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Running Head: THE IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
The Imposter Syndrome, Identity, and Well-being
Department of Social Psychology
Tilburg School of Social and Behavioral Sciences
Tilburg University
Katharina Heby (353766)
Supervisor: Dr. Byron Adams
Second Assessor: Dr. Michael Bender
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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Abstract
This study aimed to develop a better understanding of the role identity plays in buffering
negative effects on employee well-being, as brought about by the imposter syndrome. When
evidently intelligent and capable people hold the belief not to be as good as others believe them
to be, this phenomenon is termed imposterism. Its prevalence in the workplace is widely
acknowledged, however its negative impact on well-being at work is not yet well understood.
This article argues that organizational identity and gender identity can somewhat protect against
the adverse effects of imposter cognitions on workplace well-being. Five issues were addressed
in one study conducted in South Africa: (1) if imposter fears will lead to decreased feelings of
work engagement and increased feelings of burnout, (2) if holding an organizational identity or
(3) a gender identity will lead to increased feelings of work engagement and decreased feelings
of burnout, and (4 and 5) whether organizational identity and gender identity will mitigate the
negative impact of the imposter syndrome on workplace well-being. Results showed that
imposter fears negatively impact workplace well-being, however, holding an organizational
identity directly improved well-being, whereas gender identity alleviated the effect of the
imposter syndrome on well-being directly, and indirectly. Findings indicated that imposter fears
seriously impair psychosocial functioning, and identities can play a key role in protecting well-
being.
Keywords: imposter syndrome, well-being, organizational identity, gender Identity
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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
The Imposter Syndrome, Identity, and Well-being
When a person beliefs not to be good enough to hold a certain occupation, this might
affect how well they are doing, both psychologically, and sociologically, within their work
environment. They think that their achievements are grounded on luck or the right timing,
instead of their own abilities or features. Experiences of the imposter syndrome are associated
with the feeling of being undeserving of successes, feeling like an actor, accompanied by the fear
of being discovered (Sherman et al., 2013). Imposter fears are mainly prevalent in the workplace,
leading to overworking, high levels of stress, and a sense of perfectionism (Laursen, 2008;
Jackson, 2014; Leonard & Harvey, 2008).
Persons with a strong sense of who they are may be to some extent protected against the
impact of the imposter syndrome. Two aspects of social identity important for how people define
themselves, are organizational identity (an identity that comprises central, enduring, and
distinctive characteristics that define the organization, Albert & Whetten, 1985) and gender
identity (which in its most basic variants classifies individuals as being either male or female,
Hornsey, 2008). The context in which an identity develops is important, and plays a more
important role in non-Western contexts, as identity is conceived to be more context dependent
(Adams, 2014).
Knowing who you are, having an identity, is argued to improve general well-being
(Adams, 2014; Haslam et al., 2009; Shamir & Kark, 2004; Van Dick, 2004). Broadly defined,
well-being is the degree to which individuals are happy or satisfied with their lives (Diener,
1984; Ryff & Keyes, 1995; Diener et al., 1999). As people spend most of their adult life
working, the work context determines to a large part an individual’s well-being (Gini, 1998;
Haslam et al., 2009).
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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Well-being relates to identity, both in theory and on an empirical level (Adams, 2014).
As identity informs well-being, it would be compelling to know if specific forms of identity
mitigate the effect of imposterism on workplace well-being, which forms the research question
of this study. Further, I will replicate Western theoretical models in a South African sample.
Therefore, I will more thoroughly examine the imposter syndrome, link the imposter
phenomenon to well-being within the field of Organizational Psychology, consider how identity
ameliorates imposter experiences, and extend theoretical knowledge on the imposter syndrome
within a non-western context.
The risks of feeling like a fraud – Imposter experiences and its implications for Well-being
In 1978, Clance and Imes defined the Impostor phenomenon as an “internal experience of
intellectual phoniness”. Despite being superior as professionals, individuals that experience the
imposter syndrome, feel like frauds. Kolligian and Sternberg (1991) use the terms imposter
syndrome and perceived fraudulence interchangeably, and argue that the heart of the imposter
syndrome as experienced by individuals are subjective experiences which lead them to overtly
falsify their own identities. Parkman (2016) defines imposter tendencies as the failure of correct
self-assessments with respect to performance. It has been argued that imposter experiences lead
to focus on external reasons for explaining successes, thereby strengthening beliefs of being
unintelligent or incapable in reality, which in turn causes experiences of clinical symptoms, such
as anxiety, low self-esteem, and depression, which hampers their psychological well-being
(Sakulku & Alexander, 2011; Kolligian & Sternberg, 1991; Dahvlig, 2013).
Kets de Vries (2005) defines imposterism as the subjective sense of fraudulence coupled
with an inability to internalize successes. He argues that “To some extent, of course, we are all
imposters. We play roles on the stage of life, presenting a public self that differs from the private
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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
self we share with intimates and morphing both selves as circumstances demand. Displaying a
façade is part and parcel of the human condition” (p.2). As such, imposter experiences are an
integral part of humans, and he attributes the phenomenon to the pressures society places on
people to conceal their true selves. This is in line with the definition offered by Kolligian and
Sternberg (1991), who argue that the imposter phenomenon is to be investigated on a continuum,
varying in strength, and present to some extent in almost all individuals.
The diversity of occupations in which the occurrence of imposterism was confirmed,
ranged from college students (Bussotti, 1990; Langford, 1990), to medical students (Henning &
Shaw, 1998), and marketing managers (Fried-Buchhalter, 1992). However, it becomes apparent
that imposter tendencies mostly concern occupations in which an image of intelligence is
essential to success. Moreover, it can increasingly be found in today’s organizations (Kets de
Vries, 2005).
What imposters jeopardize at work – Its implications for Psychological Well-being.
Well-being as a multifaceted construct has been focusing on the personal, social, and
contextual factors, which are crucial to positive psychological functioning (Adams, 2014; Ryff,
1989). General well-being has been defined as the ‘self-representations of subjective well-being
and distress’ (Fazio, 1977). Bradburn (1969) defined well-being as the extent to which an
individual experiences positive and negative affect, with high levels being experienced if
positive affect predominates over experiences of negative affect. Diener and Suh (1997) agree,
however they include life satisfaction as the cognitive component evaluating ones satisfaction
with life into the definition of well-being. Ryff (1989) sees well-being as constituted of different
factors, such as: relations with others, purpose and meaning in life, self-actualization, fulfillment
of mastery goals, and autonomy.
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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
More recently, goal-fulfillment and happiness have been included as aspects that are
crucial to the realization of well-being (Dodge et al., 2012). In essence, well-being can be
defined as subjective well-being or happiness. These include fundamental aspects such as life
satisfaction, self-actualization, and goal fulfillment (Deci & Ryan, 2006). Two aspects important
for workplace well-being are burnout and work engagement, which I will focus on in this study.
As an individual-level phenomenon, research has reported negative effects of imposter
tendencies on indicators of well-being at work (Vergauwe, 2015; Neureiter & Traut-Mattausch,
2016; McDowell et al., 2015; Grubb & McDowell, 2012; Jöstl et al., 2015). The imposter
phenomenon has been found to promote intense feelings of fraudulence in individuals facing
achievement-related tasks (Vergauwe et al., 2015), which is often preceded by high and
unrealistic goal setting and proceeded by self-defeating thoughts and behaviors when goal-
attainment fails (Kets de Vries, 2005). Hence, the associated perfectionism is rarely benign,
meaning that workaholism generally develops, adding to the risk of experiencing early burnout
(Kets de Vries, 2005). It seems therefore crucial to examine in which ways workplace well-being
is compromised through imposterism.
Burnout is defined as psychological reactivity to work-related strain, symbolized by
‘emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and reduced feelings of personal accomplishment’
(Halbsleben & Buckley, 2004). Whitman and Shanine (2012) report it to be the result of
accumulated work stress, and the imposter phenomenon is a considerable factor in causing
chronic stress. However, as imposters will not profit by investing their resources due to their
inability to internalize successes, it might lead to emotional exhaustion. Villwock et al. (2016)
reported a positive association of the imposter syndrome with emotional exhaustion as an
important burnout component. Another study by Leung (2006) directly investigated the link
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between imposter cognitions and burnout, which found a significant effect, indicating that people
with imposter experiences are more likely to experience burnout.
Another fundamental indicator of organizational well-being has been reported to be work
engagement, which is defined in Schaufeli et al. (2006) as a “positive, fulfilling work-related
state of mind that is characterized by vigor, dedication, and absorption.” They furthermore
identified work engagement to be “the antipode of burnout”. According to the job demands-
resources model (Demerouti et al., 2001), the work- context is largely determined by two
differentially related categories: job demands and job resources. Whereas job demands are
conceived to inform feelings of burnout, job resources are thought to relate to feelings of work
engagement. Hence, work engagement is not the exact opposite of burnout, and is in Hakanen et
al. (2006) further distinguished in an energetic process (disturbances increasing feelings of
burnout) and a motivational process (disturbances leading to disengagement). As they signify
two independent but simultaneously active processes, it seems crucial to further the
understanding of each, in order to improve employee-wellness.
Schaufeli et al. (2002) reported that those who obtained higher scores on the Utrecht
Work Engagement Scale also felt more engaged in their work, which resulted in higher self-
efficacy. In Hakanen et al. (2006) individuals also felt as having more influence over their lives,
which led them to create their own positive feedback (self-appreciation, self-recognition, and
success). Those employees associated the tiredness caused by work with positive
accomplishment, and therefore did not display signs of workaholsim. Rather, they see work as
something pleasant and independent from their private lives, which take place outside of the
work context.
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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Hence, work engagement seems to highlight a different, yet important facet of an
individual’s well-being at work, as well as it seems to tap into elements, which are disturbed
through imposter fears. Scientific evidence suggests that disengaged employees suffer from
lower mental health (Hallberg & Schaufeli, 2006). Specifically, a more positive psychological
relationship with work seems to be realized through feelings of work engagement, whereas
burnout seems to inform more physically related outcomes of well-being. I therefore expect more
subtle cues or influences on mental processes through the imposter phenomenon to reflect
themselves in feelings of work engagement. Hence, by examining work engagement I expect to
derive a more nuanced understanding of the ways in which imposter cognitions undermine a
healthy professionalism.
Provided that work engagement and burnout are related processes, it seems likely that
individuals that experience impostor feelings will express decreased levels of work engagement
and increased levels of burnout. The lack of empirical evidence concerning the role of work
engagement is one of the aspects that this study aims to cover, by establishing a link between the
imposter phenomenon and work engagement.
I will therefore focus on work engagement as a negative outcome measure in people that
undergo feelings of imposterism, and include burnout as a second outcome measure.
Hypothesis 1(H1): An increased experience of the impostor syndrome will result in (H1a)
decreased sense of work engagement and (H1b) increased sense of burnout.
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Imposter
phenomenon
Well-Being
- DV’s: Burnout,
Work engagement
Figure 1. Conceptual model: Imposter Phenomenon, Well-being.
The importance of the Self - Understanding Identity as a determinant of Well-being and its
promise of mitigating effects of imposter cognitions
Defining Identity. Identity is how individuals define themselves through personal,
relational, social domains, within a particular context; essentially it answers the question “who
am I?” (Adams, 2014; Adams et al., 2016; Magerman, 2015). Whereas personal identities inform
the individual’s unique self, relational identities pertain to role-related relationships, as for
example supervisor-subordinate. Social identities reflect group belongingness and are negotiated
in inter-individual interactions (Jimmieson et al., 2010; Sluss & Ashforth, 2007).
Perspectives on identity have mostly developed from research in Western contexts, as for
example West Europe or North America (Brewer & Yuki, 2007). This paper extends the existing
literature, in that it provides a replication of Western theoretical models in South Africa, a non-
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Western, non-affluent context. From a Western perspective, identity is predominantly negotiated
through internal processes, highlighting the individualistic core of Western affluent societies.
Therefore, personal identity is relatively more influential for individuals to define who they are
(Adams, 2014). Personal autonomy is at the core of an individual’s identity (Low et al., 2005;
Vogt & Laher, 2009). Social context informs personal identity and is therefore a crucial
dimension for identity formation in the West (Adams, 2014). In non-Western non-affluent
contexts however, self-definitions are more context dependent, as they rely more heavily on
social connections. As such, individuals derive meaning of who they are through ties and
interactions with their social group (Brewer & Yuki, 2007). Hence, social identities play a more
central role in the way individuals negotiate a sense of self. Due to lower economic affluence, as
well as a more pluralistic society, it is more beneficial for individuals within such contexts to
remain close ties with their groups, as they can offer protection and enhance survival chances
(Adams, 2014). I will focus on the South African society, which provides a very culturally and
socially diverse sample from a non-Western context. I expect to replicate Western theoretical
models of imposterism and identity within this cultural context. Specifically, I will focus on two
aspects of Social Identity: Gender identity and organizational identity.
Social Identity Theory (SIT) posits that people classify themselves into multiple social
categories, one of which is organizational membership and another is gender identity (Tajfel &
Turner, 1985; Ashforth & Mael, 1989; Leary & Hoyle, 2009). Within the theoretical framework
of social identity the focal point of understanding identity is laid on group membership, its
assigned value and significance, as well as its implications in terms of intergroup behaviors
(Tajfel & Turner, 1986; Tajfel, Turner, & Worchel, 1979; Hornsey, 2008; Adams, 2014).
However, just how much value an individual assigns to specific group memberships varies
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ostensibly across people, as it is dependent on an individual’s degree of identification with a
particular group. Ashforth and Mael (1989) define social identification as “the perception of
oneness with or belongingness to some human aggregate”, and view the extent of individual
identification as “a matter of degree”. Haslam et al. (2009) describes, social identities as being
part of how individuals define who they are, they provide people with feelings of belongingness,
meaningfulness and purpose, which tend to be beneficial for well-being.
Consistent with social identity theory, and on a more cognitive level of explanation, self-
categorization theory (SCT) posits that the process of social categorization, which promotes
feelings of similarity or difference to various groups, that then translates into cognitive
categorizations of ingroups and outgroups (Hogg & Terry, 2000). It comes along with some form
of category distinction, making salient one’s own group along with its similarities within, as well
as its distinctions to other groups. Hence, and as mentioned in Hornsey (2008) these category
distinctions increase the saliency of intergroup differences, as well as ingroup similarities,
alternating the way in which people see themselves. Specifically, the activation of distinct levels
of an individual’s self-concept can be divided in two spectrums. Firstly, an intrapersonal
spectrum, tapping into one’s personal identity which makes one distinct and unique from others
within the group one belongs to. And secondly, an interpersonal spectrum, which is comprised of
one’s social identities. These are essentially the social groups to which one belongs, and which
make them similar to others. Hence, SIT and SCT can lend support to the proposition that
identity might mitigate the negative impact of imposter cognitions. As they enable individuals to
draw from them, they inform well-being through positive cognition, affect, or behavior.
Indeed, identity has been found to positively relate to well-being (Adams et al., 2016;
Adams, 2014; Haslam et al., 2009; Maslach, Schaufeli, & Bakker, 2004; Maslach & Leiter,
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1997). Organizational identity has been reported to constitute a more fluid form of identity,
whereas gender identity comprises a stable aspect of one’s identity (Alberts, Mbalo, &
Ackermann, 2003; Watson, 2008; Magerman, 2015; Gioia et al., 2000). As such, they seem to
ensure a more holistic picture of the impact that identity is likely to have on an individual’s well-
being. Further, social identity determines belongingness to a particular group or category, such as
gender or occupation. It thereby provides individual’s with meaningful self-references that
fundamentally shape their perceptions of the environment (Jimmieson et al., 2010; Bar-Tal,
1998), which renders them an adequate tool to ameliorate adverse effects.
Organizational identity is defined in Albert and Whetten (1985) as an identity that
comprises central, enduring, and distinctive characteristics that define the organization.
However, organizational identity seems to be a fluid and dynamic construct, which is constant
subject to change as they need to possess the ability to adapt quickly to changes within the
environment (Gioia et al., 2000). Essentially, an individual’s organizational identity refers to his
or her identification with the organization as such (Ashforth & Mael, 1996). It therefore
influences an individual’s cognition, affect, and behavior, through reflecting combined needs of
the individual and the organization. It is crucial to acknowledge that organizational identities are
social constructions that are derived through interactions with others (Gioia et al., 2000).
An individual’s organizational identity realizes only one aspect of an individual’s social identity,
which is typically developed, negotiated and maintained through ongoing interactions of
individuals with organizational members (Hatch & Schulz, 1997; Gioia et al., 2000).
Gender is inherently linked to identity, as it helps to make connections from individual to
identity (Hoogensen & Rottem, 2004). In earlier studies, gender was defined as being either male
or female, and predominantly conceived of gender as a dichotomous biological variable that
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draws a line between biological men and women (Severiens & Dam, 1997). However, often
differences in gender relate to socialization processes that unfold across an individual’s lifespan
(Severiens & Dam, 1997). It conceptualizes how men and women are ought to behave and gives
rise to typically masculine and feminine features of cognition and behavior. In this way, men and
women learn how to derive a sense of self from either being male or female throughout various
contexts. According to Severiens and Dam (1997), individuals develop a gender identity from
participation in cultural contexts. Therefore, gender identity may offer a possible way to clarify
gender-related processes in the work setting.
Organizational contexts affect individual’s social constructions of gender identity at
work. “Gender has been treated as an objective property of individuals synonymous with
biological sex and universal across organizational settings” (Ely, 1995). However, gender
identity is an ongoing process; the meaning derived from it is constantly negotiated in various
settings. Hence, its value and consequences depend on context and vary between individuals.
The sense of who we are that is derived from gender can be accompanied by positive, negative,
or conflicting feelings, depending on its prominence within a particular context or its attached
value (Ely, 1995). Hence, it becomes clear that gender identity seems the more appropriate
construct to capture the complex influences of the imposter syndrome, as well as the processes
through which gender identity is constantly negotiated offering positive comparative distinctions.
Further, as gender identity is one of the identities who’s category is often defined on a societal
level (Leary & Hoyle, 2009; Magerman, 2015; Adams, 2014), to the extent that it is even
imposed on people (Hoogensen & Rottem, 2004), it seems likely that gender identity is to some
degree inherent to every person’s self-concept, in form of a social identity they hold. I will
therefore focus on gender identity in this study.
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Social Identification as a powerful tool to enhance well-being. There is evidence in the
literature that social identities can serve as buffer resources against adverse effects. Haslam et al.
(2005) investigated the direct impact of social identification on stress and life satisfaction and
found that social identity relates positively to social support and life satisfaction, whereas it is
negatively associated with stress. The link between social identity and stress has been confirmed
by observational data, which supported the idea that a salient social identity acts as a powerful
tool in mitigating the impact of situational stressors (Haslam & Reicher, 2006). Further, the
social identity framework has been linked with well-being, in that positive social identities
strongly predict improved well-being (Sani et al., 2012). As such, social identification can be
conceptualized as a psychological resource through its informing role for self-definition and
interpersonal interaction (Jetten et al., 2014), which makes it a powerful tool in mitigating
adverse effects. I therefore argue that organizational identity, as well as gender identity may have
a direct positive effect on work engagement and burnout.
H2: Hypothesis 2 (H2): A sense of organizational identity will improve well-
being at work, in that it directly (H2a) increases feelings of work engagement and (H2b)
decreases feelings of burnout.
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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Organizational
Identity
Well-Being
+ DV’s: Burnout,
Work engagement
Figure 2. Conceptual model: Organizational Identity, Well-being.
H3: Hypothesis 3 (3): A sense of gender identity will improve well-being at work, in that
it directly (H3a) increases feelings of work engagement and (H3b) decreases feelings of burnout.
Gender Identity Well-Being
+ DV’s: Burnout,
Work engagement
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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Figure 3. Conceptual model: Gender Identity, Well-being.
How organizational identity informs the relation between the imposter syndrome
and well-being. No study has yet directly investigated the role of organizational identity in
mitigating the effect of the imposter phenomenon on workplace well-being. This study therefore
aims to close this gap in the literature and sets out to establish a link between organizational
identity, the imposter phenomenon and well-being at work.
Research has directly assessed the role of organizational identity as a moderator on
negative effects of stress within the workplace. Jimmieson et al. (2010) reported a significant
moderating effect of team identification on adverse effects of role stressors. As social identities
can relate to an individual’s work team, organization or profession (Stoddart, 2015), it may be
that organizational identities likewise offer resources to buffer against work related stress, and
hence reduce feelings of burnout. Newton and Teo (2013) investigated directly the moderating
role of organizational identification on work stress and found stress-buffering effects for both,
high and low identifiers. This adds support to the proposition of organizational identity
protecting individuals against the stress caused through imposter experiences in the workplace.
These results are essential to the present study, as they indicate organizational identity’s
role in mitigating adverse effects on workplace well-being to be multiform. Stress outcomes
seem to be informed by the individual’s group membership that can vary in their degree of
internalization, and hence the amount of positive impact a certain social identity may hold
(Halsam et al., 2005). It seems therefore plausible, that people holding an organizational
identity, will be protected against the negative effects of imposter cognitions.
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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Hypothesis 4 (H4): A sense of organizational identity positively moderates the effect
between the imposter syndrome and well-being at work, in that leads to (4a) increases in feelings
of work engagement and (H4b) decreases in feelings of burnout.
Imposter
phenomenon
Organizational
Identity
Well-Being
+
- DV’s: Burnout,
Work engagement
Figure 4. Conceptual model: Imposter Phenomenon, Organizational Identity, Well-being.
Gender Identity and its implications on Imposter experiences. Gender identity can
provide a sense of distinctiveness, as well as belongingness, which can buffer well-being in
situations which otherwise would have negative consequences (Haslam et al., 2009; Chang,
2011). This lends support to the proposition that gender identity might be a promising aspect of
an individual’s self-concept that might mitigate the negative effects of imposterism. However, no
research has yet investigated the role of gender identity as a moderator, mitigating some sort of
relationship that leads to lower feelings of well-being in the workplace. This study aims to close
this gap, in order to assess the promise offered by gender identity to protect against negative
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outcomes in the workplace. Further, individuals learn to think of themselves as men or women
outside, as well as within the work setting, deriving a sense of who they are from being male or
female. Hence, mere differences in biological sex are unable to capture the influence of ongoing
social constructions that form a gender identity at work.
Research supporting the positive impact of gender identity by Levine and Reicher (1996)
found that when an individual’s gender identity was made salient, psychological well-being, after
being presented with various scenarios of illness and injury, was buffered against negative
effects, supporting the plausible mitigating power of gender identity. A study by Chang (2011)
reported decreases or increases in individual happiness in relation to losses or gains in gender
identity, implicating that a strong gender identity is inevitably bound to individual well-being.
Further, research has reported identification to be maintained especially in situations involving
task failure (Tajfel, 1982; Ashforth & Mael, 1989) or expected failure (Gammons, 1986;
Ashforth & Mael, 1989), which lends support to the notion that the failure to gain personal
resources (Stoddart, 2015) brought about by imposter cognitions will be somewhat buffered
against. Greer et al. (2009) investigated gender identity as a moderator between race-related
stress and adverse health outcomes, confirming its influential role in determining the influence of
stress on mental health. This supports the idea that gender identity may lessen the strength of the
negative effect the imposter syndrome has on well-being. I therefore expect gender identity to
mitigate the effect of imposter tendencies on well-being at work.
Hypothesis 5 (H5): A sense of gender identity will positively moderate the relationship
between the imposter phenomenon and well-being, leading to increased feelings of work
engagement (H5a) and decreased feelings of burnout (H5b).
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Imposter
phenomenon
Gender Identity
Well-Being
+
-DV’s: Burnout,
Work engagement
Figure 5. Conceptual model: Imposter Phenomenon, Gender Identity, Well-being
Method
Participants
For the recruitment of participants convenience and snowball sampling were used.
Furthermore, participants were selected from work contexts in South Africa. I conducted a
statistical power analysis a priori to make sure that the study would reach sufficient statistical
power, and used the G*Power 3 (Faul, Erdfelder, Lang, & Buchner, 2007). The total number of
predictors was 1 (imposter syndrome). For an estimated effect size of .15 a sample size of 89 was
required for a power of .95 with alpha level .05.
A total of 373 participants completed the survey, of which 32 had to be removed from the
analysis, as they did not meet the eligibility criteria. Participants who did not complete more than
80% of the questionnaire (N=22) and participants who filled in less than 50% of one of the
measures (N=10) were excluded. The final number of participants included in the analysis was
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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
therefore 341 (61.9% females, 3,1% missing, Mage = 36.00, SDage = 12.74). Detailed sample
statistic can be found in Table 1.
Table 1.
Sample descriptive statistics
Sample (N=341)
Gender (Female) 213
Age M(SD) 36.00 (12.74)
Tenure M(SD) 5.81 (7.82)
Education:
None 0
Below Grade 9 (Std 7) 0
Grade 9 (Std 7) 2.0
Grade 12 (Matric) 31.4
Certificate (Post school) 9.3
Diploma 19.8
Bachelor’s 18.0
Honors 9.6
Master’s 4.9
Doctorate 1.7
Other 1.5
Procedure
The study was conducted in South Africa, a multicultural and diverse non-Western and
non-affluent context, in order to extend Western theoretical perspectives (Adams, 2014). The
Paper and Pencil Questionnaire was conducted in English and distributed through Qualtrics.
Measured were different concepts such as the imposter phenomenon, different indicators of well-
being, and identity. Additionally, participants had to provide us with some demographics, such
as age, gender, and heritage country. As the survey was available online, participants were freely
able to decide when and where to complete the questionnaire. Moreover, the Questionnaire was
comprised of numerous measures, of which only 6 were selected for the aim of this study, and
which will be clarified in the following.
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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Ethical considerations
The study received ethical clearance from the ERB at Tilburg University (code: EC-
2018.EX187t). This study was conducted in line with the ethical rules and codes of the American
Psychological Association (2010). Participants were informed that the participation in this study
was completely voluntary, and that they had the right to withdraw at any time or refuse
participation entirely. An informed consent was employed, in which participants had to denote
their agreement to participate in the survey. Information was made available prior to the study,
which explained that the participation in this study was very unlikely to affect participants
emotionally or otherwise. The data obtained was kept completely anonymous to ensure
confidentiality. At the end of the study participants were provided with a debriefing form, which
indicated the studies purpose and stated the researcher’s openness to any further questions or
concerns. Contact data was provided.
Measures
Impostor Phenomenon. The Imposter Phenomenon was measured using the Clance
Impostor Phenomenon Scale (Clance, 1985). The scale consists of 20 items, which had to be
answered on a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from from 1 (not at all true) to 5 (very true). An
example of an item is: ‘I often worry about not succeeding with a project or examination, even
though those around me have considerable confidence that I will do well’.
Organizational Identity. Organizational identity was measured using the scale of Mael
and Ashforth (1992), which consists of six items. An example of an items is: ‘When I talk about
this organization, I usually say ‘we’, rather than ‘they’.’ The six items were to be answered on a
5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree).
22
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Gender Identity. Gender identity was measured using the (Masondo, in progress). The
scale consists of 6 items, which had to be answered on a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1
(strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). An example of an item is: ‘Being a man/woman is an
important part of how I see myself’.
Burnout. Burnout was measured using the Utrecht Burnout Scale developed by Schaufeli
and van Dierendonck (2000). The scale included 5 items measuring exhaustion, which had to be
answered on 7-point Likert scale, ranging from 0 (never) to 5 (always). An example of an item
is: ‘I feel mentally drained from my work’.
Work engagement. Work engagement was measured using the short form of the Utrecht
Work Engagement Scale (UWES-9) developed by Schaufeli et al. (2006). The 9 items chosen
has to be answered on a 7-point Likert scale, ranging from 0 (never) to 5 (always). An example
of an item is: ‘At work I feel bursting with energy’.
Impostor Phenomenon. The Imposter Phenomenon was measured using the Clance
Impostor Phenomenon Scale (Clance, 1985). The scale consists of 20 items, which had to be
answered on a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (not at all true) to 5 (very true). An example
of an item is: ‘I often worry about not succeeding with a project or examination, even though
those around me have considerable confidence that I will do well’.
Sociodemographic Information. Participants were asked to report their gender, age,
education level, and tenure, in order to assess their relation to well-being at work. They were
included as control variables in the hypothesis tests to assess whether the predictor variable have
a significant on the outcome variable. Gender has been linked to differences in well-being
(Fujita, Diener, & Sandvik, 1991). Age has been reported to have an influence on well-being,
with an increase in satisfaction at older ages (Diener & Suh, 1997; p. 306). Education has been
23
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
found to relate to well-being (Witter et al., 1984; Desjardins, 2008), as well as tenure, which has
been reported to relate to job satisfaction (Duffy, Ganster, & Shaw, 1998), well-being (Tims,
Bakker, & Derks, 2013), and job performance (Wright & Bonett, 2002; Ng & Feldman, 2010).
Results
Preliminary analysis. For the statistical analyses performed in this study, the program
SPSS was used (Inc, S. P. S. S., 2013). To assess the psychometric properties of all measures,
their reliability was assessed, in order to ensure their internal consistency. According to Tavakol
& Dennick (2011), a Cronbach’s alpha ranging between .70 and .95 is acceptable. Hence, all
scales are sufficiently reliable in terms of internal consistency (Table 2). Missing data was
imputed and normality was assessed. Little’s MCAR test was significant (Chi-square χ2 (2058) =
2590.377, p = .000). However, as the chi-square is sensitive to larger sample sizes, I assumed the
missing data to be completely at random (Bollen, 1989; Adams et al., 2016). Inter-item
correlations were found to be acceptable, as they were consistently higher than .3. Normality was
then assessed by estimating skewness and kurtosis at the item level. The values stayed within the
range of -2 to 2 for skewness and -4 to 4 for kurtosis, indicating normality. The analyses
conducted thus far were therefore found to be adequate for additional analysis.
Descriptive statistics. A correlation analysis indicated that the variables were correlated,
some strong, moderate and weak correlations were found. Age was strongly positively correlated
to tenure (r = 0.60, p < .001). There was a moderate, negative correlation between
Organizational Identity and Burnout (r = -0.36, p < .001). Organizational Identity was found to
be strongly positively correlated with Work engagement (r = 0.57, p < .001). A strong, negative
correlation was found between Burnout and Work engagement (r = -0.54, p < .001), as well as a
24
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
moderately positive correlation between Burnout and the Impostor Syndrome (r = 0.38, p < .001)
(Table 3).
Table 2.
Cronbach’s alpha of Measures
Measure Cronbach’s Alpha
Gender Identity .73
Organizational Identity .87
Burnout .84
Work engagement .92
Imposter Syndrome .91
Note. Internal consistencies were good (Cronbach’s α >.80) and acceptable
(Cronbach’s α >.70).
25
Running Head: THE IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Table 3. Correlation Matrix
Note. Criterion: ** p < .01 (2-tailed); * p < .05 (2-tailed).
M SD 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.
1. Gender 1.62 0.49 1
2. Age 36.00 12.74 .02 1
3. Education
Level
5.88
1.80 .09 .12* 1
4. Tenure 5.81 7.82 -.12* .60** .17** 1
5. Gender Identity 3.92 0.57 -.03 -.02 .01 -.07 1
6. Organizational
Identity
3.80
0.81 -.03 .14** .01 .13* .26**
1
7. Burnout 2.71 1.40 .09 -.23** .02 -.17** -.15** -.36** 1
8. Work
Engagement
4.10
1.04 -.00 .20** .12* .15** .27**
.57**
-.54**
1
9. Impostor
Syndrome
2.85
0.71 .10 -.26** -.11* -.19** -.07
-.01
.38**
-.20**
26
Running Head: THE IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Hypothesis testing. A path analysis was conducted in SPSS AMOS in order to test the
hypotheses. The original model showed a poor fit (𝜒𝑀2 (10, 344) = 48.049, p = .000; RMSEA
= .105; 𝑝𝑐𝑙𝑜𝑠𝑒−𝑓𝑖𝑡𝐻0 = .001; CFI = 0.893; 𝜒𝐵2 = 376.855 , 𝑑𝑓𝐵 = 21), which can be found in Figure 6.
However, the modification indices showed that gender identity and organizational identity
needed to be correlated. Hence, we created an adapted model in which we correlated gender
identity and organizational identity according to the modification indices. The adapted model
had a good model fit (𝜒𝑀2 (9, 344) = 23.901, p = .004; RMSEA = .069; 𝑝𝑐𝑙𝑜𝑠𝑒−𝑓𝑖𝑡𝐻0 = .150; CFI =
0.958; 𝜒𝐵2 = 376.855, 𝑑𝑓𝐵 = 21). A third adaptation to the model, controlling for tenure, as
indicated by the correlation analysis, had no impact on the model or the results, and was hence
found to be redundant. Altogether, the results of the fit indices in Table 5 indicate a good model
fit, hence, the model is found to be adequate for interpretation of the results.
As the model was found to fit the data reasonably well, the next step was to evaluate how
close parameter estimates match the theoretical expectations in terms of sign and size, and
whether the hypotheses were confirmed or rejected by the model (Boosma, 2000; Kline, 2015).
The model confirmed Hypothesis 1a and 1b, a significant negative effect of the imposter
syndrome on work engagement was found (𝛽 = -.18, p < .001), as well as a significant positive
effect on burnout, indicating increased feelings of burnout (𝛽 = .36, p < .001). Hypothesis 2a
and 2b were confirmed, as organizational identity had a significantly positive effect on work
engagement (𝛽 = .54, p < .001), and a significantly negative effect on burnout (𝛽 = -.34, p <
.001), indicating that an organizational identity increased feeling of work engagement and
decreases feeling of burnout. Hypothesis 3 however was only partially confirmed, as only the
effect of gender identity on work engagement was significant (𝛽 = .13, p = .004), indicating that
gender identity increases feeling of work engagement, whereas it did not lead to decreased
27
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
feelings of burnout. The moderation effect of organizational identity on the effect of the imposter
syndrome on well-being at work did not reach significance, and therefore does not support
Hypothesis 4a and 4b. Hypothesis 5 was again only partially confirmed, as the mitigating effect
of gender identity on the negative effect of the imposter syndrome on work engagement reached
significance at the 5% level (𝛽 = .05, p = .049), indicating that gender identity lessens the
negative impact of the imposter syndrome (H5a). Hypothesis 5b was not supported, as the effect
did not reach statistical significance, hence gender identity did not mitigate the negative effect of
imposter experiences on burnout in this sample. The results of the path analysis can be found in
Figure 7.
Organizational Identity
Imposter Syndrome x
Organizational Identity
Imposter Syndrome
Imposter Syndrome x
Gender Identity
Gender Identity
Work Engagement
Burnout
e1
e2
.54***
.04
-.34***.02-.18***
.36***
.05*
.10.13**
-.04
-.39***
.39
.27
Figure 6. Recursive Path Model of Well-being at Work.
Note. Criterion: *** p < .001; ** p < .01; * p < .05
28
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Organizational Identity
Imposter Syndrome x
Organizational Identity
Imposter Syndrome
Imposter Syndrome x
Gender Identity
Gender Identity
Work Engagement
Burnout
e1
e2
.54***
.04
-.34***.02-.18***
.36***
.05*
.10.13**
-.04
-.39***
.39
.27
.26**
Figure 7. Recursive Path Model of Well-being at Work.
Note. Criterion: *** p < .001; ** p < .01; * p < .05
Discussion
This study aimed to enlarge the knowledge on the imposter syndrome and its relevance in
the workplace, by also considering a conceivably positive role of Identity. The central research
question I addressed, concerned the negative effects of the imposter syndrome on well-being,
and the role of identity in moderating this effect. The imposter syndrome was theoretically
expected to decrease feelings of work engagement (H1a) and increase feelings of burnout (H1b);
both hypotheses were confirmed. Organizational Identity was hypothesized to positively affect
feelings of work engagement (H2a), as well as feelings of burnout (H2b); both hypotheses were
29
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
supported. A direct effect was also predicted between gender identity and well-being at work
(H3a; H3b), in that gender identity would lead to increased feelings of work engagement and
decreased feelings of burnout. The Hypothesis was only partially confirmed, as gender identity
only significantly increased feelings of work engagement (H3a). Hypothesis 4a and 4b, which
were not supported, predicted organizational identity to mitigate the negative effect of the
imposter phenomenon on work engagement (H4a), as well as burnout (H4b). Gender Identity
was expected to positively influence the association between the imposter syndrome and both
well-being measures (H5a; H5b); only Hypothesis 5a was supported by the data.
By confirming the negative effect of the imposter syndrome on well-being that previous
literature has found (Sakulku & Alexander, 2011; Vergauwe, 2015; Jöstl et al., 2015; Sonnak &
Towell, 2001), this study shows that imposter tendencies in the workplace cannot be overlooked.
This research contributes therefore to the existing literature in showing that imposter tendencies
lead to decreased feelings of work engagement and increased feelings of burnout. Specifically,
this study was the first to examine work engagement in relation to the imposter syndrome. It
seems therefore plausible that work engagement indeed reflects more cognitively relevant
aspects of well-being at work, in that it fosters motivation and self-appreciation (Hakanen, 2006).
Cognitive and affective features, such as the fear of failure and the maladaptive perfectionist
concerns that the imposter syndrome brings about, might increase workaholism and lower self-
recognized success, and hence lead to decreased feelings of work engagement (Hakanen et al.,
2006).
Further, the predicted direct effect of organizational identity on feelings of work
engagement and feelings of burnout was confirmed, implying a buffering effect against adverse
effects. This finding is in line with previous literature, and confirms the power of social identities
30
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
to ameliorate negative effects in the workplace (Haslam et al., 2005, 2006, 2009; Sani et al.,
2012). Organizational identity as such can therefore be conceptualized as a psychological
resource. Its mechanisms may work through enhancing the processes of self-definitions and
interpersonal interactions.
This study contributes to the literature in that it was able to confirm the conceptual
relation between gender identity and work engagement, confirming the relevance of the self to
cognitive and motivational processes at work. As motivation and dedication are informed by
internal, cognitive processes, and work engagement seems to reflect a part of an individual’s
mental well-being at work, it makes sense that the ways in which an individual defines him- or
herself can contribute to a stronger mental health at work.
This link seems plausible, as work engagement as such seems to be informed by values,
beliefs, and goals that have been firmly incorporated into and individual’s self-concept, hence
pertaining to personally relevant identity dimensions (Dovidio et al., 2001). As gender identity
constitutes a social identity, and social identities and personal identities are both constantly
negotiated in a social context, they reciprocally inform one another (Adams, 2014). Given the
cognitive or psychological nature of work engagement, reflecting itself in dedication, absorption,
and motivation (Schaufeli et al., 2006), it seems probable that an interplay between socially and
personally relevant identity dimensions inform an individual’s work engagement. Further, gender
identity as such seems to offer a broader identity dimension to draw from, since it is not
necessarily directly bound to the workplace, as is an organizational identity. Hence, a wider
range of positively informative associations might be informative for work engagement. Given
the nature and structure of work engagement and the more independent (of the workplace) and
31
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
interrelated (with personal identity) role of gender identity then it makes sense that gender
identity is most informative for work engagement.
This rationale taken further might explain why gender identity did not have an effect on
burnout. I would suggest that burnout might be more informative for organizationally relevant
outcomes. As it requires a constant stressor, or is directly informed by a work-related strain
(Halbsleben & Buckley, 2004). It might therefore make sense that one’s organizational identity
buffers against feelings of burnout, as it seems to be offering more direct information concerning
this specific context, such as light workload, pleasant co-workers, appropriate amounts of
pressure and responsibility, or the structure or actions of the organization that align with the ones
of the individual.
Another aim of this study addressed a gap in the literature and investigated the role of
organizational identity as a moderator variable in the relationship between the Imposter
syndrome and well-being outcomes in the workplace. The results indicated however, that
organizational identity did not act as a buffer variable in this study. The lack of the expected
finding can be explained in that social identities may offer protection through an independent
domain (McQueen & Klein, 2006), as for example in self-affirmative processes (Sherman,
2013). As organizational identity refers to the identification with the organization itself (Ashforth
& Mael, 1996) individuals that experience imposter fears, might draw from social identities in
more independent domains to cope instead of the hypothesized organizational identity.
Further, it seems plausible that imposter fears play a role on a more individual level, as
imposterism can be regarded as an intimate, or very personal experience, which is attempted to
be covered up through acting a role (Sherman et al., 2013). This might prevent organizational
identity, which is naturally tied to the work group, to exert a buffering effect because they tap too
32
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
closely into the domain of the threat, and are essentially part of the perceived deception. The role
that imposters tend to act at work, might as well influence the organizational identity they
continuously negotiate (Hatch & Schulz, 1997; Gioia et al., 2000), rendering it an insufficient
identity domain in this particular issue, as they overtly falsify their own identities. Hence, the
expected effect was not found.
My research further contributes to the literature in that it confirmed a moderating role of
gender identity on the association between the imposter syndrome and work engagement. As
previously explained, a conceptual relation between gender identity and work engagement is
theoretically convincing. In its role as a moderator it might be beneficial that gender identity can
comprise a more distinctive feature of an individual (Brewer, 1993). A unique aspect that
informs an individual’s self-definition, which makes one distinct and unique from others within
the group one belongs to. Further, it comprises a more stable aspect of the self (Alberts et al.,
2003; Watson, 2008; Magerman, 2015; Gioia et al., 2000) and given its interrelation with
personal identity (Deaux, 1993), it might offer numerous relevant contexts in which it carries a
positive connotation. It might therefore render it a more independent and appropriate coping tool.
Hence, one’s gender identity in the specific context at work offers protection through
highlighting a unique and unrelated feature to this organizationally relevant issue (McQueen &
Klein, 2006). By that I mean that compared to an organizational identity, gender identity might
inform the individual at the workplace in a more personally relevant way. Thereby it might offer
more positive associations, especially outside the workplace. This might be helpful, as imposter
tendencies lead individual’s to act a role, fooling their colleagues and by that also the
organization this group belongs to. This might render gender identity more beneficial, as it seems
to be independent to the subjective perception of acting as a fraud. Further, having imposter fears
33
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
does not differ for men or women (Bussotti, 1990; Langford & Clance, 1990; Topping &
Kimmel, 1985), and therefore ones gender identity might be independent of the perceived
fraudulence in the work setting, and hence it would remain unchanged no matter if one
experiences imposter fears or not.
Finally, as research on identity and the Imposter syndrome has predominantly developed
from research in Western contexts (Brewer, 2007; Adams, 2014), this studies contribution to the
literature is twofold. Firstly, by replicating a Western theoretical construct, I shed light on the
prevalence of the imposter syndrome, thereby extending its theoretical scope, as well as
increasing the knowledge of a non-Western theoretical model to a non-Western context. Bearing
this in mind, results indicate that the imposter phenomenon might not be an exclusively Western
concept, but might be culturally universal. Its prevalence has been reported for Asia, America, as
well as South Africa (Ikbaal, 2018; Nakazwe-Masiya, Price & Hofmeyr, 2017; Kaufman, 2014;
Furner et al., 2013) and hence this study adds support to idea of cultural universality. Secondly,
the moderating role of gender identity confirms that social identities in non-Western non-affluent
contexts are a powerful tool to strengthen individual’s well-being at work.
Limitations and recommendations
A first limitation resides in the identities under investigation. This study solely included
social identities, while it seems plausible that the imposter syndrome concerns a more private
and intimate matter. The results suggest that imposter experiences might involve personal issues
that reside within the intrapersonal self, as exposed to social contexts at work, and might hence
be rather tied to the uniqueness component of an individual’s self. Further, personal and social
identity domains permanently inform each other, and exist through constant negotiation within
social contexts, but cannot exist without one another.
34
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
Future research should therefore investigate how personal and social identity domains
inform well-being that is at stake through imposter tendencies. Research has found personal and
social identity to positively relate to well-being, realizing equal purposes across countries
(Adams, 2014). I therefore suggest the concept of work identity to be included, as it is essentially
comprised of three identities (personal, relational, and social), and might therefore offer more
thorough insights into the complex operations of identity on the negative effects of imposter
fears. I further recommend to include different indicators of well-being, such as life satisfaction
(more general evaluation of the impact of the imposter phenomenon), or organizational level
outcomes (job performance or job satisfaction) in order to increase the attention of organizations
for support and interventions.
A second limitation pertains to the studies design. The cross-sectional nature of the study
does not allow for inferences of causality between the studies variables. Hence, an experimental
study design is needed in order to establish causal claims. Another way to improve this study
would have been a longitudinal design, as it allows for better insights into identity events over
time. Identity-inconsistencies due to having many different social identities might impair the
predictive power of this study, and it is therefore important to establish whether imposter fears
are created through social pressures, or whether they rather reside within the self. This can be
captured more thoroughly in a longitudinal study, as it would allow for insights into the stability
and change of the imposter phenomenon across time spans. Therefore, future research should
focus on addressing issues regarding the development and consequences of imposter experiences
over time.
As a third limitation, I want to mention the studies self-reporting nature. As the data
collection was realized through self-reports only, and participants were able to self-select their
35
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
participation, a biased sample might have emerged. Specifically, the imposter phenomenon
increases the likelihood of participants to downgrade themselves due to their subjective
perceptions of inadequacy, and hence might have cause underreporting effects (Vergauwe et al.,
2015). However, as this bias could naturally reside within individuals given imposter cognitions
it is hard to solve through the adaptation of the study design. Sechidis et al. (2017) offer a
solution by statistically correcting for underreporting effects. Through missingness graphs they
attempt to derive correction factors that assess the power loss of the analysis. This could present
a valid way to handle underreporting effects in imposters. Nonetheless, the statistical betterment
of the efficiency of estimates from surveyed data is out of the scope of this research. Further,
social desirability bias might have occurred, as numerous questionnaire items are subject to
socially desirable responding. However, this bias was counteracted due to the anonymous nature
of the questionnaire.
Practical implications
The findings of the present study clearly highlight the negative impact the imposter
syndrome can have at the workplace, and further give rise to the idea that imposter fears might
be a universal phenomenon. It is therefore crucial to find ways to identify imposter fears at the
work place, and develop ways to offer help and support in order to ensure the well-being of both,
individual, as well as organization.
As a first step, organizations will be well advised to recognize the prevalence and the
negative impact that the imposter syndrome has in the workplace. It might then be helpful to
develop appropriate assessment tools to allow for reliable identification of imposter tendencies.
An effective instrument could be performance reviews as they might be a first signal or warning
36
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
sign to supervisors. In a positive light, they might also allow for the tracking and recognition of
improvement.
Further, the employment of feedback systems within an organizational setting (i.e., 360-
degree feedback), might be useful for imposters to learn how to correctly perceive themselves
and their accomplishments. It has been suggested that the improvement of perception of
workplace social support for example can protect against negative consequences of imposter
fears (Vergauwe et al., 2014), and yet others have already recommended the implementation of
structured feedback systems (Cogner & Fulmer, 2004). However, it might be a double-edged
sword to make an imposter subject to extensive feedback. The individual should be carefully
introduced to such interventions, as imposterism makes individuals very sensitive to criticism,
and if employed incorrectly, might lead those with imposter tendencies to experience even more
stress, and even foster imposter cognitions. It is then the task of any employer, or supervisor, to
make their employees, who are suffering from imposter fears, realize that responsibility goes
hand in hand with criticism (Kets de Vries, 2005). Additionally, mentoring systems might be a
useful intervention employed within the organization, and have previously been recommended
by other researchers (Huffstutler & Varnell, 2006; Leung, 2006). They might help imposters to
combine their own subjective reality with the objective reality of a trusted co-worker or
supervisor to learn how to correctly self-assess.
It might further be useful to promote an employee’s identification with the organization, a
work team, or an occupation as it would directly and substantially foster employee well-being.
Specifically, this can be achieved through increasing perceptions of prestige and a distinctive
character of the organization, supervisor support and appreciation, as well as increasing
perceptions of opportunities in terms of promotions and personal growth (Reade, 2001). In terms
37
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
of identification with a work team, leadership styles such as transformational leadership styles
are effective in its promotion, as they foster team cohesion and perceived efficacy (Ruggieri &
Abbate, 2013). However, specific leadership styles need to be administered within the
constraints of culture, as culture shapes the needs of employees in terms of appropriate
leadership. Managers should also foster employee identification with their gender, by for
example implementing tasks that are in line with specific gender roles, which has been shown to
increase positive reactions towards the assigned tasks (Wood and Eagly, 2015).
Conclusion
Work is one of the central parts in the lives of many people, and plays an important role
in how people define themselves. This paper shows, that when people feel underserving or
incapable in the position they hold or the occupation they have, it will render them less driven to
work, and it will generally make them feel more stressed. Its importance for well-being is
therefore very obvious. This paper addressed the complexity with which identity informs well-
being, and future studies should set out to further explore these complex mechanisms and
possibly identify causal processes in order to ensure employees wellness. It can be said that if
people know who they are, this will make them feel happier and more satisfied, even though they
might not always feel good with the work they perform. Identity then seems to be once more the
key to a happier, satisfied, and fulfilled life.
38
IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING
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