions of command and supervision.
Describing the background for his statistics, Lieutenant
Oborn writes,
"A" Co was attached to a regiment which permitted use ofthe guns under company control. Recommendations of its com-mander have, in the main, been followed. This employmentfavors the present type of battalion tank destroyer organiza-tion; missions were assigned generally and the company officersand NCOs were permitted to use their own initiative in accom-plishing these missions.
In the case of "C' and (particularly) "B" companies, alsoattached to regiments, recommendations of the respectivecompany commanders were frequently not followed. The resultwas the use of their destroyers on missions which should andcould have beoo accomplished by tanks, artillery, heavyweapons, or the riflemen themselves all of which were avail-able.
A resume of the chart illustrating the article is as follows:
"A" Co "B" Co "C" Co
Enemy tanks 22 17 10Guns, all types 35 17 11Pillbox and
Strcngpoint 33 12 17iG nest 49 8 21GP vehicle 4 7 4P 465 59 1173Own i10 or 1i8
lost in action 2 13 9
Combat "Know-How"
The complete inactivation of TD units was accomplished in
1946. v'hther tey will be revived to fill anotheremergency role
121
carnnot be foreseen, However, a certain amotunt of "know-how\t,
leaIaed by units in combat through some times bitter experience, may
be repented fcr its value to other Arms. These "tips" are as
fellows:
1. Gun positions must be changed often to secure the elementof surprise. It was noted that the enemy would attempt anytrickery which he thought might have even a remote possibilitycf bagging some of our guns. In several instances he wouldwithdraw a knocked-out tank under cover of darkness and sub-stitute a live tank in its place. Close observation on thepart of the infantry and our gun crews exposed this trickery.It was found that the Kraut would re-man knocked-out tankswhich had not burned and use them as pillboxes. It has become
the policy of this TD unit to shell and setfire all enemytanks knocked out. 13
2. Hand grenades are not carried by experienced units,as they may be set off by enemy shells striking the sides ofthe destroyer.
3. This TD battalion - like others in Italy - thinksthat it should tie right in as a battalion to the divisionalartillery when acting in its secondary role as artillery.15
4. Ancther artillery function of greUt importance to thedivision artillery has boan the use of TDs as roving guns. .The battalion sends out two or three destroyers to fire a fewrounds from each of a number of positions up and down theline, firing at definitely located targets (such as houses,dugouts, trails, etc.) which ,ari6known to be in current use.
_iring is never done at random.
5. The bttalion wants the biggest gun it can carry. 17
6. ThL comparison of self-propelled TDs with the towedantitank guns of the British in the northern sector emphasizedthe superiority of the il10. Our TDs could follow the advanceof our infantry much more closely, and when enemy infantry in-filtrated into Allied positions could withdraw in daylight.The thin-skinned prime-movers fcr the towed guns could, ingeneral, only approach the front at night. The limited tra-verse of towed guns also proved a serious handicap. Thech.vrcn type rubber track was the only logical type to beused in combat.l8
122
7. A roadside position for the emplacement of heavyweapons has two advantages. I\uzzle blast will not show on thehard surface of the roadway, and extra elevation for increasedrange is readily obtained by placing vehicles on the slope ofthe ditch alongside the road.9
8. It is desirable, if the artillery can and will do it,to have the FA crew do all the survey work: this reduces thenumber of men milling around to draw enemy attention and fireupon the area. 2 0
.I believe most tank destroyers would gladly swap theair compressor in the pioneer platoon for one bulldozer, and Iknow the field artillery working with us would have parted withsome of their most prized possessions for even a pint-sizedbulldozer.
10. Amn:n'unition, and the range table for firing shell,illuminating, up to ranges of 4000 yards, should be placed ineach destroyer. This will permit one destroyer of a platoonto illuminate an area, while the other three bring direct 2ireon enemy armor, if the enemy attacks with armor at night.
NOTES FOR CHAPTER 7
1FMI 18-5, (Washington: United States Government PrintingOffice, 16 June 1942), Far 11.
'FIF 18-5, (!s'ashington: United States Government PrintingOffice, 18 July 1944), Par 6.
33Colonel Seither, "The *odern Antitank Gun," translated
from e hrtechnische Monatshofte for August, 1943, written inNovember 1942, translator unknown, Field Artillery Journal, 34(,arch 1944) p 154.
4Major Ernest C. Hatfield, "Utilizing Tank Destroyers asArtillery," Field Artillery Journal, 35 (August 1945), p 495.
5Colonel Paul B. Bell, "Tank Destroyers in the Roer RiverCrossing," Field Artillery Journal, 35 (August 1945), p 497.
6Ibid, p 498.
7 Ibid, p 498.
8 Lt Colonel J. p. Barney, Jr., "TDs Approach katurity,"Field Artillery Journal, 34 (November 1944), pp 775-778.
123
'C.'?ptoin I. C. ieacham as told to Lt. R. L. Barnhill, "AiNw Fighting Teamr," Field Artillery Journal, 34 (NTvemnber 1944),pp 778-780.
10Major Edward A. Raymond, "Brassing Off Kraut," FieldArtillery Journal, 34 (.October 1944), p 698.
1 1Colonel J. P. Barney, Jr., "Tank Destroyers," InfantryJournal, LV (November .1944), p. 17.
1 2 Lt Eugene T. Oborn, "Proper Use and Bause of Tank Des-troyers," Field Artillery Journal, 35 (July 1945), p 399.
131iajor Edward A. Raymond, Op cit, p 697.
14bid.
15"Ibid.16 I
Ibid.
17 d.
Ibid.
1919 Lt Colonel J. P.rield Artillery Journal,
Barney, Jr., "TDs Approach Maturity,"34 (November 1944), p 776.
2 0 Ibid, p 777.
21Captain F. C. Meacham, Op cit, p 780.2 2 Lt Eugene T. bor, p cit, p 399.
Lt Eugene T. Oborn, Op cit, p 399.
124
CEAPTER 8
CONCLUSIONS AND REC OME rNDATIONS
Findings in this chapter are derived from two sources -
an analysis of battle experiences of four TD battalions in the
European Theater during the period from hay 1944 to June 1945, and
general observations on the subject of TD combat activities written
by military authors of the same period.
It should be noted that other aspects of TD employment,
those factors outside actual tactical operations, are not incorporated
in Conclusions and kecommendations. Such factors play an important
part in determining the overall usefulness of a military Corps or
Arm. They include problems of training and logistics and, as in
the case of TDs, a comparision of the efficiency and usefulness of
the TD unit over other types of antitank equipment and personnel
combinations.
For the purposes of this study, the form followed in the
presentation of Conclusions and Recommendations is as follows: Each
conclusion is numbered and listed separately, with a brief des-
criptive explanation, followed by the Committee's recommendation.
1. Offensive and Defensive Capabilities of TDs
The initial conclusion of this study is that TD units suc-
cessfully fulfilled their primary mission, that of defense against
armored attack, and in addition proved to be capable of assuming the
offensive against hostile ground forces, including armor, by operating
125
as highly-mobile, lightly-armored and heavily-gunned assault units.
In the offensive against tanks, TDs relied on mobility and
heavy firepower to offset the disadvantage of their light protective
armor. They operated on the offensive in conjunction with friendly
armor and were utilized to supplement the speed and firepower of the
slower but more heavily armored vehicles. They were particularly
adapted to this role when soggy terrain would not support the weighty
tank. The 'TD vehicle, with less ground pressure, could maneuver
through friendly units., outmaneuvering hostile armor as well, using
this capability to attain an advantageous position, accomplish its
fire mission, and move to the flank or rear for another strike.
The Conmmittee recommends that the characteristics of the TD
self-propelled vehicle, high mobility, light armor and a large gun,
be fully exploited; and that this vehicle be incorporated in an
organization to operate with or as a part of armor, infantry or
reformed TD units, to realize on its dual capabilities on the of-
fensive as well as in a major defensive role against hostile forces.
2. TDs Can Be Used As Artillery
Inherent in TD organizations was their ability to accomplish
nany fire missions of a type normally performed only by artillery.
It was artillerymen who first realized and developed this capability
and applied their specialized knowledge and individual ingenuity to
work out successful methods of employing TDs on typical artillery
tasks.
Artilleryrmen-authors, who wrote on the use of TDs to
126
supplement their Arm, mentioned the following fire missions as having
ben successfully accomplished by TDs:
Direct or indirect fire to reinforce or supplement that of
artillery units.
Roving gun and roving battery missions.
Deepending and extending the zones of fire of artillery.
Targets of opportunity.
Counter-battery fire.
Harassing missions.
Interdiction missions.
In connection with deepening and extending the zones of'
artillery fire, several writers pointed out that TDs, because of
their mobility and armor protection, were sited well forward of
artillery emplacements and from that position placed fire on targets
beyond the range of most Corps Artillery.
It was also emphasized that the comparative cheapness of
TD ammunition, ini tonnage and transport, was a great saving in
shipping weight and space over ammunition normally required by
heavier type artillery to do the same long-range job.
It is recommended that the possibilities of the lightly-
armored, self-propelled gun for use by artillery be considered in
the future development of weapons for that arm; and should assault
units be formed in the future, employing a vehicle similar to the TD
mount, that they be well trained in a secondary mission of rein-
forcing and supplementing artillery.
127
3. Employment Against Fillboxes and Defensive WVorks
The high-velocity gun employed by TD organizations, coupled
with the armored protection its vehicle offered gun crews, gave TD
units a natural weapon to use in direct fire against fortified areas.
The mobility of the gun permitted crews to capitalize on the element
of surprise in attacking pillboxes and defensive works. Guns were
quickly placed in firing position, completed their mission of
placing rounds in embrasures or giving protective fire to units on
the ground, and withdrew before effective hostile fire could be
placed on them.
In recc Dending that this capability be retained as a
secondary mission for units with characteristics of TD organizations,
the Committee does not infer that mobile, direct-fire weapons are
the best means cf reducing emplacements.
4. TDs Posed Quadruple Threat to Enemy
The self-propelled, hard-hitting weapons used by most TD
units during the latter part of vorld Wiar II made these organiza-
tions one of the most versatile antagonists on the battlefield.
They were a quadruple threat to the enemy, being capable of main-
taining a stiff defense against armor, could operate on the offen-
sive against all hostile ground arms, supported the infantry as an
assault gun, and were successfully employed as mobile artillery.
The priim.ry factor in their successful employment was the mobility
inherent in the TD vehicle.
128
It is a general recommendation that in the future design of
vehicular gun mounts, stress be placed on the n.obility of the mount
under all conditions of terrain and weather.
5. Considerations of Command and Employment
TD units attached to major commands in combat performed
rmst successfully under commanders who had a knowledge of the tech-
niques of TD operation, or who, lacking that knowledge, accepted
the staff guidance of the attached TD unit commander. It was the
rule (correct or not) that destroyer organizations were broken down
to platoon-size units for combat, particularly on the defense against
armor.
This procedure did not utilize the full capabilities of the
TD company or battalion on the defensive (particularly in the counter-
attack) and more often placed small TD elements under junior com-
manders who were not remotely acquainted with their techniques,
and, in addition, were not amenable to staff advice from an at-
tached, subordinate commnander.
This general situation was a cause for constant complaint
by TD organization officers and non-commissioned officers, many of
whom wrote, in service papers and elsewhere, that they were in-
efficiently employed.
There is merit to the assertion they could have been used
more effectively. Statistics prepared on a small scale by a TD
unit show, over an extended period of actual combat, major organi-
zation commanders who took advantage of the technical advice of
129
attached TD personnel had a more valuable weapon at their disposal
than commanders who did not. Those coz anders using the technical
advice of their subordinate TD leader had working for them units
which inflicted more than twice p much damage to the enemy, while
suffCringr one-fifth the casualties as those who did not consider
this source of professional assistance.
As a compromise between command authority and the best,
overall utilization of troops trained for specific missions, it is
recormendced that such units be made an organic part of major com-
mands, preferably at regimental or divisional level.
6. Self-propelled uVeapon Superior 'to Towed Gun
TD organizations equipped with the armored, self-propelled,
antitank gun attained greater success in combat than those equipped
with the towed antitank gun. Using organizations considered the
superiority of the mobile mount so apparent that written remarks on
the difference are scarce. It was so obvious it could be taken for
granted.
In countless operations, mobile guns with armor protection
used these characteristics to their decided advantage. They could
mrove in or out of position freely; in combat, towed weapons waited
for nightfall (except in extreme emergency) before moving, and once
coimitted had little opportunity for their thin-skinned prime-movers
to change them to another position. Towed guns had :a limited tra-
verse, compared to the vehicular weapon, and their prime-movers were
of little assistance in altering their traverse. The vehicular
130
weapon could follow the advance of infantry or armor, or become a
part of the forward elements of the assault, all well beyond the
capability of the tcwed gun.
The self-propelled weapon is recommended as the best type
for use by TD units or organizations charged with a similar mission.
7. iobile Gun MvountsShould Have Overhead As Well As Side Armor
Several author-users wrote that TD self-propelled vehicles
would have attained greater combat efficiency had they carried
overhead as well as side armor. They also wrote that because it
had not been provided, most units improviscd their own. The impro-
visation ranged from a canvas spread, to deflect grenades, to metallic
sheeting providing protection against overhead artillery bursts.
In constructing vehicles with characteristics and capabilities
sir:.ilar to those of the TD vehicle, it is recomrmended that overhead
cover be provided for gun crews.
131
APPENDL I
628TH TANK DESTROYERBATTALION
Training
On 10 July 1941, the 628th Tank Destroyer Battalion was
organized as a provisional antitank battalion at Indiantown Gap
iilitary Reservation. It owes its conception to Lieutenant General
Hugh Drum, who then commanded the First U. S. Army, and decided that
his divisions should test antitank battalions in the Carolina Maneu-
vers of 1941. This battalion was a divisional unit formed from the
artillery, infantry, engineers, and medical troops of the 28th In-
fantry Division, Pennsylvania National Guard, Keystone Division.
Initially the battalion was commanded by Major Carl L. Peterson and
consisted of a Headquarters Battery, six lettered batteries, and a
medical detach±ment. Attached was a company of the division engineers.
The battalion's first tactical field training was in July
1941 at A, P. Hill. Military Reservation, Virginia, as a part of the
28th Infantry Division. At this time the main armament consisted
of towed mock guns made of miscellaneous pieces of pipe, wood, etc.,
towed by 2-ton weapons carriers.
Early in November, while participating in the Carolina
Maneuvers, Majcr villiam Mi, Hernandez assumed command. On 15 Decem-
ber 1941, shortly after its return to the Indiantown Gap Military
Reservation, the battalion was recrganized into a permanent organi-
zation, absorbing D and E batteries, redesignating the remaining
132
batteries as companies, and redesignating the unit as the 628th Tank
Destroyer Battalion.
In January 1942 an additional company originally known as
the Pioneer Ccmpaniy, but ultimately to become the Reconnaissance
Company, was added. Also during this month the battalion was moved
to Camp Livingston, Louisiana, where training continued until Sep-
t: tber. Again it moved, this time to the newly formed Tank Destroyer
Center at Camp hood, Texas. Here, after fifteen months of training
with dummy guns, the Battalion first fired live ammunition, using
bcrrowed 75mm guns on half-tracks, the original TD vehicle and
weapon.
Early in December 1942 at Camp Bowie, Texas, the Battalion
successfully completed its first Army Ground Force tests.
In January 1942 the Battalion entrined for Camp Carabelle,
Florida, (later designated Camp Gordon Johnston) where it rejoined
the 28th Infantry Division for intensive amphibious training.
After receiving its first combat vehicles, 36 10 tank
destroyers, the Battalion moved to Camp Rucker, Alabana, where driver
training was stressed prior to participaticn in the 1943 Tennessee
a ne uve r s.
Periods of armphibicus training at Camp Bradford, near Nor-
folk, Virginia, kand Army Ground Force Firing Tests in the West
Virginia kaneuver Area were completed before the Battalion departed
for Camp Dix and the Port of Embarkation in December 1943.
After leaving the U. S. by way of Camp Shanks on 28 January
133
1944, the Battali.n arrived at Greenock, ScotlAnd, on 6 February
1944 and from there entrained for Packingham, England, (located
between Birmingham and Coventry).
After extensive range firing in iales, the Battalion was
moved to Dorchester, England, to run Marshalling Camps for the
Ncrrandy Invasion troops,
Relieved of its Marshalling Area assignment, the Battalion
embarked on Navy LSTs on 28 July for France and the combat zone.
134
APFENDIX II
628TH TANK DESTROYER BATTALION
Combat History
The 628th TD Battalion left from PUDDLET1OWN, England, on
26 July 1944 and loaded on Navy LSTs for France on 28 July 1944.
They landed on Utah Beach on 30 July, and within a few days were
assigned to the 5th Armored Division, XV Corps, Third Army.
The normal procedure in combat was to attach one platoon
of the Reconnaissance Company to each of the gun companies of the
battalion, which in turn were attached to each of the combat commands
and to the reserve command of the Division. The remainder of the
628th was attached to Headquarters, 5th Armored Division Artillery.
Falaise-Argentan Gap
on 10 August 1944, still assigned to the Third Army, XV
Corps, and 5th Armored Division, the Battalion moved out of the
bivouac area in the vicinity of LE 1MANS, France, to participate in
the attempt to close the Falaise-Argentan Gap. Route of column
passed through BRIOSNE and 1E LELSE, arriving in the vicinity of
SEES, France, at 2145 hours, 12 August 1944. During the march on
11 August 1944, 2d Platoon, Company A, was acting as rear guard to
CCA's column. Sometime during the night an unidentified column
approached the route of march of CCA's column from the west. .S/Sgt.
Koczan, Company A, challenged the leading vehicle; and when it
failed to stop, Sergeant Koczan fired his .45 caliber pistol and
135
killed the driver. He then destroyed the next two vehicle. gi',
hand grenades and brought .50 caliber and .30 caliber machine gun
fire on the remaining five vehicles, while the M10's opened fire on
the rear of the column with three-inch H.-E. to prevent a with-
drawal. In all, eight enemy vehicles and 240 enemy troops were
destroyed.
Battle of the Seine River
The Battalion Commander, Lieutenant Colonel vtilliam Hernandez,
wont out to contact Company A on 29 August 1944; and while directing
fire on enemy tanks, was killed at 1630 hours near DOUAINS, France.
Major William J. Gallagher, Battalion Executive Officer, assumed
command of the Battalion at 1700 hours, same date. In the same
action in which Lieutenant Colonel Hernandez was killed, Corporals
O'Brien and Tartaglia, 3d Platoon, Company A, each destroyed a Mark V
tank at 1700 yards range just west of DOUAIJS, while the platoon had
one 110 Tank Destroyer knocked out.
Drive to the Belgian Border
On 27 August 1944, the 5th Armored Division with the 628th
Tank Destroyer Battalion attached was relieved of assignment to
Third Army and XV Corps. On 30 August 1944, the 5th Armored Division
was given the mission of marching direct to the Belgian border with
the least possible delay. The Battalion left bivouac near GUERVILLE,
France, at 0730 hours on 30 August 1944, with CCB. It passed through
the outskirts of PARIS and continued on through SENLIS, COIPEIGNE
136
Forest, NOYEN, GUISCARD, VILIENEUVE, and VALENCIENNES, arriving at
CONDE, France, on the Belgium border at 2330 hours on 2 September 1944.
Battle of the Hurtgen Forest
On 23 October 1944, the Battalion moved to the vicinity of
KALTERERBERG, Germany, where for the first time since entering
combat civilian homes were utilized for billets, a policy which was
continued from that date until the end of hostilities. On 1 Novem-
ber 1944, the new Ni36 Tank Destroyers equipped with the 90mm guns
arrived to replace the 0l's with the three-inch guns in the three
firing companies.
On 3 December, CCA with Company A attached, was further
attached to the 4th Infantry Division in their attack on STRAUSS,
Germany, while Company B was attached to CCOB on indirect fire mis-
sions. The battle of the UJRTGEN Forest in Germany was by far the
most intense period of combat experienced by any unit in this Bat-
talion, and full credit can be paid to CCR and Company C for their
outstanding combat record in this engagement. This was the area
that the enemy had been able to strongly fortify and were determined
to protect, as it controlled the approaches to the vitally important
network of dams which fed into the ROER River area. To the north,
British and American units were approachiing the west bank of the
ROER but could not cross until the network of dams in the hills
above their positions were held by our forces, It was known that
the German plan of defense was based on their ability to hold these
dams to the last possible minute, and then release this vast supply
137
of water to flood the entire ROER River area.
Enermy artillery employment in the HURTGEN-BERGSTEIN area was
the heaviest encountered. The artillery fire was such as to confine
tank crews oto their tanks for hours at a time, and air bursts and
shrapnel caused many casualties to the men in the open M36 turrets.
One 036 of Company C hit a mine in the vicinity of BERGSTEIN on 6
December 1944, and the crew climbed into another 1136 for protection.
Shortly afterwards, however, this other i36 with both crews aboard
received a direct hit in the open turret with a white phosphorous
shell. As the result of this experience, plans were immediately
started to build an armored turret top for all tank destroyer
vehicles. This modification for all M36 Tank Destroyer vehicles
was finally completed in January 1945 and proved invaluable in
combat on a number of subsequent occasions.
Battle of the Ardennes
Upon the arrival of all units in the new area around 1400
hours on 24 December 1944, Company A took up a defensive position
in SOY, Belgium; Company B was attached to the 83d Reconnaissance
Battalion, 3d Armored Division, and took up defensive positions in
the vicinity of GI{ANDv NIL, Belgium; Company C, Reconnaissance
Company, and the Battalion Forward CF were established in EREZEE,
Belgium; and Headquarters Company and the Battalion rear echelon
elements moved into BOM L, Belgium. No one knew just how near the
enemy had approached, but it did not take long to find out. Company
A's position in SOY, Belgium, came under artillery fire shortly after
138
their arrival, and the enemy launched a small infantry counterattack
which approached to within 200 yards of Company A's position before
withdrawing. At 0130 hours., 25 December 1944, the 2d Platoon,
Company B, had a road block established in GiRANDINIL, Belgium,
when an enemy armored column was heard approaching the concealed
position. Sergeant Moser, Tank Destroyer Gun Commander, permitted
the leading enemy vehicles to come up to 25 yards of his position
before opening fire, and then in quick succession knocked out the
first two tanks at almost pointblank range, both of which were later
identified as Mark V's. This caused the other vehicles in the enemy
column to withdraw, and no further attempt was made by the enemy to
utilize this GRAiNDENIL-EREZEE-SOY road network which they needed
to properly protect their northriern flank. Later in the same day,
members of Company B3 found two hark V tanks abandoned by the German
crows because they were out of gas; and these two enemy tanks were
also destroyed.
The Roer to the Rhine River
Company B attached to CCB was the first unit of the Bat-
talion to cross the ROER at LINNICH, Germany, on 25 February 1945,
and the remainder of the Battalion followed the next day with Com-
pany A attached to CCA, Company C to CCR, and Battalion Headquarters,
Headquarters Company, Reconnaissance Company, headquarters the Pioneer
Flatoon, and Medical Detachment moving with Division Artillery Head-
quarters. The initial assembly area east of the ROER River was in
the vicinity of KOFFERN-HOTTORF, Germany. All elements of the 5th
139
Armored Division then swung to the north, capturing RATH, ERKELENZ,
HARDT, RHEINDALEN,. RBEYDT, bypassing UNCHEN-GLADI CH and continuing
through VIERSON, ANRATH, HULS, TONISBURG, AND .VLUYNHEIDE where the
Battalion CP was established on 4 March 1945. Company A in the
meantime had proceeded with CCA in the attack against KREFALD, while
Company C continued with. CCR in the attack on REPELEN and ORSOY on
7 March 1945.
140
APPENDIX III
704TH TANK DESTROYER BATTALION
Training
The 704th Tank Destroyer Battalion was probably better known
to the Germans than it was to the people within the United States.
The nucleus of the 704th was formed on 15 December 1941 from
Battery D, 22d ±ield Artillery Battalion of the 4th Armored Division
at Pine Camp, New York, where it was attached to the 4th Armored
Division for training.
The first commander of the 704th was Lieutenant Colonel
Storck who relinquished the command to his executive officer, iajor
Oden, who soon received nis promotion and commanded the battalion
until Orleans, France.
After receiving its basic training with the 4th Armored
Division at line Camp, New York, the 704th packed its equipment in
early September 1942 and proceeded to the Tank Destroyer Center at
Camp Hood, Texas, for a three months training period where a fuller
knowledge of tactics and the use of equipment could be gained.
During this three months period, the battalion put emphasis
on gunnery, camouflage, cover and concealment, and the employment
of tank destroyer companies and platoons with armored units.
Specifically, great emphasis was put on fire and maneuver
and individual tank destroyer versus tank tactics. These tactics
involved agile maneuvering by a tank destroyer so as to place it in
141
a position to fire at enemy tanks in.their most vulnerable areas--
their sides, suspension systems, or their rear..
From January to August 1943,. the 704th ianeuvered with the
4th Armored Division in the California Desert. During these maneu-
vers, it was found that in the majority of problems the battalion
could be better utilized if the companies were attached to the major
~ia~! elements, such as a combat command. In many instances, platoons
were attached to reinforced tank battalions.
It was thought that by using the tank destroyer companies
or platoons decentralized from battalion control, a better dispersion
of the tank destroyers would be brought about, thus giving the tank
destroyers a better opportunity to be used in their primary role--
that is, antitank.
In late August 1943,. the 704th moved with the 4th Armored
Division to Camp Bowie, Texas,. where it underwent physical condition-
ing training and the Army Ground Force combat tests.. The latter
consisted of small unit problems where a platoon leader would be
given a situation such as that of a German tank attack against a
defended position. The tankcdstroyer' platoon leader and his platoon
would then be graded on the following techniques used in deployment:
setting up firing positions; maneuvering to the enemy flanks; and
the degree of chance taken in a simulated tank destroyer versus tank
action.
A considerable amount of attention was given the tank des-
troyer versus tank technique,. inasmuch as the tank destroyers were
142
simply 76mm guns mounted on a medium tank chassis with only three-
eighths inch armor plate for protection against small arms fire.
Since the gun crews had no armor or a turret for protection, this
mea:t that tiey would be completely ,t the mercy of any enemy weapon
of .50 caliber or larger. Also, the crews would be exposed to any
type of overhead fire in their opon vehicles.
On 18 February 1944, the 704th left the States and arrived
15 days later at Liverpool, England. From there the battalion en-
trained for Trowbridge, England, where the next four months were
spent in final preparation for the job ahead.
This preparation consisted mainly of review training of
everything learned in the States. From time to time., the tank des-
troyer companies maneuvered with the 4th Armored Division which was
unarby. These maneuvers consisted mainly of small unit problems
similar to those in the California Desert.
143
APPENDIX IV
8:23D TANK DESTROYER BATTALION
Training
The 823d Tank Destroyer Battalion was activated 25 July 1942
at Camp Carson, Colorado. Major (now Colonel) Charles B. McClelland
was tho battalion commanding officer; Captain (now Lieutenant Colonel)
Robert W. Rayburn was the battalion executive officer. A small
officer cadre and a 77 enlisted men cadre was furnished by the 804th
Tank Destroyer Battalion. Fifteen new officer graduates of the
Cavalry School were assigned from Fort Riley, Kansas.
The battalion remained at Camp Carson for about six weeks,
conducting cadre training and orientation of newly commissioned
officer personnel. The unit participated in a good amount of
nountain-climbing during this period for the purpose of physical
conditioning. The battalion climbed Pikes Peak in August 1942 and
claims to be the first military unit to accomplish this, in formation.
On 9 September 1942 the 823d moved to Camp Livingston,
Louisiana. At this time it was still in a cadre status, with only
the minimum essential items of TO&E equipment. On or about 1 October
it received 250 fillers from Camp Robinson, Arkansas, plus its general
purpose vehicles. Basic training was then conducted until about
1 January 1943, when it received 400 newly inducted men from Texas
and California. On 5 January the battalion was transferred to the
Basic Unit Training Center, Camp Bowie, Texas. This center was a
144
subordinate command of the Tank Destrtoyer Center at Camp Hood,
Texas.
Individual training, basic and advanced, .was completed at
Camp Bowie, and on 13 April the battalion moved to Camp Hood, coming
under control of the Advanced Unit Training Center, the Tank Des-
troyer Center, At this time, the outfit was converted to a towed
t-nk dostroyer battalion (3-inch gun) and received its first major
items of equipment, a few 3-inch guns and halftracks. At this
time, a strenuous 3-month training program, including weapons and
tactical training, was undertaken. During May, McClelland was
transferred to command the 101st Cavalry Group, and Lieutenant
Colonel Paul B. Bell, FA, assumed command of the battalion.
The battalion completed its proficiency firing tests with
the highest score then recorded for a towed tank destroyer unit.
Other proficiency tests culminating the end of the training period
at Camp Hood were accomplished in an excellent manner, and on 31
July 1943, the battalion moved to Camp Claiborne, Louisiana.
At Camp Claiborne, the battalion was given additional train-
ing tests by Headquarters, 1st Tank Destroyer Brigade. Then came
the series of 6, 12, 18, and 25-mile road marches. In September the
battalion left for Third Army maneuvers in the Louisiana Maneuver Area
where it was attached to ,the 84th, 99th, 102d, and 103d Infantry
Divisions, respectively. The battalion completed maneuvers around
the 15th of November with an overall rating of Excellent, the only
tank destroyer battalion to receive this rating during this particular
145
phase of r:aneuvers.
Upon return to Camp Claiborne, it was given the mission of
preparing for AGF tests - tactical, physical, equipment, etc., and
getting every individual qualified for POM. About this time,. Bell
was transferred, and the battalion executive, Major Edward A. Cos-
toriris, assumed command. In January 1944 the battalion took its
various AGF tests, which it passed with high scores, particularly
the AGF physical tests. Around the 1st of February, Major (later
Lieutenant Celcnel) Stanley Dettmer assumed command. During February
Major General Frank v. Milburn, Commanding General, XXI Corps, with
representatives of the Inspector General, U. S.- Army, inspected the
unit.
Late in February the battalion received its alert orders
from the War Department. All equipment other than that prescribed
as minimrnu ossential by POM instructions was turned in, last-minute
personnel changes were effected, and on or about 8 March it moved
by rail to Camp Miles Standish, near Taunton, Massachusetts. The
advance detail consisting of two officers had departed for England
in late February. The battalion was scheduled to sail during the
latter part of March, but the ship earmarked for it developed
mechanical trouble, It did sail from Boston aboard the "SS Sea
Porpoise" on 6 April 1944.
146