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Early Horizon Architecture at Huambacho, Nepea Valley, PeruAuthor(s): David ChicoineReviewed work(s):Source: Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Spring, 2006), pp. 1-22Published by: Boston UniversityStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40024715 .Accessed: 03/10/2012 09:34

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Early Horizon Architecture atHuambacho, Nepeiia Valley,Peru

David ChicoineUniversity of East AngliaNorwich, United Kingdom

Investigations n 2003 and 2004 at Huambacho PV3 1-103), lower Nepena Valley,yielded ignificant data to assess he nature of Early Horizon (900-200 B.C.) rchitectureon the north-central oast of Peru. In Nepena, the Initial Period (1800-900 B.C.)

mounds, uch as Cerro Blanco and Punkuri, are superseded y several nclosure complexes,and new concepts f architecture appear n the archaeological ecord. This paper highlightsthe new architectural forms and presents videnceregarding building technology, unc-tion, and spatial organization. The research ndicates he existence, y800 cal B.C., f anew architectural anon inspired by the local nitial Period radition, and significantlydifferent rom that which s known at coeval ites associated with the so-called ChavinCult. Data from Huambacho contribute o our understanding f the changes hatoccurred n the region after the demise of Initial Period centers nd our understanding fthe social complexity nd ceremonial variability hat characterized he Early Horizon.

Introduction

In recent years, archaeologists and anthropologists havebecome increasingly aware of the dynamic and heteroge-neous aspect of early complex societies. Research outside

large centers and core areas reveals insights into the vari-

ability that characterizes more peripheral sociocultural for-mations and underscores the importance of their study for

understanding broader, supra-regional developmental tra-

jectories (Schortman and Urban 1994; Schwartz and Fal-coner 1994).

In the Central Andes, scholars have applied differentmodels to explore inter-regional interactions and cultural

variability Burger and Matos Mendieta 2002; Lau 2005;Stanish 2003). Most attention has been given to politiesand the social and economic asymmetries between centersand client communities. Archaeologists have emphasizedthe role of political subjugation in the development of so-cial complexity, exploring many aspects of core initiativesand inter-regional nteractions, such as territorial conquest(Moseley et al. 1991), imperial expansion (Goldstein2005), and religious proselytism (Patterson 1968). Mean-while, case studies of groups outside or bordering core ar-eas, critical n shedding light on the unity and heterogene-ity of prehistoric Andean societies, have remained a low re-search priority.

In Peru, issues of sociocultural unity and heterogeneityare particularly mportant to the study of the Early Hori-zon and the so-called Chavin phenomenon

(Burger1988).

The Early Horizon (ca. 900-200 B.C.) was a period of pro-found sociocultural reorganization and innovations in ma-terial culture. Various peoples in distant regions of Peru co-alesced into a widespread religious and exchange networktied to Chavin de Huantar, a ceremonial center in thenorth-central highlands (Burger 1992: 192-202). Whileour knowledge about developments at Chavin de Huantaritself has improved (Burger 1984; Lumbreras 1977; Rick2005), the role and geographical extent of the Chavin Cultin other regions and Early Horizon cultural variability n

general, remain obscure. New data and revised models of

regional development are needed to account for the cul-tural

variabilitythat characterized he

EarlyHorizon out-

side the Chavin religious network. As argued here, it ap-pears that certain communities were resistant o Chavin re-

ligious influence, as expressed in markedly different formsof architecture and public art. Public ceremonial buildingsare critical as a focus of study for they often embody groupaffiliations and stage activities perceived as intimately re-lated to ideological concepts and religious practices(Rapoport 1982: 191-192).

The resistance to Chavin influence was tested by an ex-amination of patterns of architecture at Huambacho, an

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2 Early Horizon Architecture at Huambacho, Nepena Valley, Peru/Chicoine

Figure 1. Map of Peru locating the principal coastal river valleys and the archaeological sites mentioned in

the text.

Early Horizon community established in the lower

Nepena Valley of coastal Peru (fig. i). Earlier archaeolog-ical work in this drainage suggested strong ties withChavin de Huantar (Tello 1933b, 1933c), but until re-

cently excavations yielded few Early Horizon architecturalcontexts. Meanwhile, intensive research in neighboringcoastal valleys produced important data for Initial Period

(ca. 1800-900 B.C.) societies and, by the same token,

pushed back the dating of many Nepena sites consideredChavin derivatives.

In 2003 and 2004, excavations by the Proyecto Huam-bacho yielded significant data on poorly known types of

Early Horizon architecture. Large-scale horizontal clearingbrought to light material evidence on the building tech-

nology, the function, and the overall spatial organization ofthe site. I use this evidence to define Early Horizon archi-

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Journal of Field Archaeology Vol. 31, 2006 3

tecture at Huambacho and discuss its implications for un-

derstanding the nature and affiliations of public ceremoni-

al settings in the lower Nepena Valley.The findings at Huambacho indicate the existence, by

the beginning of the Early Horizon, of new architecturalconventions inspired by the coastal Initial Period tradition.

Strong differences with earlier religious buildings, howev-er, suggest important changes experienced by Early Hori-zon groups. I argue that Huambacho architectural anons

developed as an alternative o and in relative solation fromthe Chavin interaction sphere, thus forcing revaluation ofcultural variability during the Early Horizon and the char-acter of religion, authority, and interaction in early Andeancivilization.

Previous Research on the Early HorizonIn Peru, the term Early Horizon'3 was introduced by

John Rowe (1960), in order to reduce the terminologicalambiguity that surrounded the so-called Chavin Periodor Chavin horizon (Tello 1943; Willey 1945). By defin-ition, the Early Horizon covers an arbitrary hronologicalunit which began with the first intrusion of Chavin influ-ence in the lea Valley and ended with the replacement ofresin painting by polychrome slip painted pottery (Rowe1962: 49). Notwithstanding a conspicuous lack of consis-

tency in its use, the Early Horizon, unlike the termChavin horizon (Burger 1993; Willey 1945), stands on-

ly for a block of time and is free of any implication of cul-

tural homogeneity (Burger 1988: 106). It is used here tosteer clear of assumptions of widespread developmentalstages implicit in the alternative Formative terminology(Lumbreras 1974: 49).

The Early Horizon runs from approximately 900 to 200B.C. (Lanning 1967: 25; Willey 1971: 84-85), and corre-

sponds to a period when an amalgam of regional develop-ments became linked through intensified religious andtrade networks. Many technological advances were made,either through innovation or improvement of Initial Peri-od traditions (Burger 1988: 129-131; Kembel and Rick2004: 54). The Early Horizon coincides with the spread ofthe Chavin Cult, and it is generally agreed that communi-

ties that participated n the Chavin network exchanged ob-jects, ideas, and possibly people. Ideological and religiousties were expressed through similar ritual paraphernalia,iconography, and public ceremonial architecture (Burger1992: 191-203). Different regions participated n various

ways, and to differing degrees, in the Chavin interaction

sphere. Indeed, Chavin religion could co-exist with othercoeval religious traditions (Burger 1988: 113-117).

As asserted by Richard Burger (1988, 1992), the influ-ence of the Chavin Cult ranged, by the Janabarriu Phase

(390-200 B.C.) at Chavin de Huantar (Burger 1981: 596),from Paracas on the south coast (Tello 1943) to Pacopam-pa in the north highlands (Rosas and Shady 1970) (fig. i).However, there are still many problems with the dating ofthe ceremonial core at Chavin de Huantar (Kembel andRick 2004: 62) and, despite sustained efforts, the Chavinphenomenon remains poorly understood, especially fromthe standpoint of regional cultural variability.

Discoveries at several coastal sites in the 1980s, as wellas revised dating for Chavin de Huantar itself (Burger1981), raised questions about the presence of Chavin in-fluence in certain regions and provoked debates on the val-ue of the concept of the Chavin horizon (Burger 1993; Po-zorski and Pozorski 1987a). The Nepena Valley was oftenat the core of the discussions, because of evidence of strongties between the local populations and Chavin de Huantar.In the 1930s, Julio C. Tello excavated spectacular culptedfriezes at Cerro Blanco and Punkuri (fig. 2), two sites heconsidered Chavin temples on the basis of resemblances narchitecture and public art (Antunez de Mayolo 1933; Tel-lo 1933a, 1933b, 1933c). For instance, at Cerro Blanco, asite composed of three platforms originally part of a singleU-shaped architectural complex (Bischof 1997), Tello ex-cavated a series of superimposed structures (Tello 1933a),the earliest of which was decorated with painted clay sculp-tures in a style that he interpreted as Chavin. On top of thatstructure, he found a second one made of conical mudbricks or adobes which he associated with the decline ofChavin influence in the valley. At Punkuri, Tello uncovereda stepped mound composed of two platforms linked by acentral stairway nside of which he discovered an oversizedsculpted snarling feline head (Antunez de Mayolo 1933:16). The walls were finely plastered and painted with low-relief friezes highly reminiscent, Tello argued, of Chavin deHuantar.

Overall, Tello used the presence of incised, fire-reducedmonochrome pottery sherds, in conjunction with the

iconographic content of the sculpted friezes, to promotethe idea of a pan-regional Chavin culture. In his view, thesites of Cerro Blanco and Punkuri were derivatives of high-land developments and coeval with a time when theNepena Valley came under the influence of Chavin deHuantar (Tello 1943: 136-138). Even though most ar-

chaeologists accepted Tello's ideas, which greatly con-tributed to the creation and acceptance of a Chavin hori-zon (Willey 1951: 11, 1971: 123), at least one archaeolo-

gist saw the Nepena-Chavin connection differently. RafaelLarco (1941) opposed Tello's view and suggested that thesites in Nepena predated the foundation of Chavin deHuantar. Stylistically, Cerro Blanco and Punkuri werelinked more closely, for Larco, to the north coast Cupis-

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Figure 2. Map of the Nepena Valley with the location of the sites mentioned in text. The inset showsriver valleys of the north-central coast of Peru.

nique culture which irst developed during he Initial Peri-od.

While here s debate concerning he chronological o-sition and significance f the Nepena mural riezes, CerroBlanco and Punkuri an be dated to the Initial Period onarchitectural and stylistic grounds (Daggett 1984:85-102). This interpretation s supported by discoveriesmade at several nitial Period sites such as Limoncarro nthe Jequetepeque Valley (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987b:43), Caballo Muerto at Huaca de los Reyes) n the MocheValley Pozorski 1976: 170-187, 305-324, 1980: 107),Pampa de las Llamas-Moxeke Pozorski and Pozorski1986: 400) and Cerro Sechin in the Casma Valley(Bonavia 1974: 30-35; Samaniego 1973: 42-51), andGaragay n the Rimac Valley Ravines 1975). Artwork atHuaca de los Reyes, or example, ompares avorably ithCerro Blanco and, like the Nepena temples, it was firstbuilt of stone and mud and only later of conical adobes

(Pozorski 976: 239). Beyond tylistic vidence, ecent x-cavations at Cerro Blanco (Koichiro Shibata, personalcommunication 2005) and Punkuri (Samaniego 1992)have yielded stratigraphic, eramic, and radiometric vi-dence which substantiates heir dating o the Initial Periodand their apparent emporal priority over the establish-ment and development f Chavin de Huantar. While thegap n our knowledge produced by this chronological lar-ification has attracted ittle scientific nterest (Burger 993:55), in Nepena, t forces archaeologists o reevaluate pre-vious models of Early Horizon cultural developments(e.g., Daggett 1987).

The Nepena Valley was visited by early xplorers nd ar-chaeologists e.g., Horkheimer 965; Kosok 1965; Mid-dendorf 1973 [1896]; Soriano 1941; Squier 1973 [1877];Tello 1933b, 1933c), but the most extensive surveys f thevalley were conducted by Donald Proulx (1968, 1973,1985) and Richard Daggett (1984). They identified a to-

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tal of 363 sites in the valley, more than 100 dating to the

Early Horizon. Based on surface evidence, their research

mainly focused on early cultural developments in order toposition sites chronologically and understand settlement

patterns, ceramics, and architectural raits. They suggestedthe existence of at least two distinct phases of Early Hori-zon development in Nepena (Proulx 1985: 221-235).

While the validity of their chronological frameworkawaits confirmation from excavated stratigraphic data,Proulx and Daggett's work allows the identification of dis-tinct types of architecture. A megalithic ype of architec-ture (Daggett 1983), mainly distributed in the upper sec-tion of the Nepena Valley, is best exemplified at ridge-topsites, such as Kushipampa, Huancarpon, and Quisque(fig. 2). At Kushipampa, for example, large enclosure

structures were made of finely cut stone blocks, larger-than-human lintels, and double-faced walls (Proulx 1968:96-99, 1985: 231). Daggett attributed at least three com-

plexes of stone-wall enclosures to the Early Horizon:

Caylan n the middle valley, and Samanco and Huambachoin the lower valley (Daggett 1984; Richard Daggett, per-sonal communication 1999). Many features distinguishthem from megalithic architecture, notably the extensiveuse of mud mortar, the smaller scale of the stonework, andtheir valley floor location (Daggett 1984: 213-218). Sur-face evidence collected by Daggett shows a strong connec-tion with similar complexes surveyed by Donald Collier

(1960), Donald Thompson (1961), and Shelia and

Thomas Pozorski (1987a) in the neighboring Casma Val-ley. For example, the sites of San Diego and Pampa Rosario

appear to share the same architectural layout. Indeed, test

pit excavations have dated the sites to the Early Horizon

(Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 51-70). Apparent differ-ences from Initial Period mounds like Las Haldas, SechinAlto, and Pampa de las Llamas Moxeke, led the Pozorskisto suggest that the Early Horizon in Casma was marked bya major cultural disruption. They go further and argue thatCasma was conquered by highland invaders (Pozorski1987: 25-28; Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 118-119; Po-zorski and Pozorski 1987b: 45). This interpretation s alsoused by Daggett to conclude that Nepena was essentiallyunoccupied at the start of the Early Horizon and... subse-quently settled by highlanders (Daggett 1987: 78).

While the decline of Initial Period coastal centers andthe origins of subsequent changes have provoked manydiscussions (Burger 1992: 184-190), most archaeologistsagree that coastal societies experienced a deep social, and

possibly environmental, crisis (Elera 1998; Onuki 2001;Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a). Burger (1992) and Wilson

(1988), for instance, see the extensive use of ridges and the

presence of several defensive fortifications as an index of

the instability triggered by the collapse of Initial Period so-cieties centered in the Casma Valley. Defensive structures,they argue, represent the most important focus of publicbuilding efforts during the Early Horizon (Burger 1992:188; Wilson 1988: 104).

Field ResearchThe Proyecto Huambacho (2003-2004) was undertak-

en to better understand Early Horizon societies in the low-er Nepena, especially their architecture and socioculturalcorrelates. Many sites of that time period have been iden-tified on the north-central coast, but very little evidencecomes from excavations such as those at Huambacho.

Large-scale surveys (e.g., Wilson 1988), test pits, and lim-ited excavations (e.g., Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a) were

preferred over extensive horizontal clearings and detailedarchitectural plans, making it difficult for archaeologists o

interpret the architecture, internal spatial organization,function, and dates of these sites (Moore 1996: 227).

The Site ofHuambaehoHuambacho, also known as Huambacho Viejo, occu-

pies a flat sandy plain (Pampa el Cementerio or Pampa delInca) on the southern margin of the lower Nepena. Bor-dered to the south by hills, it is located 8 km from the Pa-cific shoreline and at approximately 65 masl. The site lies

strategically at the limit of the cultivated valley floor andconsists of two distinct architectural compounds (the Main

Compound and the North Compound) connected by awall 75 m long. The two compounds originally covered anarea of more than 12 ha, but the recent encroachment ofcultivated fields has totally destroyed the North Com-

pound.A modern irrigation canal runs on the nw edge of the

site and has unfortunately destroyed part of the architec-ture. Some 80 m west of the canal runs an acequia (RioViejo), a seasonal water source which probably represent-ed the nw limit of the Early Horizon settlement. To the sw,the site is delimited by a modern cemetery adjacent o thePanamerican highway, located some 200 m from the Main

Compound. Across the Panamerican highway is CerroPopo, a granite hill of conical shape which stands almost200 masl. Structures are present on top of the hill, but theirrelation to the Huambacho site is unknown.

The Main Compound, which was the focus of the

Proyecto Huambacho, covers an area of 8.4 ha (400 x 210m) and is composed of a complex arrangement of court-

yards, corridors, and raised mounds (fig. 3). These struc-tures are remarkable or their diversity in size, quality ofconstruction and finish, and internal design and complexi-ty. Huambacho is dominated by two large sunken plazas

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Figure 3. Map of the Main Compound t Huambacho showing architecture nd excavation nits.

and two complexes of raised platforms. The site contrastswith Initial Period and Chavin-related ceremonial centers

by its lack of overall symmetry and absence of a centralaxis.

The archaeological site of Huambacho was first report-ed by Augusto Soriano (1941: 267), who identified it as aChimu provincial center. The first plan of Huambacho wasdrawn by Proulx in 1967 (Proulx 1968: 136, plan 20),who sampled surface ceramics and identified Moche, Cas-ma, and Chimu components. The abundance of Casma In-cised and Red- White-Black pottery sherds, combined withthe style of the architecture, ed him to suggest that themain occupation was during the Middle Horizon (ca. a.d.600-1000; Proulx 1968: 137). This interpretation wasreused by Wilson in his discussion of the so-called Red-White-Black Middle Horizon state (Wilson 1988: 334),and amended in 1995 by Daggett who recovered EarlyHorizon ceramics (Richard Daggett, personal communica-tion 1999).

Excavation results at Huambacho substantiate the mul-

ti-component nature of the site. Most architectural truc-tures were built as part of a single initial occupation repre-sented by 10 carbon samples (table i) dated to between2490 70 b.p. and 2250 40 b.p. (all dates reported as

b.p. are conventional uncalibrated radiocarbon years).Thcprimary construction and occupation of Huambacho

can be placed in the Early Horizon, between 800 and 200cal B.C., calibrated with a two-sigma range (Bronk Ram-

sey 2001, 2003). The primary Early Horizon occupationwas followed by several subsequent reoccupations repre-sented by intrusive burials (our excavations documented

20) and occasional squatter-like dwellings.

Methods

Most structures at Huambacho are still visible on thesurface. They are partially buried under a layer of wind-blown sand, but it was possible to make a plan of them. Ar-chitectural details such as entryways and pillars were sub-

sequently added to the plan after excavation. Based on sur-face information, the Main Compound was divided intofive operative sectors: South (SS), Central (CS), North

(NS), North Extension (NE), and Huaca-A (HA) (fig. 3).Distinct rooms were identified and given an area numberfollowed by the sector's abbreviation (e.g., A-l/CS for areaone of the Central Sector). For each sector, a distinct num-

bering sequence was used (e.g., A-2/SS and A-2/NE). Ex-cavation units, delimited in order to investigate specific ar-chitectural features, were oriented after the site layout(N41E).

A total of 29 units were excavated at Huambacho dur-

ing 23 weeks of fieldwork over two seasons. Excavations

sampled an area of approximately 4500 sq m and allowed

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Journal of Field Archaeolqgy/Vol. 1, 2006 7

Table 1. Radiocarbon assays from the 2003-2004 fieldwork at Huambacho._uqi2C

Provenience ithin the main compound analytic no. Material correction 14C years B.P.* One-sigma rangef Two-sigma angef

Huaca-A, A-5/HA, Unit 23, Burial 197085 Maize cobs) -11.6 1850 60 a.d. 80-240 a.d. 20-340Huaca-A, A-l/HA, Unit 19, Burial 197084+ Maize cobs) -10.7 1960 40 20 b.c.-a.d. 110 50 b.c.-a.d. 130Huaca-A, A-7/HA, Unit 26, Floor-2 197087+ Maize cobs) -12.3 2250 40 390-200 B.C. 400-200 B.C.Central ector,A-4/CS, 185372 Maize -9.1 2350 70 760-250 B.C. 800-200 B.C.Unit 4, fill beneath Floor-

Huaca-A, A-5/HA, 197088 Charcoal -23.0 2360 60 760-370 B.C. 800-200 B.C.Unit 23, beneath ramp Floor-2)

North Extension, A-l/NE (Plaza-B), 197089 Plant material -10.2 2360 60 760-370 B.C. 800-200 B.C.Unit 25, fill beneath Floor-

North Extension, A-l/NE (Plaza-B), 197090 Manioc -24.1 2370 70 760-380 B.C. 800-200 B.C.Unit 25, fill beneath Floor-

Huaca-A, A-10/HA, Unit 19, Floor-2 197091 Charcoal -25.3 2370 70 760-380 B.C. 800-200 B.C.Central ector,A-3/CS, Unit 18, fill beneath Floor-1 185375 Plant material -9.8 2410 50 760-400 B.C. 770-390 B.C.North Extension, A-2/NE, Unit 15, Floor-1 185374 Maize cobs) -9.1 2420 60 760-400 B.C. 770-390 B.C.Central ector,A-3/CS, Unit 4, fill beneath Floor-1 185373 Plant material -23.6 2480 60 770-510 B.C. 790-410 B.C.Huaca-A, A-7/HA, Unit 21, fill underneath loor-1 197086 Maize stalks) -12.0 2490 70 770-510 B.C. 790-410 B.C.

* Conventional ncalibrated adiocarbon years 13C/12C orrections applied).t Calendar ears alibrated using he OxCal 3.9 software Bronk Ramsey 001, 2003) after atmospheric ata rom Stuiver t al. 1998.XAnalyzed with Accelerator Mass Spectrometer.

the investigation of 50 distinct rooms or areas. This repre-sents more than 60% of the total number of rooms esti-mated for the Main Compound (ca. 80). Excavations fo-cused on the horizontal clearing of specific architecturalstructures in order to understand their organization and

layout. Layers of sand and debris were removed with the

objective of clearing occupation floors to allow the record-

ing of architecture and associated artifacts.At Huambacho, the bulk of the Early Horizon occupa-

tion floors were found less than a meter below the surface.In most areas, they were set up directly on the sandy pam-pa (plain) and were partially destroyed, especially aroundthe pillars and the walls. The general stratigraphic equencefrom the top was windblown sand (ca. 15-20 cm), debrisof collapsed Early Horizon structures (a layer of stone,mud mortar, and sand; ca. 50-100 cm), sand, dirt, and re-mains associated with occupational floors (ca. 10-15 cm),and clay floors (ca. 5 cm). Contexts were carefully excavat-ed and sifted using i/8-inch screen (ca. 3 mm). Test pits be-low the floor level were made to investigate the buildingtechniques. In the case of raised structures, excavationswere continued beneath the floor level in order to sampleconstruction fill materials and techniques, as well as to doc-ument possible superimposed structures. On one occasion,a superposition of three occupational floors was discov-ered. When natural or cultural layers could be delineatedwithin the architectural ill stratum, their division was fol-lowed. Otherwise, or if greater accuracy was needed, thefill was divided into arbitrary ayers of 10 cm.

Excavation Results

Excavations at Huambacho yielded representative sam-

ples of Early Horizon architecture and cultural materials.The latter mainly came from refuse deposits associatedwith construction fill, but also from occupation floors.

They include broken ceramics (ca. 4000 diagnostic sherds),mainly cooking and serving vessels (neckless jars or ollasand open shallow bowls, respectively), grater bowls, pan-pipes, spindle whorls, and discs. Stone bowls, mortars and

pestles, war club heads, and jet mirrors were also recov-ered. Further, several blue and white woven textiles were

preserved along with Spondylus shell beads, bone imple-ments, gourd containers (Lagenaria iceraria), and culinaryremains. Overall, preliminary analyses of the artifact as-

semblages are consistent with the architectural evidenceand suggest that public ceremonial activities were carriedout at Huambacho.

Architecture t HuambachoThe architecture demonstrates the existence of well-de-

fined building conventions. The majority of wall structureswere constructed of granitic stone laid in silt-clay mortar.The stones were likely quarried rom outcrops of the near-

by Cerro Popo hill located some 350 m sw of the site.

Many stones feature a rectangular notch removed from oneof the corners. In situ examples show that these notchedstones were laid in the corners of walls and pillars. Thefoundations of the walls were set directly in the sand and

gravel of the valley plain. Walls themselves were consis-

tently erected following the so-called orthostatic tech-

nique using stone slabs, or orthostats, set upright at thebase of a structure o form the lower section (Fleming, Ho-nour, and Pevsner 1999: 416). The technique has been re-

ported in coastal Peru in pre- and post-Early Horizon con-

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Figure 4. Decorative clay cones discovered on top of the east outer wall-platform of Plaza-A. Note the step motifs sculpted into the bases of the cones (scale in the photo is 20 cm).

texts at Cupisnique and Salinar period sites, respectively(Brennan 1980: 6; Campana 2000: 43; Cotrina et al.2003: 9). At Huambacho, stone slabs (up to ca. 80 cm

long) were set vertically in the ground, with their lowersections buried, in order to create a chamber. Slabs wereheld together by mud mortar and the chamber was filledwith smaller stones and rubble. Subsequent layers of flat,quarried stone and mud mortar were then placed horizon-

tally on top of the orthostats. The exterior facades of mostwalls were smoothed and covered with white plaster, somestill bearing fingerprints. Specific areas were richly deco-rated with painted murals and sculpted clay friezes.

Four examples of adobe walls were documented duringthe excavations. The adobe walls are uneven, unplastered,and represent additions to, and modifications of, earlier

spaces. The adobe bricks are of rectangular hape, but most

specimens were cut and reduced to make them fit into thewall matrix. No conical adobes, common at Initial Periodmonumental sites, were discovered at Huambacho. Small-er unfired conical clay objects were used, however, to or-nament some public spaces, notably the sunken plazas.Though morphologically akin to conical adobes (see Shi-mada 1981: 417, fig. 15), the decorative cones discov-ered at Huambacho are unique in terms of their size andfunction. They average 16 cm long and 13 cm in diameterand have flat, smooth bases decorated with incised geo-

metric designs. The conical parts are poorly finished; im-

prints of canes and stone can often be identified on them.Excavation results indicate that decorative cones were in-

serted in specific sections of wall and roof structures n sucha way as to allow their motifs to be seen. More than 200

specimens of these decorative clay cones were recovered

during the excavation of collapsed structures (fig. 4).The stonework at Huambacho shows a high degree of

formal continuity and, even though isolated examples of

roughly made walls were identified, good workmanship isa characteristic f the architecture. Little variation was not-ed in the dimensions, the orientation, or the organizationof structures. The use of a measurement system was con-firmed by the discovery, in A-3/HA, of wooden stakes stillin place at the base of certain walls and pillars. Similar sur-

vey devices have been reported from other early coastal

sites, where they were apparently used to align structuresand guide masons in their work (Grieder 1975: 102-103).The high quality of the stonework at Huambacho contrasts

sharply with the domestic structures and habitation

dwellings documented at other Early Horizon sites such asLas Haldas (Grieder 1975: 103; Matsuzawa 1978) andSan Diego (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987b: 54), suggestingthat the Main Compound at Huambacho represented anarchitectural complex of special significance for the local

population.

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Figure 5. Rectangular pillars found during the excavation of the se corner of Plaza-B.

Architectural nitsIn terms of its internal spatial organization, Huamba-

cho was organized as a complex of repeating, standardized

rectangular architectural nits. In particular, t appears hatthe builders had a strong understanding of architecturalconventions which they expressed in distinct and highlyrecognizable room types with rigid internal spatial organi-zation. The access system is one of the most striking exam-

ples of rigid planning; all excavated examples of entranceswere located in the corners of rooms. Moreover, entrywayswere frequently baffled and/or complemented by a narrow

passageway. When necessary, wooden posts and/or stonewalls were built to prohibit visual access to certain areas

and to make the interior activities invisible to outsiders.This helped to insulate the spaces from wind, sand, andsound. It also illustrates an intention to control the move-ments and the flow of people within the Main Compound.

Architectural units at Huambacho are rectangular. Mostunits are contiguous and typically organized as patiogroups with interior colonnades. The apparent absence of

typical, ndependent dwelling units with benches, sleepingareas, or food processing facilities argues for the non-resi-dential nature of most buildings. The Huambacho com-

munity could have extended outside the immediate vicini-ty of the Main Compound public ceremonial core, howev-er. Unfortunately, Huambacho has suffered from modernhuman activities and most of the surroundings are undercultivation. Parallels can nevertheless be drawn with other

early coastal centers. For instance, at Montegrande, a Cu-

pisnique site in the upper Jequetepeque Valley, excavationsled by Michael Tellenbach (1986) have shown that the cer-emonial core of the site was surrounded by fine elite resi-dential architecture while commoner habitations, made of

perishable materials, were established on the periphery ofthe site.

At Huambacho, four room types could be recognized:colonnaded patio rooms, restricted storage facilities,

backrooms, nd sunken plazas. A total of 18 colonnadedpatio rooms were excavated. The data indicate very rigidspacing with colonnades of rectangular pillars averaging 60x 50 cm set at a distance of approximately 2 m from the in-terior faces of the walls (fig. 5). These pillars supported aroof structure made of perishable materials as evidenced bythe numerous cane imprints found in the debris of col-

lapsed roofs. Patio rooms were unroofed in the center andone to four sides were roofed. The size of the patios varies

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Journal of Field Archaeology Vol. 31, 2006 1 1

Figure 7. View from the west of the ne corner of the sunken area of Plaza-A showing the outer wall-

platforms, inset staircase, and low-relief clay friezes. Note the pairs of niches at the base of the pillars.

recovered from the sand fill; since later architectural addi-tions at Huambacho contained large amounts of refuse,this suggests Plaza-A was built prior to the occupation of

the site. Plaza- As wall-platforms were topped with a floor,and covered with a roof structure. The roof was made of

perishable material, as evidenced by the remains of wood-en beams, fragments of canes, cane imprints, and a row of

supporting rectangular pillars averaging 70 x 60 cm. Sur-face survey revealed two pairs of inset stairways on the eastand west walls connecting the top of the walls with thesunken area. One staircase was excavated n the ne corner(fig. 7); it is 1.3 m wide and composed of seven steps, each

step averaging 55 cm in depth. The staircase was erectedwith finely cut stone slabs laid horizontally in the mortarand covered with white plaster. It is well-preserved, even

though the edges of the steps show traces of use.

A pair of graffiti depicting linear hatched designs faceeach other inside the staircase (fig. 8: k-l). Other exam-

ples of graffiti were collected from fragments of plasterfrom the collapsed areas of Plaza-A (fig. 8: a-g). Amongthese, various anthropomorphic and zoomorphic repre-sentations were noted, such as male anthropomorphs andbird figures. Graffiti have been reported from other earlycoastal sites in Peru such as Huaca Lucia and HuacaSoledad in the La Leche Valley (Shimada 1981: 420-421,1986: 177-179) and Cardal in the Lurin Valley (Burger

and Salazar-Burger 991: 281, fig. 4) where they were in-

terpreted as evidence for ceremonial activities.A series of rectangular pillars embedded some 50 cm in

the sand substrate were set into the floor. Pairs of rectan-gular niches were found near the base of each of the pillars(fig. 7). The niches transect the width of each pillar, creat-

ing holes through the supporting structures. Their exactfunction and significance are unknown, but they couldhave been decorative.

The excavation of the east and north walls yielded evi-dence of clay relief friezes. On the upper section of the in-terior wall, directly facing the sunken area, a series of step-and-rectangle motifs were sculpted in low-relief. Study ofthe west and south walls indicates that this decorative riezeran around the entire sunken area. The destruction of mostof the upper section of the wall makes it impossible toknow if the designs were repeated or were part of a morecomplex pattern. The iconographic content of the friezematches the designs from decorative clay cones found dur-

ing the excavation of the debris of the collapsed walls, pil-lars, and roof structure of Plaza-A (fig. 4). Most of thesecones were found between the colonnades and the exteriorwall, suggesting they adorned either the exterior wall, theroof structure, or both. Additionally, we discovered sec-tions of collapsed walls with in situ specimens. Thus, themotifs depicted on the cones were probably organized as a

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Figure 8. Graffiti discovered in the debris of the collapsed walls of Plaza- A (A-G) and Huaca-A (H, I),and in situ on a Plaza-B pillar (J), and inside the ne staircase of Plaza-A (K-L).

decorative register complementary to the clay friezes of thesunken area and, possibly, the niches at the base of the pil-lars. Some variation was noted in the geometric designs ofthe clay cones, but most specimens depicted variants of

simple or double step motifs and zigzag motifs.More mural decoration was noted on the south wall of

the corridor connecting Plaza-A with A-5/NS to the north.We identified a poorly preserved wall mural, sculpted inthe wet clay, depicting a marine animal or a serpent com-

plemented by several angular geometric forms. It is possi-ble that the depiction was part of a larger and more com-

plex mural scene.Plaza-A appears o have been engineered to host a large

number of people involved in public activities. It standsout as the largest enclosed space at the site and, according-ly, the elaborate inish and decoration given by the builders

clearly suggests that Plaza-A was meant to be seen by visi-tors and to impress them, as has been reported from othersites in coastal Peru (Pillsbury 1996; Quilter 2001). An iso-metric reconstruction of Plaza-A shows how the sunkenarea was enclosed within the outer wall-platforms and howthe clay friezes, niched pillars, and decorative cones wouldhave been organized (fig. 9). The floors of Plaza-A, as

throughout the complex, were relatively bare but some ar-tifacts were recovered. For example, directly on the floor ofthe north wall-platform, a broken black monochrome stir-

rup-spout bottle was collected (fig. 10). The lip of the bot-tle was thickened, and exhibited highly polished areas al-

ternating with zones of punctation. This zone punctatetype of decoration has also been reported at other EarlyHorizon sites on the north-central coast (Proulx 1985:

191-192, 194-196), as well as from Cupisnique Phasesites on the north coast (Larco 1941; Pozorski 1983).Complete specimens of this type of vessel are generally en-countered in funerary contexts.

Inside the sunken area, evidence for the consumption offood and drink came from the discovery of a broken neck-less jar or olla with a lateral pouring spout. This rare vessel

type was also documented at San Diego in the Casma Val-

ley (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 57, fig. 33). In addition,directly at the base of the ne staircase, wo gourd recepta-cles were found on the floor of the sunken area.

MAIN PLATFORM COMPLEX

Excavations east of Plaza-A revealed that Huambachoalso had areas for more restricted, private gatherings. The

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Figure 10. Broken reduced-fired stirrup-spout bottle found on the floor

of the north outer wall-platform of Plaza-A.

naded patios here lack interior architectural ornamenta-tion, such as low-relief friezes, decorative clay cones, orniches. In fact, the only evidence of wall decoration comesfrom the excavation of A-13/NS where fragments of low-relief clay modeling depicting zigzag designs were discov-ered in the debris of the collapsed north facade of A-3/CS.This location suggests, in contrast to Plaza-A, that the dec-orative features of the Main Platform Complex were de-

signed to be seen from outside, rather than from inside.

plaza-b

Plaza-B (A-l/NE) is a rectangular sunken court locatedin the North Extension Sector (fig. 3) that provides im-

portant data on Huambacho's architectural dynamics. Sec-tions of i ts walls have been partly destroyed and it present-ly measures 56 x 59 m. Plaza-B s adjacent o a complex of

courtyards o the east and appears o have constituted a dis-crete sub-compound, distinct from Plaza-A and the MainPlatform Complex. Excavation results demonstrate an ini-tial occupation of the North Extension Sector coeval withthe construction of the Central Sector, while Plaza-B rep-

resents a later addition. Radiometric evidence dated the oc-

cupation of A-2A/NE, a patio room east of Plaza-B, at

2420 60 b.p. (Beta-185374). The sample came from apit filled with maize cobs. Carbon samples of manioc

(Manihot esculenta) nd maize coeval with the constructionof the outer wall-platforms of Plaza-B dated to 2370 70b.p. (Beta-197090) and 2360 60 b.p. (Beta- 197089), re-

spectively.The layout of Plaza-B parallels hat of Plaza-A. The out-

er wall-platforms are roughly the same width as those ofPlaza-A and the sunken area was accessed through two

pairs of aligned inset staircases. Our excavations at Plaza-Bdocumented two superimposed phases of construction andalso recovered Early Horizon refuse materials used as fill.Colonnades of rectangular pillars were excavated on the

south and east walls (fig. 5). The south pillars each had asingle niche near their base reminiscent of those found inPlaza-A. A graffito depicting a sub-circular shape withcross-hatched ines (fig. 8: j) was also noted on one of thesouth pillars. Overall, the material evidence recovered romPlaza-B suggests another large enclosed public space, albeitsmaller and slightly later than Plaza-A. This architectural

pattern of adding and shifting public ceremonial spacescontrasts with earlier ceremonial centers, where renovation

programs often focused on mounding a single monu-ment over a long period of time or, in other words, byerecting larger buildings on top of previous ones.

HUACA-A COMPLEX

Investigations to the north of the Main Compound re-vealed another complex of raised patio rooms and corri-

dors, called Huaca-A (fig. 3); it is similar to the Main Plat-form Complex. Fieldwork at Huaca-A highlighted Huam-bacho's distinctive renovation programs and provided im-

portant data on site chronology. Ancient burial practices,recent looting, and agricultural activities have damaged thearchitectural remains. As a result, large amounts of shellrefuse and broken ceramics were found on the surface inthis area (see also Proulx 1968: 137). Also, a concentrationof large broken domestic jars some 90 m nw of Huaca-Awas observed. Excavations at Huaca-A cleared more than

400 sq m and revealed a complex building sequence char-acterized by a series of rebuilding and reuse episodes (fig.12). Three superimposed construction episodes, which wehave provisionally divided into Early, Middle, and Late

Phases, were identified.

During the Early Phase, Huaca-A was dominated by acentral room, A-l/HA. Early Phase occupation floors were

usually very well preserved and buried under large amountsof refuse material, n some places more than 2 m thick. Sev-eral test pits excavated below Early Phase floors indicate

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Journal of Field Archaeology Vol. 31, 2006 1 5

Figure 11. Isometric reconstruction of the Main Platform Complex. The inset shows the access sequencefor Sub-Compounds A and B.

that structures were built directly on the sterile sand stra-

tum. With the exception of A-3/HA no examples of colon-naded architecture were documented from Early Phasecontexts. In the sw section, adjacent to patio room A-

3/HA, a restricted rectangular room (A-8/HA) measuringapproximately 2.50 x 1.50m is interpreted as a storage fa-

cility.Most Early Phase occupation floors were found without

significant traces of activity. One exception was a concen-tration of ash on the floor of the central room. The ash de-

posit, which provided a charcoal sample, belonged to a lay-er of refuse and corresponds to the abandonment of the

Early Phase floor and the first burying episode or MiddlePhase modifications of the Huaca-A Complex. The char-

coal sample yielded an age of 2370 70 b.p. (Beta-197091). The result is largely consistent with an age of2360 60 b.p. (Beta- 197088) obtained from charcoalfound beneath an access ramp that was built as part of theMiddle Phase remodeling of A-5/HA (fig. 13).

Middle Phase constructions at the Huaca-A Complexbegan with raising the height of A-l/HA, and the buildingof an access ramp on i ts east flank. Floors of the structureswere raised some 2.5 m and walls and rectangular pillarswere erected on top of the architectural ill, superseding the

Early Phase structures. The raised platform area was divid-ed into distinct spaces. A-l/HA became a colonnaded pa-tio with a backroom, A-6/HA, directly to its south. Dur-

ing the Middle Phase, A- 1/HA, A-6/HA, and A-4/HA rep-resented the highest structures of the Huaca-A Complex.Excavation of A-3/HA, located directly south of A-6/HAand A-4/HA, provided evidence that the south facade ofthe raised complex was decorated with painted murals. Inthe debris of the collapsed walls, red and yellow pigmentswere observed on fragments of wall plaster. Evidence of

painting was also found on sections of collapsed walls. In-cisions in association with the paintings were noted and a

step-and-fret motif was identified. In addition, graffitiwere depicted on wall plaster fragments from A-3/HA(fig. 8: h-i), a large colonnaded patio linking the areawith the rest of the Main Compound.

At the Huaca-A Complex, the Late Phase architecturewas badly preserved. Surviving architectural emains sug-gest that Late Phase remodeling principally nvolved rais-

ing the height of rooms A-5/HA and A-7/HA to enlarge A-1/HA. The elevated structures of the Huaca-A Complex,by the Last Phase, came to cover more than 800 sq m.

For the most part, radiocarbon evidence corroboratesthe building sequence inferred from the architectural vi-

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Figure 12. Map of Huaca-A Complex showing the three construction phases and the carbon sample findspots.

dence. Excavation of the corridor north of A-l/HA yield-ed a sample of maize cobs dated to 2250 40 b.p. (Beta-197087). The cobs were secured from a layer of sand

trapped between the Middle Phase floor and the LatePhase construction fill. The date is consistent with two

dates obtained from Middle Phase construction fill and in-dicates that the corridor was still in use when Middle Phasemodifications took place. Further, a maize sample from amore superficial ection of the fill in A-7/HA yielded an ad-ditional date of 2490 70 b.p. (Beta- 197086).

Concluding Remarks: Perspectives on EarlyHorizon Architecture at Huambacho

An evaluation of the Early Horizon architectural vari-

ability at Huambacho leads to a number of conclusions.The site was built on a previously unoccupied fringe of thelower Nepena plain. The Main Compound at Huambacho

represents a planned, coherent building project. No exper-imentation or significant changes in the technological as-pect of the architecture were observed. Consistency wasnoted in the dimensions and alignment of a rather complexlayout of rooms, pillars, and baffled entryways, and thesame organizational eatures were repeated over both spaceand time. Radiocarbon assays suggest a period of no morethan 250 radiocarbon years for the entire Early Horizonconstruction of the Main Compound. A two-sigma rangecalibration of the radiocarbon evidence allows us to inferthat the Early Horizon construction of Huambacho is un-

likely to have begun before 800 cal B.C., nor continued af-ter 200 cal B.C. This interpretation was substantiated bythe discovery of intrusive Salinar period burials at Huaca-A dated 50 cal b.c.-cal a.d. 130 and cal a.d 20-340(table i). A time gap of almost 200 years thus appears be-

tween the last Early Horizon occupation and the first re-occupations of the site.

At Huambacho, some small storage facilities and back-rooms were documented, but the bulk of the architectureconsists of colonnaded patios. The excavation of several ofthese patios produced little evidence of domestic activities,and occupation floors were for the most part bare of arti-facts. In contrast, refuse deposits at Plaza-B and Huaca-A

yielded large amounts of serving vessels, ceramic panpipes,and culinary remains that point to the consumption of

food, mainly maize and shellfish, and drink, possibly maizebeer or chicha, as well as to musical performances as part ofactivities conducted at Huambacho. Although the analysisof refuse materials is preliminary, t suggests that the en-closed spaces were designed to accommodate public gath-erings of different sizes and composition.

The Huambacho architectural canon appears fully de-

veloped and is best illustrated by the use of the orthostaticwall building technique and interior colonnade forms. In

Nepena, orthostatic walls and rectangular pillars were alsodocumented by the Proyecto de Rescate ArqueologicoCHINECAS at VN-35 and VN-36 in the Sute Bajo area

(Cotrina et al. 2003 : 9). These architectural orms were not

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Journal of Field Archaeolqgy/Vol. 1, 2006 17

Figure 13. South profile of the south section of A-5/HA, Huaca-A Complex, showing the superpositionof three occupation floors, the composition of the architectural ill, and the location of a dated carbon

sample.

limited to the Nepena Valley; cases have been reportedfrom other Early Horizon sites on the north- central coastof Peru. In the Santa Valley, as in Nepena, most EarlyHorizon (Cayhuamarca Phase) sites were established n themiddle and upper sections of the valley (Wilson 1988:

100-140), but Las Huacas, a valley floor complex is locat-ed in the lower Santa Valley (Cardenas 1979: 10). Clearingof the Edificio de las Pilastras, radiocarbon dated to 1840 70 b.p. and 1930 70 b.p. (Ziolkowski et al. 1994:

399-402), revealed more than 20 pillars built of stone andmud mortar forming a large rectangular patio room (Car-denas 1979: 11, fig. 12).

In Casma, the sites of San Diego and Pampa Rosariowere major settlements built around the beginning of the

Early Horizon. Test pits yielded ceramics diagnostic of theEarly Horizon and confirmed by radiocarbon dates. San

Diego is dated between 2510 115 b.p. and 2245 60b.p. and Pampa Rosario between 2760 75 b.p., and2400 70 b.p. (Pozorski 1987: 17). Interconnected unitsof stone-walled enclosures, plazas, corridors, and low plat-form mounds have been described from these sites and ex-cavations revealed he presence of rectangular pillars at San

Diego. Also at San Diego, the remains of wattle and daub

dwellings suggest the site was an extensive habitation cen-

ter (Pozorski and Pozorski 1987a: 51-65). There may alsobe architectural imilarities with Early Horizon sites in theHuarmey Valley, directly south of Casma (Pozorski 1987:29; Thompson 1966). Further south, excavations and sur-face reconnaissance at the site of Chimu Capac in the SupeValley have brought to light the remains of pillars, dated tothe Early Horizon occupation phase of the site, and inter-

preted by Lisa Valkenier (1995: 275) as similar to thosefound at San Diego.

The evidence available suggests that a number of EarlyHorizon sites in coastal Peru, and especially n the Casma-

Nepena-Santa drainages, shared a typical architectural lay-out of rectilinear nterior colonnades. Further connectionsbetween these neighboring populations are evidenced bystrong similarities that exist between their artifact assem-blages-notably ceramic panpipes and discs, slate artifacts,stone bowls, and anthracite mirrors. In Nepena, the evi-dence from Huambacho indicates many similarities withthe Initial Period tradition of architecture as exemplified atCerro Blanco and Punkuri; as outlined by Larco (1966:52, 61), these two sites apparently had close ties with northcoastal Cupisnique populations.

Many Cupisnique centers have been reported on thenorth coast (fig. i): Huaca Lucia in the La Leche Valley

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18 Early Horizon Architecture at Huambacho, Nepena Valley, Peru/Chkoine

(Shimada, Elera, and Shimada 1983); Purulen in the Zaria

Valley (Alva 1988); Puemape, Montegrande, and Tem-

bladera n the Jequetepeque Valley (Elera 1998; Keatinge1980; Tellenbach 1986); Casa Grande in the Chicama Val-

ley; and Caballo Muerto and Huaca de los Chinos in theMoche Valley (Pozorski 1976; Watanabe 1979). Cupis-nique ceremonial centers are generally organized around aseries of relatively low platform mounds with forecourts.The most distinctive architectural feature of the Cupis-nique tradition is probably the use of conical adobes, aswell as rectangular and/or cylindrical pillars. Examples of

Cupisnique colonnaded architecture have been reportedfrom Huaca Lucia (Shimada 1986: 168, fig. 8.3), Purulen,Montegrande, Casa Grande, Caballo Muerto (or Huaca delos Reyes) (Pozorski 1980: 101), and Huaca de los Chinos.

For example, excavations at Huaca de los Reyes revealedthat the access to the main ceremonial mound was com-

plemented by colonnades of rectangular pillars which sup-ported a roof and masked a doorway (Pozorski 1983). AtCasa Grande rectangular clay pillars decorated with poly-chrome relief paintings were photographed by Paul Kosok

(1965: 109, fig. 32). Similar examples have also been re-

ported from Initial Period sites on the north-central coast.In Nepena, Tello reported the existence of clay pillars fromthe earliest structures at Cerro Blanco and Punkurf. AtPunkurf, or instance, the pillars were square-shaped, mea-

suring 42 cm on a side, and decorated with painted reliefs

(Antunez de Mayolo 1933). Furthermore, recent field-

work at Huaca Partida has revealed cylindrical pillars madeof canes and clay, along with polychrome mural paintings(Koichiro Shibata, personal communication 2005), remi-niscent of those encountered at the Initial Period sites ofTaukachi-Konkan Mound of the Columns) and Sechin Al-to in Casma (Pozorski and Pozorski 2002: 25-31, 40-41).By contrast, examples of colonnaded architecture are gen-erally rare at sites in the highlands, limited to the monu-mental cylindrical stone pillars found at Chavfn-relatedsites.

Preliminary analysis thus suggests a reconsideration ofthe relationship between Initial Period local groups basedat Cerro Blanco and Punkurf and subsequent Early Hori-zon populations. Notwithstanding many differences fromprevious Initial Period centers- such as the lack of conicaladobes, the disappearance of a central axis and the absenceof feline-related motifs- Huambacho architects drew up-on a number of earlier, local architectural concepts andideas. The most conspicuous are the use of the orthostatic

technique and the erection of rectangular pillars, but alsoincludes the innovative utilization of decorative clay conesin public art. This analysis challenges previous interpreta-tions about the origins of Early Horizon groups on the

north-central coast and suggests that Early Horizon pat-terns of architecture n Nepena are not without local an-

tecedents.In Nepena, the construction of Huambacho's distinc-

tive interior colonnaded architecture apparently followedthe abandonment of the temples of Punkurf and CerroBlanco. This is paralleled in Casma where, by the begin-ning of the 1st millennium B.C., most Initial Period com-

plexes had been abandoned (Pozorski 1987: 23). The Ini-tial Period sites are best characterized by massive central

mounds, central staircases, aligned circular sunken plazas,and lateral mounds reminiscent of the U-shaped traditionof the central coast (see Burger 1987; Williams 1985).These were superseded by a multitude of enclosure com-

plexes.Initial Period centers, both on the coast and in the high-

lands, tended to focus on a single building or monumentwhich was ritually entombed and renovated at different n-tervals n time (Burger 1992: 92). In contrast, the Huam-bacho data indicate an emphasis on multiple enclosed cer-emonial spaces. Overall, the presence of multiple sunken

plazas, raised mounds with distinct sub-compounds, and

graded access suggests a fragmentation in the ritual prac-tices of certain Early Horizon groups. Extensive samplingcould identify only three successive building programs at

any one locality, and the Proyecto Huambacho recoveredno evidence, such as offerings, attesting to the ritual en-tombment of earlier structures. Rather, the remodeling of

architectural eatures and the expansion of the ceremonialcomplex utilized rubbish as construction fill. Compared tothose in the Initial Period, Early Horizon public buildingprojects were relatively modest in size and probably served

only local needs; for example, the two sunken plazas atHuambacho covered an area of less than 10,000 sq mwhile one of the plazas at Pampa de las Llamas-Moxekecovered almost 200,000 sq m (Moore 1996: 152, basedon Pozorski and Pozorski 1986: 384, fig. 2).

It is clear that the sociocultural landscape of the Initial

Period-Early Horizon cultural transition in Nepena ismore complex than previously envisaged. For instance, it is

apparent that some communities in the lower Nepena did

not take part in the Chavfn religious network and devel-oped very distinct patterns of ceremonial architecture

(Burger 1993: 67); as such, the north-central coast of Pe-ru is a key area to study cultural variability during the Ear-

ly Horizon. While some settlements had prominentChavfn ties, such as Pallka n the upper Casma Valley (Tel-lo 1956), it is clear that coeval neighboring centers, such as

Huambacho, show negligible evidence of Chavfn influ-ence. Neither U-shaped structures nor circular unken pits,the two principal Chavfn architectural raits, were docu-

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merited during the excavations. Clay friezes at Huambachohave geometric motifs, such as steps and zigzag designs,and marine-related hemes; no Chavin related iconograph-ic elements could be recognized in mural sculptures and

paintings.The Early Horizon is seen by many archaeologists as a

time of widespread socioeconomic and military insecurityon the north-central coast (Daggett 1984; Pozorski andPozorski 1987a; Proulx 1985; Wilson 1988). Most sitesare ocated in the upper sections of valleys and research has

mainly targeted ridge-top settlements and defensive forti-fications. These sites are often interpreted as an index of so-

cio-political instability or as the single largest output of

public labor during the Early Horizon (e.g., Burger 1992:188). At Huambacho, this view is supported by the focus

on the closing of space and more restrictive access to theMain Compound. A basic concern for keeping people out-side certain spaces seems to have existed, but Huambachocannot be considered a prototypical defensive site (Topicand Topic 1987: 48-50). Despite apparent organizationaldifferences with previous Initial Period centers, the pres-ence of enclosed public spaces indicates that Early Horizonsocieties in the lower Nepena did continue to build andmake use of monumental ceremonial architectural com-

plexes. Innovations in public architecture seem to mark aclear shift in local ceremonial ife and probably reflect deep-er changes in the social organization.

This research shows the necessity for large-scale hori-

zontal clearing as a means of defining and further under-standing architecture and suggests the degree to which cer-emonial and religious variability characterized the EarlyHorizon. Excavations at Huambacho bring new insightsto a previously understudied architectural radition, and

provide evidence that expands our understanding of cul-tural variability and innovation in early coastal Peru.

AcknowledgmentsThis project was supported by grants from the Fonds

Quebecois pour la Recherche sur la Societe et la Culture,the Sir Richard Stapley Educational Trust, the GilchristEducational Trust, the Sir Philip Reckitt Educational Trust,and the Sainsbury Research Unit for the Arts of Africa,Oceania, and the Americas. Permission for excavations was

granted by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura under theResolution Directoral Nacional 623-04/INC. I owe manythanks to Victor Pimentel Spissu and Jeisen Navarro Vegawho co-directed the 2003 and 2004 field seasons respec-tively. I am also indebted to members of the field crew, es-

pecially France-Eliane Dumais, Alexandra Taillon-Pellerin,and Carol Rojas Vega. Fieldwork could not have been

completed without the support and participation of the

modern community of Huambacho El Arenal. Preliminaryversions of the manuscript benefited from insightful com-

ments by George Lau, Jean-Francois Millaire, RichardDeswarte, and Andrew Mills. Finally, suggestions fromRichard Burger and two anonymous reviewers were of

great value in shaping the final version of the paper.

David Chicoine s a Ph.D. candidate at the University fEastAnglia and has worked n coastal Peru since 1998. His inter-ests nclude architecture, he dynamics fancient political sys-tems, the development fsociocultural complexity, nd visualculture n the Andes. Mailing address: Sainsbury ResearchUnit, University f East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ, UnitedKingdom. E-mail: [email protected]

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