1 running head: the imposter syndrome, identity, and …

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Running Head: THE IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING

The Imposter Syndrome, Identity, and Well-being

Department of Social Psychology

Tilburg School of Social and Behavioral Sciences

Tilburg University

Katharina Heby (353766)

Supervisor: Dr. Byron Adams

Second Assessor: Dr. Michael Bender

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IMPOSTER SYNDROME, IDENTITY, AND WELL-BEING

Abstract

This study aimed to develop a better understanding of the role identity plays in buffering

negative effects on employee well-being, as brought about by the imposter syndrome. When

evidently intelligent and capable people hold the belief not to be as good as others believe them

to be, this phenomenon is termed imposterism. Its prevalence in the workplace is widely

acknowledged, however its negative impact on well-being at work is not yet well understood.

This article argues that organizational identity and gender identity can somewhat protect against

the adverse effects of imposter cognitions on workplace well-being. Five issues were addressed

in one study conducted in South Africa: (1) if imposter fears will lead to decreased feelings of

work engagement and increased feelings of burnout, (2) if holding an organizational identity or

(3) a gender identity will lead to increased feelings of work engagement and decreased feelings

of burnout, and (4 and 5) whether organizational identity and gender identity will mitigate the

negative impact of the imposter syndrome on workplace well-being. Results showed that

imposter fears negatively impact workplace well-being, however, holding an organizational

identity directly improved well-being, whereas gender identity alleviated the effect of the

imposter syndrome on well-being directly, and indirectly. Findings indicated that imposter fears

seriously impair psychosocial functioning, and identities can play a key role in protecting well-

being.

Keywords: imposter syndrome, well-being, organizational identity, gender Identity

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The Imposter Syndrome, Identity, and Well-being

When a person beliefs not to be good enough to hold a certain occupation, this might

affect how well they are doing, both psychologically, and sociologically, within their work

environment. They think that their achievements are grounded on luck or the right timing,

instead of their own abilities or features. Experiences of the imposter syndrome are associated

with the feeling of being undeserving of successes, feeling like an actor, accompanied by the fear

of being discovered (Sherman et al., 2013). Imposter fears are mainly prevalent in the workplace,

leading to overworking, high levels of stress, and a sense of perfectionism (Laursen, 2008;

Jackson, 2014; Leonard & Harvey, 2008).

Persons with a strong sense of who they are may be to some extent protected against the

impact of the imposter syndrome. Two aspects of social identity important for how people define

themselves, are organizational identity (an identity that comprises central, enduring, and

distinctive characteristics that define the organization, Albert & Whetten, 1985) and gender

identity (which in its most basic variants classifies individuals as being either male or female,

Hornsey, 2008). The context in which an identity develops is important, and plays a more

important role in non-Western contexts, as identity is conceived to be more context dependent

(Adams, 2014).

Knowing who you are, having an identity, is argued to improve general well-being

(Adams, 2014; Haslam et al., 2009; Shamir & Kark, 2004; Van Dick, 2004). Broadly defined,

well-being is the degree to which individuals are happy or satisfied with their lives (Diener,

1984; Ryff & Keyes, 1995; Diener et al., 1999). As people spend most of their adult life

working, the work context determines to a large part an individual’s well-being (Gini, 1998;

Haslam et al., 2009).

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Well-being relates to identity, both in theory and on an empirical level (Adams, 2014).

As identity informs well-being, it would be compelling to know if specific forms of identity

mitigate the effect of imposterism on workplace well-being, which forms the research question

of this study. Further, I will replicate Western theoretical models in a South African sample.

Therefore, I will more thoroughly examine the imposter syndrome, link the imposter

phenomenon to well-being within the field of Organizational Psychology, consider how identity

ameliorates imposter experiences, and extend theoretical knowledge on the imposter syndrome

within a non-western context.

The risks of feeling like a fraud – Imposter experiences and its implications for Well-being

In 1978, Clance and Imes defined the Impostor phenomenon as an “internal experience of

intellectual phoniness”. Despite being superior as professionals, individuals that experience the

imposter syndrome, feel like frauds. Kolligian and Sternberg (1991) use the terms imposter

syndrome and perceived fraudulence interchangeably, and argue that the heart of the imposter

syndrome as experienced by individuals are subjective experiences which lead them to overtly

falsify their own identities. Parkman (2016) defines imposter tendencies as the failure of correct

self-assessments with respect to performance. It has been argued that imposter experiences lead

to focus on external reasons for explaining successes, thereby strengthening beliefs of being

unintelligent or incapable in reality, which in turn causes experiences of clinical symptoms, such

as anxiety, low self-esteem, and depression, which hampers their psychological well-being

(Sakulku & Alexander, 2011; Kolligian & Sternberg, 1991; Dahvlig, 2013).

Kets de Vries (2005) defines imposterism as the subjective sense of fraudulence coupled

with an inability to internalize successes. He argues that “To some extent, of course, we are all

imposters. We play roles on the stage of life, presenting a public self that differs from the private

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self we share with intimates and morphing both selves as circumstances demand. Displaying a

façade is part and parcel of the human condition” (p.2). As such, imposter experiences are an

integral part of humans, and he attributes the phenomenon to the pressures society places on

people to conceal their true selves. This is in line with the definition offered by Kolligian and

Sternberg (1991), who argue that the imposter phenomenon is to be investigated on a continuum,

varying in strength, and present to some extent in almost all individuals.

The diversity of occupations in which the occurrence of imposterism was confirmed,

ranged from college students (Bussotti, 1990; Langford, 1990), to medical students (Henning &

Shaw, 1998), and marketing managers (Fried-Buchhalter, 1992). However, it becomes apparent

that imposter tendencies mostly concern occupations in which an image of intelligence is

essential to success. Moreover, it can increasingly be found in today’s organizations (Kets de

Vries, 2005).

What imposters jeopardize at work – Its implications for Psychological Well-being.

Well-being as a multifaceted construct has been focusing on the personal, social, and

contextual factors, which are crucial to positive psychological functioning (Adams, 2014; Ryff,

1989). General well-being has been defined as the ‘self-representations of subjective well-being

and distress’ (Fazio, 1977). Bradburn (1969) defined well-being as the extent to which an

individual experiences positive and negative affect, with high levels being experienced if

positive affect predominates over experiences of negative affect. Diener and Suh (1997) agree,

however they include life satisfaction as the cognitive component evaluating ones satisfaction

with life into the definition of well-being. Ryff (1989) sees well-being as constituted of different

factors, such as: relations with others, purpose and meaning in life, self-actualization, fulfillment

of mastery goals, and autonomy.

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More recently, goal-fulfillment and happiness have been included as aspects that are

crucial to the realization of well-being (Dodge et al., 2012). In essence, well-being can be

defined as subjective well-being or happiness. These include fundamental aspects such as life

satisfaction, self-actualization, and goal fulfillment (Deci & Ryan, 2006). Two aspects important

for workplace well-being are burnout and work engagement, which I will focus on in this study.

As an individual-level phenomenon, research has reported negative effects of imposter

tendencies on indicators of well-being at work (Vergauwe, 2015; Neureiter & Traut-Mattausch,

2016; McDowell et al., 2015; Grubb & McDowell, 2012; Jöstl et al., 2015). The imposter

phenomenon has been found to promote intense feelings of fraudulence in individuals facing

achievement-related tasks (Vergauwe et al., 2015), which is often preceded by high and

unrealistic goal setting and proceeded by self-defeating thoughts and behaviors when goal-

attainment fails (Kets de Vries, 2005). Hence, the associated perfectionism is rarely benign,

meaning that workaholism generally develops, adding to the risk of experiencing early burnout

(Kets de Vries, 2005). It seems therefore crucial to examine in which ways workplace well-being

is compromised through imposterism.

Burnout is defined as psychological reactivity to work-related strain, symbolized by

‘emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and reduced feelings of personal accomplishment’

(Halbsleben & Buckley, 2004). Whitman and Shanine (2012) report it to be the result of

accumulated work stress, and the imposter phenomenon is a considerable factor in causing

chronic stress. However, as imposters will not profit by investing their resources due to their

inability to internalize successes, it might lead to emotional exhaustion. Villwock et al. (2016)

reported a positive association of the imposter syndrome with emotional exhaustion as an

important burnout component. Another study by Leung (2006) directly investigated the link

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between imposter cognitions and burnout, which found a significant effect, indicating that people

with imposter experiences are more likely to experience burnout.

Another fundamental indicator of organizational well-being has been reported to be work

engagement, which is defined in Schaufeli et al. (2006) as a “positive, fulfilling work-related

state of mind that is characterized by vigor, dedication, and absorption.” They furthermore

identified work engagement to be “the antipode of burnout”. According to the job demands-

resources model (Demerouti et al., 2001), the work- context is largely determined by two

differentially related categories: job demands and job resources. Whereas job demands are

conceived to inform feelings of burnout, job resources are thought to relate to feelings of work

engagement. Hence, work engagement is not the exact opposite of burnout, and is in Hakanen et

al. (2006) further distinguished in an energetic process (disturbances increasing feelings of

burnout) and a motivational process (disturbances leading to disengagement). As they signify

two independent but simultaneously active processes, it seems crucial to further the

understanding of each, in order to improve employee-wellness.

Schaufeli et al. (2002) reported that those who obtained higher scores on the Utrecht

Work Engagement Scale also felt more engaged in their work, which resulted in higher self-

efficacy. In Hakanen et al. (2006) individuals also felt as having more influence over their lives,

which led them to create their own positive feedback (self-appreciation, self-recognition, and

success). Those employees associated the tiredness caused by work with positive

accomplishment, and therefore did not display signs of workaholsim. Rather, they see work as

something pleasant and independent from their private lives, which take place outside of the

work context.

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Hence, work engagement seems to highlight a different, yet important facet of an

individual’s well-being at work, as well as it seems to tap into elements, which are disturbed

through imposter fears. Scientific evidence suggests that disengaged employees suffer from

lower mental health (Hallberg & Schaufeli, 2006). Specifically, a more positive psychological

relationship with work seems to be realized through feelings of work engagement, whereas

burnout seems to inform more physically related outcomes of well-being. I therefore expect more

subtle cues or influences on mental processes through the imposter phenomenon to reflect

themselves in feelings of work engagement. Hence, by examining work engagement I expect to

derive a more nuanced understanding of the ways in which imposter cognitions undermine a

healthy professionalism.

Provided that work engagement and burnout are related processes, it seems likely that

individuals that experience impostor feelings will express decreased levels of work engagement

and increased levels of burnout. The lack of empirical evidence concerning the role of work

engagement is one of the aspects that this study aims to cover, by establishing a link between the

imposter phenomenon and work engagement.

I will therefore focus on work engagement as a negative outcome measure in people that

undergo feelings of imposterism, and include burnout as a second outcome measure.

Hypothesis 1(H1): An increased experience of the impostor syndrome will result in (H1a)

decreased sense of work engagement and (H1b) increased sense of burnout.

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Imposter

phenomenon

Well-Being

- DV’s: Burnout,

Work engagement

Figure 1. Conceptual model: Imposter Phenomenon, Well-being.

The importance of the Self - Understanding Identity as a determinant of Well-being and its

promise of mitigating effects of imposter cognitions

Defining Identity. Identity is how individuals define themselves through personal,

relational, social domains, within a particular context; essentially it answers the question “who

am I?” (Adams, 2014; Adams et al., 2016; Magerman, 2015). Whereas personal identities inform

the individual’s unique self, relational identities pertain to role-related relationships, as for

example supervisor-subordinate. Social identities reflect group belongingness and are negotiated

in inter-individual interactions (Jimmieson et al., 2010; Sluss & Ashforth, 2007).

Perspectives on identity have mostly developed from research in Western contexts, as for

example West Europe or North America (Brewer & Yuki, 2007). This paper extends the existing

literature, in that it provides a replication of Western theoretical models in South Africa, a non-

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Western, non-affluent context. From a Western perspective, identity is predominantly negotiated

through internal processes, highlighting the individualistic core of Western affluent societies.

Therefore, personal identity is relatively more influential for individuals to define who they are

(Adams, 2014). Personal autonomy is at the core of an individual’s identity (Low et al., 2005;

Vogt & Laher, 2009). Social context informs personal identity and is therefore a crucial

dimension for identity formation in the West (Adams, 2014). In non-Western non-affluent

contexts however, self-definitions are more context dependent, as they rely more heavily on

social connections. As such, individuals derive meaning of who they are through ties and

interactions with their social group (Brewer & Yuki, 2007). Hence, social identities play a more

central role in the way individuals negotiate a sense of self. Due to lower economic affluence, as

well as a more pluralistic society, it is more beneficial for individuals within such contexts to

remain close ties with their groups, as they can offer protection and enhance survival chances

(Adams, 2014). I will focus on the South African society, which provides a very culturally and

socially diverse sample from a non-Western context. I expect to replicate Western theoretical

models of imposterism and identity within this cultural context. Specifically, I will focus on two

aspects of Social Identity: Gender identity and organizational identity.

Social Identity Theory (SIT) posits that people classify themselves into multiple social

categories, one of which is organizational membership and another is gender identity (Tajfel &

Turner, 1985; Ashforth & Mael, 1989; Leary & Hoyle, 2009). Within the theoretical framework

of social identity the focal point of understanding identity is laid on group membership, its

assigned value and significance, as well as its implications in terms of intergroup behaviors

(Tajfel & Turner, 1986; Tajfel, Turner, & Worchel, 1979; Hornsey, 2008; Adams, 2014).

However, just how much value an individual assigns to specific group memberships varies

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ostensibly across people, as it is dependent on an individual’s degree of identification with a

particular group. Ashforth and Mael (1989) define social identification as “the perception of

oneness with or belongingness to some human aggregate”, and view the extent of individual

identification as “a matter of degree”. Haslam et al. (2009) describes, social identities as being

part of how individuals define who they are, they provide people with feelings of belongingness,

meaningfulness and purpose, which tend to be beneficial for well-being.

Consistent with social identity theory, and on a more cognitive level of explanation, self-

categorization theory (SCT) posits that the process of social categorization, which promotes

feelings of similarity or difference to various groups, that then translates into cognitive

categorizations of ingroups and outgroups (Hogg & Terry, 2000). It comes along with some form

of category distinction, making salient one’s own group along with its similarities within, as well

as its distinctions to other groups. Hence, and as mentioned in Hornsey (2008) these category

distinctions increase the saliency of intergroup differences, as well as ingroup similarities,

alternating the way in which people see themselves. Specifically, the activation of distinct levels

of an individual’s self-concept can be divided in two spectrums. Firstly, an intrapersonal

spectrum, tapping into one’s personal identity which makes one distinct and unique from others

within the group one belongs to. And secondly, an interpersonal spectrum, which is comprised of

one’s social identities. These are essentially the social groups to which one belongs, and which

make them similar to others. Hence, SIT and SCT can lend support to the proposition that

identity might mitigate the negative impact of imposter cognitions. As they enable individuals to

draw from them, they inform well-being through positive cognition, affect, or behavior.

Indeed, identity has been found to positively relate to well-being (Adams et al., 2016;

Adams, 2014; Haslam et al., 2009; Maslach, Schaufeli, & Bakker, 2004; Maslach & Leiter,

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1997). Organizational identity has been reported to constitute a more fluid form of identity,

whereas gender identity comprises a stable aspect of one’s identity (Alberts, Mbalo, &

Ackermann, 2003; Watson, 2008; Magerman, 2015; Gioia et al., 2000). As such, they seem to

ensure a more holistic picture of the impact that identity is likely to have on an individual’s well-

being. Further, social identity determines belongingness to a particular group or category, such as

gender or occupation. It thereby provides individual’s with meaningful self-references that

fundamentally shape their perceptions of the environment (Jimmieson et al., 2010; Bar-Tal,

1998), which renders them an adequate tool to ameliorate adverse effects.

Organizational identity is defined in Albert and Whetten (1985) as an identity that

comprises central, enduring, and distinctive characteristics that define the organization.

However, organizational identity seems to be a fluid and dynamic construct, which is constant

subject to change as they need to possess the ability to adapt quickly to changes within the

environment (Gioia et al., 2000). Essentially, an individual’s organizational identity refers to his

or her identification with the organization as such (Ashforth & Mael, 1996). It therefore

influences an individual’s cognition, affect, and behavior, through reflecting combined needs of

the individual and the organization. It is crucial to acknowledge that organizational identities are

social constructions that are derived through interactions with others (Gioia et al., 2000).

An individual’s organizational identity realizes only one aspect of an individual’s social identity,

which is typically developed, negotiated and maintained through ongoing interactions of

individuals with organizational members (Hatch & Schulz, 1997; Gioia et al., 2000).

Gender is inherently linked to identity, as it helps to make connections from individual to

identity (Hoogensen & Rottem, 2004). In earlier studies, gender was defined as being either male

or female, and predominantly conceived of gender as a dichotomous biological variable that

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draws a line between biological men and women (Severiens & Dam, 1997). However, often

differences in gender relate to socialization processes that unfold across an individual’s lifespan

(Severiens & Dam, 1997). It conceptualizes how men and women are ought to behave and gives

rise to typically masculine and feminine features of cognition and behavior. In this way, men and

women learn how to derive a sense of self from either being male or female throughout various

contexts. According to Severiens and Dam (1997), individuals develop a gender identity from

participation in cultural contexts. Therefore, gender identity may offer a possible way to clarify

gender-related processes in the work setting.

Organizational contexts affect individual’s social constructions of gender identity at

work. “Gender has been treated as an objective property of individuals synonymous with

biological sex and universal across organizational settings” (Ely, 1995). However, gender

identity is an ongoing process; the meaning derived from it is constantly negotiated in various

settings. Hence, its value and consequences depend on context and vary between individuals.

The sense of who we are that is derived from gender can be accompanied by positive, negative,

or conflicting feelings, depending on its prominence within a particular context or its attached

value (Ely, 1995). Hence, it becomes clear that gender identity seems the more appropriate

construct to capture the complex influences of the imposter syndrome, as well as the processes

through which gender identity is constantly negotiated offering positive comparative distinctions.

Further, as gender identity is one of the identities who’s category is often defined on a societal

level (Leary & Hoyle, 2009; Magerman, 2015; Adams, 2014), to the extent that it is even

imposed on people (Hoogensen & Rottem, 2004), it seems likely that gender identity is to some

degree inherent to every person’s self-concept, in form of a social identity they hold. I will

therefore focus on gender identity in this study.

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Social Identification as a powerful tool to enhance well-being. There is evidence in the

literature that social identities can serve as buffer resources against adverse effects. Haslam et al.

(2005) investigated the direct impact of social identification on stress and life satisfaction and

found that social identity relates positively to social support and life satisfaction, whereas it is

negatively associated with stress. The link between social identity and stress has been confirmed

by observational data, which supported the idea that a salient social identity acts as a powerful

tool in mitigating the impact of situational stressors (Haslam & Reicher, 2006). Further, the

social identity framework has been linked with well-being, in that positive social identities

strongly predict improved well-being (Sani et al., 2012). As such, social identification can be

conceptualized as a psychological resource through its informing role for self-definition and

interpersonal interaction (Jetten et al., 2014), which makes it a powerful tool in mitigating

adverse effects. I therefore argue that organizational identity, as well as gender identity may have

a direct positive effect on work engagement and burnout.

H2: Hypothesis 2 (H2): A sense of organizational identity will improve well-

being at work, in that it directly (H2a) increases feelings of work engagement and (H2b)

decreases feelings of burnout.

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Organizational

Identity

Well-Being

+ DV’s: Burnout,

Work engagement

Figure 2. Conceptual model: Organizational Identity, Well-being.

H3: Hypothesis 3 (3): A sense of gender identity will improve well-being at work, in that

it directly (H3a) increases feelings of work engagement and (H3b) decreases feelings of burnout.

Gender Identity Well-Being

+ DV’s: Burnout,

Work engagement

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Figure 3. Conceptual model: Gender Identity, Well-being.

How organizational identity informs the relation between the imposter syndrome

and well-being. No study has yet directly investigated the role of organizational identity in

mitigating the effect of the imposter phenomenon on workplace well-being. This study therefore

aims to close this gap in the literature and sets out to establish a link between organizational

identity, the imposter phenomenon and well-being at work.

Research has directly assessed the role of organizational identity as a moderator on

negative effects of stress within the workplace. Jimmieson et al. (2010) reported a significant

moderating effect of team identification on adverse effects of role stressors. As social identities

can relate to an individual’s work team, organization or profession (Stoddart, 2015), it may be

that organizational identities likewise offer resources to buffer against work related stress, and

hence reduce feelings of burnout. Newton and Teo (2013) investigated directly the moderating

role of organizational identification on work stress and found stress-buffering effects for both,

high and low identifiers. This adds support to the proposition of organizational identity

protecting individuals against the stress caused through imposter experiences in the workplace.

These results are essential to the present study, as they indicate organizational identity’s

role in mitigating adverse effects on workplace well-being to be multiform. Stress outcomes

seem to be informed by the individual’s group membership that can vary in their degree of

internalization, and hence the amount of positive impact a certain social identity may hold

(Halsam et al., 2005). It seems therefore plausible, that people holding an organizational

identity, will be protected against the negative effects of imposter cognitions.

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Hypothesis 4 (H4): A sense of organizational identity positively moderates the effect

between the imposter syndrome and well-being at work, in that leads to (4a) increases in feelings

of work engagement and (H4b) decreases in feelings of burnout.

Imposter

phenomenon

Organizational

Identity

Well-Being

+

- DV’s: Burnout,

Work engagement

Figure 4. Conceptual model: Imposter Phenomenon, Organizational Identity, Well-being.

Gender Identity and its implications on Imposter experiences. Gender identity can

provide a sense of distinctiveness, as well as belongingness, which can buffer well-being in

situations which otherwise would have negative consequences (Haslam et al., 2009; Chang,

2011). This lends support to the proposition that gender identity might be a promising aspect of

an individual’s self-concept that might mitigate the negative effects of imposterism. However, no

research has yet investigated the role of gender identity as a moderator, mitigating some sort of

relationship that leads to lower feelings of well-being in the workplace. This study aims to close

this gap, in order to assess the promise offered by gender identity to protect against negative

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outcomes in the workplace. Further, individuals learn to think of themselves as men or women

outside, as well as within the work setting, deriving a sense of who they are from being male or

female. Hence, mere differences in biological sex are unable to capture the influence of ongoing

social constructions that form a gender identity at work.

Research supporting the positive impact of gender identity by Levine and Reicher (1996)

found that when an individual’s gender identity was made salient, psychological well-being, after

being presented with various scenarios of illness and injury, was buffered against negative

effects, supporting the plausible mitigating power of gender identity. A study by Chang (2011)

reported decreases or increases in individual happiness in relation to losses or gains in gender

identity, implicating that a strong gender identity is inevitably bound to individual well-being.

Further, research has reported identification to be maintained especially in situations involving

task failure (Tajfel, 1982; Ashforth & Mael, 1989) or expected failure (Gammons, 1986;

Ashforth & Mael, 1989), which lends support to the notion that the failure to gain personal

resources (Stoddart, 2015) brought about by imposter cognitions will be somewhat buffered

against. Greer et al. (2009) investigated gender identity as a moderator between race-related

stress and adverse health outcomes, confirming its influential role in determining the influence of

stress on mental health. This supports the idea that gender identity may lessen the strength of the

negative effect the imposter syndrome has on well-being. I therefore expect gender identity to

mitigate the effect of imposter tendencies on well-being at work.

Hypothesis 5 (H5): A sense of gender identity will positively moderate the relationship

between the imposter phenomenon and well-being, leading to increased feelings of work

engagement (H5a) and decreased feelings of burnout (H5b).

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Imposter

phenomenon

Gender Identity

Well-Being

+

-DV’s: Burnout,

Work engagement

Figure 5. Conceptual model: Imposter Phenomenon, Gender Identity, Well-being

Method

Participants

For the recruitment of participants convenience and snowball sampling were used.

Furthermore, participants were selected from work contexts in South Africa. I conducted a

statistical power analysis a priori to make sure that the study would reach sufficient statistical

power, and used the G*Power 3 (Faul, Erdfelder, Lang, & Buchner, 2007). The total number of

predictors was 1 (imposter syndrome). For an estimated effect size of .15 a sample size of 89 was

required for a power of .95 with alpha level .05.

A total of 373 participants completed the survey, of which 32 had to be removed from the

analysis, as they did not meet the eligibility criteria. Participants who did not complete more than

80% of the questionnaire (N=22) and participants who filled in less than 50% of one of the

measures (N=10) were excluded. The final number of participants included in the analysis was

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therefore 341 (61.9% females, 3,1% missing, Mage = 36.00, SDage = 12.74). Detailed sample

statistic can be found in Table 1.

Table 1.

Sample descriptive statistics

Sample (N=341)

Gender (Female) 213

Age M(SD) 36.00 (12.74)

Tenure M(SD) 5.81 (7.82)

Education:

None 0

Below Grade 9 (Std 7) 0

Grade 9 (Std 7) 2.0

Grade 12 (Matric) 31.4

Certificate (Post school) 9.3

Diploma 19.8

Bachelor’s 18.0

Honors 9.6

Master’s 4.9

Doctorate 1.7

Other 1.5

Procedure

The study was conducted in South Africa, a multicultural and diverse non-Western and

non-affluent context, in order to extend Western theoretical perspectives (Adams, 2014). The

Paper and Pencil Questionnaire was conducted in English and distributed through Qualtrics.

Measured were different concepts such as the imposter phenomenon, different indicators of well-

being, and identity. Additionally, participants had to provide us with some demographics, such

as age, gender, and heritage country. As the survey was available online, participants were freely

able to decide when and where to complete the questionnaire. Moreover, the Questionnaire was

comprised of numerous measures, of which only 6 were selected for the aim of this study, and

which will be clarified in the following.

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Ethical considerations

The study received ethical clearance from the ERB at Tilburg University (code: EC-

2018.EX187t). This study was conducted in line with the ethical rules and codes of the American

Psychological Association (2010). Participants were informed that the participation in this study

was completely voluntary, and that they had the right to withdraw at any time or refuse

participation entirely. An informed consent was employed, in which participants had to denote

their agreement to participate in the survey. Information was made available prior to the study,

which explained that the participation in this study was very unlikely to affect participants

emotionally or otherwise. The data obtained was kept completely anonymous to ensure

confidentiality. At the end of the study participants were provided with a debriefing form, which

indicated the studies purpose and stated the researcher’s openness to any further questions or

concerns. Contact data was provided.

Measures

Impostor Phenomenon. The Imposter Phenomenon was measured using the Clance

Impostor Phenomenon Scale (Clance, 1985). The scale consists of 20 items, which had to be

answered on a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from from 1 (not at all true) to 5 (very true). An

example of an item is: ‘I often worry about not succeeding with a project or examination, even

though those around me have considerable confidence that I will do well’.

Organizational Identity. Organizational identity was measured using the scale of Mael

and Ashforth (1992), which consists of six items. An example of an items is: ‘When I talk about

this organization, I usually say ‘we’, rather than ‘they’.’ The six items were to be answered on a

5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree).

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Gender Identity. Gender identity was measured using the (Masondo, in progress). The

scale consists of 6 items, which had to be answered on a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1

(strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). An example of an item is: ‘Being a man/woman is an

important part of how I see myself’.

Burnout. Burnout was measured using the Utrecht Burnout Scale developed by Schaufeli

and van Dierendonck (2000). The scale included 5 items measuring exhaustion, which had to be

answered on 7-point Likert scale, ranging from 0 (never) to 5 (always). An example of an item

is: ‘I feel mentally drained from my work’.

Work engagement. Work engagement was measured using the short form of the Utrecht

Work Engagement Scale (UWES-9) developed by Schaufeli et al. (2006). The 9 items chosen

has to be answered on a 7-point Likert scale, ranging from 0 (never) to 5 (always). An example

of an item is: ‘At work I feel bursting with energy’.

Impostor Phenomenon. The Imposter Phenomenon was measured using the Clance

Impostor Phenomenon Scale (Clance, 1985). The scale consists of 20 items, which had to be

answered on a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (not at all true) to 5 (very true). An example

of an item is: ‘I often worry about not succeeding with a project or examination, even though

those around me have considerable confidence that I will do well’.

Sociodemographic Information. Participants were asked to report their gender, age,

education level, and tenure, in order to assess their relation to well-being at work. They were

included as control variables in the hypothesis tests to assess whether the predictor variable have

a significant on the outcome variable. Gender has been linked to differences in well-being

(Fujita, Diener, & Sandvik, 1991). Age has been reported to have an influence on well-being,

with an increase in satisfaction at older ages (Diener & Suh, 1997; p. 306). Education has been

23


found to relate to well-being (Witter et al., 1984; Desjardins, 2008), as well as tenure, which has

been reported to relate to job satisfaction (Duffy, Ganster, & Shaw, 1998), well-being (Tims,

Bakker, & Derks, 2013), and job performance (Wright & Bonett, 2002; Ng & Feldman, 2010).

Results

Preliminary analysis. For the statistical analyses performed in this study, the program

SPSS was used (Inc, S. P. S. S., 2013). To assess the psychometric properties of all measures,

their reliability was assessed, in order to ensure their internal consistency. According to Tavakol

& Dennick (2011), a Cronbach’s alpha ranging between .70 and .95 is acceptable. Hence, all

scales are sufficiently reliable in terms of internal consistency (Table 2). Missing data was

imputed and normality was assessed. Little’s MCAR test was significant (Chi-square χ2 (2058) =

2590.377, p = .000). However, as the chi-square is sensitive to larger sample sizes, I assumed the

missing data to be completely at random (Bollen, 1989; Adams et al., 2016). Inter-item

correlations were found to be acceptable, as they were consistently higher than .3. Normality was

then assessed by estimating skewness and kurtosis at the item level. The values stayed within the

range of -2 to 2 for skewness and -4 to 4 for kurtosis, indicating normality. The analyses

conducted thus far were therefore found to be adequate for additional analysis.

Descriptive statistics. A correlation analysis indicated that the variables were correlated,

some strong, moderate and weak correlations were found. Age was strongly positively correlated

to tenure (r = 0.60, p < .001). There was a moderate, negative correlation between

Organizational Identity and Burnout (r = -0.36, p < .001). Organizational Identity was found to

be strongly positively correlated with Work engagement (r = 0.57, p < .001). A strong, negative

correlation was found between Burnout and Work engagement (r = -0.54, p < .001), as well as a

24


moderately positive correlation between Burnout and the Impostor Syndrome (r = 0.38, p < .001)

(Table 3).

Table 2.

Cronbach’s alpha of Measures

Measure Cronbach’s Alpha

Gender Identity .73

Organizational Identity .87

Burnout .84

Work engagement .92

Imposter Syndrome .91

Note. Internal consistencies were good (Cronbach’s α >.80) and acceptable

(Cronbach’s α >.70).

25


Table 3. Correlation Matrix

Note. Criterion: ** p < .01 (2-tailed); * p < .05 (2-tailed).

M SD 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

1. Gender 1.62 0.49 1

2. Age 36.00 12.74 .02 1

3. Education

Level

5.88

1.80 .09 .12* 1

4. Tenure 5.81 7.82 -.12* .60** .17** 1

5. Gender Identity 3.92 0.57 -.03 -.02 .01 -.07 1

6. Organizational

Identity

3.80

0.81 -.03 .14** .01 .13* .26**

1

7. Burnout 2.71 1.40 .09 -.23** .02 -.17** -.15** -.36** 1

8. Work

Engagement

4.10

1.04 -.00 .20** .12* .15** .27**

.57**

-.54**

1

9. Impostor

Syndrome

2.85

0.71 .10 -.26** -.11* -.19** -.07

-.01

.38**

-.20**

26


Hypothesis testing. A path analysis was conducted in SPSS AMOS in order to test the

hypotheses. The original model showed a poor fit (𝜒𝑀2 (10, 344) = 48.049, p = .000; RMSEA

= .105; 𝑝𝑐𝑙𝑜𝑠𝑒−𝑓𝑖𝑡𝐻0 = .001; CFI = 0.893; 𝜒𝐵2 = 376.855 , 𝑑𝑓𝐵 = 21), which can be found in Figure 6.

However, the modification indices showed that gender identity and organizational identity

needed to be correlated. Hence, we created an adapted model in which we correlated gender

identity and organizational identity according to the modification indices. The adapted model

had a good model fit (𝜒𝑀2 (9, 344) = 23.901, p = .004; RMSEA = .069; 𝑝𝑐𝑙𝑜𝑠𝑒−𝑓𝑖𝑡𝐻0 = .150; CFI =

0.958; 𝜒𝐵2 = 376.855, 𝑑𝑓𝐵 = 21). A third adaptation to the model, controlling for tenure, as

indicated by the correlation analysis, had no impact on the model or the results, and was hence

found to be redundant. Altogether, the results of the fit indices in Table 5 indicate a good model

fit, hence, the model is found to be adequate for interpretation of the results.

As the model was found to fit the data reasonably well, the next step was to evaluate how

close parameter estimates match the theoretical expectations in terms of sign and size, and

whether the hypotheses were confirmed or rejected by the model (Boosma, 2000; Kline, 2015).

The model confirmed Hypothesis 1a and 1b, a significant negative effect of the imposter

syndrome on work engagement was found (𝛽 = -.18, p < .001), as well as a significant positive

effect on burnout, indicating increased feelings of burnout (𝛽 = .36, p < .001). Hypothesis 2a

and 2b were confirmed, as organizational identity had a significantly positive effect on work

engagement (𝛽 = .54, p < .001), and a significantly negative effect on burnout (𝛽 = -.34, p <

.001), indicating that an organizational identity increased feeling of work engagement and

decreases feeling of burnout. Hypothesis 3 however was only partially confirmed, as only the

effect of gender identity on work engagement was significant (𝛽 = .13, p = .004), indicating that

gender identity increases feeling of work engagement, whereas it did not lead to decreased

27


feelings of burnout. The moderation effect of organizational identity on the effect of the imposter

syndrome on well-being at work did not reach significance, and therefore does not support

Hypothesis 4a and 4b. Hypothesis 5 was again only partially confirmed, as the mitigating effect

of gender identity on the negative effect of the imposter syndrome on work engagement reached

significance at the 5% level (𝛽 = .05, p = .049), indicating that gender identity lessens the

negative impact of the imposter syndrome (H5a). Hypothesis 5b was not supported, as the effect

did not reach statistical significance, hence gender identity did not mitigate the negative effect of

imposter experiences on burnout in this sample. The results of the path analysis can be found in

Figure 7.

Organizational Identity

Imposter Syndrome x


Imposter Syndrome

Imposter Syndrome x

Gender Identity

Gender Identity

Work Engagement

Burnout

e1

e2

.54***

.04

-.34***.02-.18***

.36***

.05*

.10.13**

-.04

-.39***

.39

.27

Figure 6. Recursive Path Model of Well-being at Work.

Note. Criterion: *** p < .001; ** p < .01; * p < .05

28



Imposter Syndrome x


Imposter Syndrome

Imposter Syndrome x

Gender Identity

Gender Identity

Work Engagement

Burnout

e1

e2

.54***

.04

-.34***.02-.18***

.36***

.05*

.10.13**

-.04

-.39***

.39

.27

.26**

Figure 7. Recursive Path Model of Well-being at Work.

Note. Criterion: *** p < .001; ** p < .01; * p < .05

Discussion

This study aimed to enlarge the knowledge on the imposter syndrome and its relevance in

the workplace, by also considering a conceivably positive role of Identity. The central research

question I addressed, concerned the negative effects of the imposter syndrome on well-being,

and the role of identity in moderating this effect. The imposter syndrome was theoretically

expected to decrease feelings of work engagement (H1a) and increase feelings of burnout (H1b);

both hypotheses were confirmed. Organizational Identity was hypothesized to positively affect

feelings of work engagement (H2a), as well as feelings of burnout (H2b); both hypotheses were

29


supported. A direct effect was also predicted between gender identity and well-being at work

(H3a; H3b), in that gender identity would lead to increased feelings of work engagement and

decreased feelings of burnout. The Hypothesis was only partially confirmed, as gender identity

only significantly increased feelings of work engagement (H3a). Hypothesis 4a and 4b, which

were not supported, predicted organizational identity to mitigate the negative effect of the

imposter phenomenon on work engagement (H4a), as well as burnout (H4b). Gender Identity

was expected to positively influence the association between the imposter syndrome and both

well-being measures (H5a; H5b); only Hypothesis 5a was supported by the data.

By confirming the negative effect of the imposter syndrome on well-being that previous

literature has found (Sakulku & Alexander, 2011; Vergauwe, 2015; Jöstl et al., 2015; Sonnak &

Towell, 2001), this study shows that imposter tendencies in the workplace cannot be overlooked.

This research contributes therefore to the existing literature in showing that imposter tendencies

lead to decreased feelings of work engagement and increased feelings of burnout. Specifically,

this study was the first to examine work engagement in relation to the imposter syndrome. It

seems therefore plausible that work engagement indeed reflects more cognitively relevant

aspects of well-being at work, in that it fosters motivation and self-appreciation (Hakanen, 2006).

Cognitive and affective features, such as the fear of failure and the maladaptive perfectionist

concerns that the imposter syndrome brings about, might increase workaholism and lower self-

recognized success, and hence lead to decreased feelings of work engagement (Hakanen et al.,

2006).

Further, the predicted direct effect of organizational identity on feelings of work

engagement and feelings of burnout was confirmed, implying a buffering effect against adverse

effects. This finding is in line with previous literature, and confirms the power of social identities

30


to ameliorate negative effects in the workplace (Haslam et al., 2005, 2006, 2009; Sani et al.,

2012). Organizational identity as such can therefore be conceptualized as a psychological

resource. Its mechanisms may work through enhancing the processes of self-definitions and

interpersonal interactions.

This study contributes to the literature in that it was able to confirm the conceptual

relation between gender identity and work engagement, confirming the relevance of the self to

cognitive and motivational processes at work. As motivation and dedication are informed by

internal, cognitive processes, and work engagement seems to reflect a part of an individual’s

mental well-being at work, it makes sense that the ways in which an individual defines him- or

herself can contribute to a stronger mental health at work.

This link seems plausible, as work engagement as such seems to be informed by values,

beliefs, and goals that have been firmly incorporated into and individual’s self-concept, hence

pertaining to personally relevant identity dimensions (Dovidio et al., 2001). As gender identity

constitutes a social identity, and social identities and personal identities are both constantly

negotiated in a social context, they reciprocally inform one another (Adams, 2014). Given the

cognitive or psychological nature of work engagement, reflecting itself in dedication, absorption,

and motivation (Schaufeli et al., 2006), it seems probable that an interplay between socially and

personally relevant identity dimensions inform an individual’s work engagement. Further, gender

identity as such seems to offer a broader identity dimension to draw from, since it is not

necessarily directly bound to the workplace, as is an organizational identity. Hence, a wider

range of positively informative associations might be informative for work engagement. Given

the nature and structure of work engagement and the more independent (of the workplace) and

31


interrelated (with personal identity) role of gender identity then it makes sense that gender

identity is most informative for work engagement.

This rationale taken further might explain why gender identity did not have an effect on

burnout. I would suggest that burnout might be more informative for organizationally relevant

outcomes. As it requires a constant stressor, or is directly informed by a work-related strain

(Halbsleben & Buckley, 2004). It might therefore make sense that one’s organizational identity

buffers against feelings of burnout, as it seems to be offering more direct information concerning

this specific context, such as light workload, pleasant co-workers, appropriate amounts of

pressure and responsibility, or the structure or actions of the organization that align with the ones

of the individual.

Another aim of this study addressed a gap in the literature and investigated the role of

organizational identity as a moderator variable in the relationship between the Imposter

syndrome and well-being outcomes in the workplace. The results indicated however, that

organizational identity did not act as a buffer variable in this study. The lack of the expected

finding can be explained in that social identities may offer protection through an independent

domain (McQueen & Klein, 2006), as for example in self-affirmative processes (Sherman,

2013). As organizational identity refers to the identification with the organization itself (Ashforth

& Mael, 1996) individuals that experience imposter fears, might draw from social identities in

more independent domains to cope instead of the hypothesized organizational identity.

Further, it seems plausible that imposter fears play a role on a more individual level, as

imposterism can be regarded as an intimate, or very personal experience, which is attempted to

be covered up through acting a role (Sherman et al., 2013). This might prevent organizational

identity, which is naturally tied to the work group, to exert a buffering effect because they tap too

32


closely into the domain of the threat, and are essentially part of the perceived deception. The role

that imposters tend to act at work, might as well influence the organizational identity they

continuously negotiate (Hatch & Schulz, 1997; Gioia et al., 2000), rendering it an insufficient

identity domain in this particular issue, as they overtly falsify their own identities. Hence, the

expected effect was not found.

My research further contributes to the literature in that it confirmed a moderating role of

gender identity on the association between the imposter syndrome and work engagement. As

previously explained, a conceptual relation between gender identity and work engagement is

theoretically convincing. In its role as a moderator it might be beneficial that gender identity can

comprise a more distinctive feature of an individual (Brewer, 1993). A unique aspect that

informs an individual’s self-definition, which makes one distinct and unique from others within

the group one belongs to. Further, it comprises a more stable aspect of the self (Alberts et al.,

2003; Watson, 2008; Magerman, 2015; Gioia et al., 2000) and given its interrelation with

personal identity (Deaux, 1993), it might offer numerous relevant contexts in which it carries a

positive connotation. It might therefore render it a more independent and appropriate coping tool.

Hence, one’s gender identity in the specific context at work offers protection through

highlighting a unique and unrelated feature to this organizationally relevant issue (McQueen &

Klein, 2006). By that I mean that compared to an organizational identity, gender identity might

inform the individual at the workplace in a more personally relevant way. Thereby it might offer

more positive associations, especially outside the workplace. This might be helpful, as imposter

tendencies lead individual’s to act a role, fooling their colleagues and by that also the

organization this group belongs to. This might render gender identity more beneficial, as it seems

to be independent to the subjective perception of acting as a fraud. Further, having imposter fears

33


does not differ for men or women (Bussotti, 1990; Langford & Clance, 1990; Topping &

Kimmel, 1985), and therefore ones gender identity might be independent of the perceived

fraudulence in the work setting, and hence it would remain unchanged no matter if one

experiences imposter fears or not.

Finally, as research on identity and the Imposter syndrome has predominantly developed

from research in Western contexts (Brewer, 2007; Adams, 2014), this studies contribution to the

literature is twofold. Firstly, by replicating a Western theoretical construct, I shed light on the

prevalence of the imposter syndrome, thereby extending its theoretical scope, as well as

increasing the knowledge of a non-Western theoretical model to a non-Western context. Bearing

this in mind, results indicate that the imposter phenomenon might not be an exclusively Western

concept, but might be culturally universal. Its prevalence has been reported for Asia, America, as

well as South Africa (Ikbaal, 2018; Nakazwe-Masiya, Price & Hofmeyr, 2017; Kaufman, 2014;

Furner et al., 2013) and hence this study adds support to idea of cultural universality. Secondly,

the moderating role of gender identity confirms that social identities in non-Western non-affluent

contexts are a powerful tool to strengthen individual’s well-being at work.

Limitations and recommendations

A first limitation resides in the identities under investigation. This study solely included

social identities, while it seems plausible that the imposter syndrome concerns a more private

and intimate matter. The results suggest that imposter experiences might involve personal issues

that reside within the intrapersonal self, as exposed to social contexts at work, and might hence

be rather tied to the uniqueness component of an individual’s self. Further, personal and social

identity domains permanently inform each other, and exist through constant negotiation within

social contexts, but cannot exist without one another.

34


Future research should therefore investigate how personal and social identity domains

inform well-being that is at stake through imposter tendencies. Research has found personal and

social identity to positively relate to well-being, realizing equal purposes across countries

(Adams, 2014). I therefore suggest the concept of work identity to be included, as it is essentially

comprised of three identities (personal, relational, and social), and might therefore offer more

thorough insights into the complex operations of identity on the negative effects of imposter

fears. I further recommend to include different indicators of well-being, such as life satisfaction

(more general evaluation of the impact of the imposter phenomenon), or organizational level

outcomes (job performance or job satisfaction) in order to increase the attention of organizations

for support and interventions.

A second limitation pertains to the studies design. The cross-sectional nature of the study

does not allow for inferences of causality between the studies variables. Hence, an experimental

study design is needed in order to establish causal claims. Another way to improve this study

would have been a longitudinal design, as it allows for better insights into identity events over

time. Identity-inconsistencies due to having many different social identities might impair the

predictive power of this study, and it is therefore important to establish whether imposter fears

are created through social pressures, or whether they rather reside within the self. This can be

captured more thoroughly in a longitudinal study, as it would allow for insights into the stability

and change of the imposter phenomenon across time spans. Therefore, future research should

focus on addressing issues regarding the development and consequences of imposter experiences

over time.

As a third limitation, I want to mention the studies self-reporting nature. As the data

collection was realized through self-reports only, and participants were able to self-select their

35


participation, a biased sample might have emerged. Specifically, the imposter phenomenon

increases the likelihood of participants to downgrade themselves due to their subjective

perceptions of inadequacy, and hence might have cause underreporting effects (Vergauwe et al.,

2015). However, as this bias could naturally reside within individuals given imposter cognitions

it is hard to solve through the adaptation of the study design. Sechidis et al. (2017) offer a

solution by statistically correcting for underreporting effects. Through missingness graphs they

attempt to derive correction factors that assess the power loss of the analysis. This could present

a valid way to handle underreporting effects in imposters. Nonetheless, the statistical betterment

of the efficiency of estimates from surveyed data is out of the scope of this research. Further,

social desirability bias might have occurred, as numerous questionnaire items are subject to

socially desirable responding. However, this bias was counteracted due to the anonymous nature

of the questionnaire.

Practical implications

The findings of the present study clearly highlight the negative impact the imposter

syndrome can have at the workplace, and further give rise to the idea that imposter fears might

be a universal phenomenon. It is therefore crucial to find ways to identify imposter fears at the

work place, and develop ways to offer help and support in order to ensure the well-being of both,

individual, as well as organization.

As a first step, organizations will be well advised to recognize the prevalence and the

negative impact that the imposter syndrome has in the workplace. It might then be helpful to

develop appropriate assessment tools to allow for reliable identification of imposter tendencies.

An effective instrument could be performance reviews as they might be a first signal or warning

36


sign to supervisors. In a positive light, they might also allow for the tracking and recognition of

improvement.

Further, the employment of feedback systems within an organizational setting (i.e., 360-

degree feedback), might be useful for imposters to learn how to correctly perceive themselves

and their accomplishments. It has been suggested that the improvement of perception of

workplace social support for example can protect against negative consequences of imposter

fears (Vergauwe et al., 2014), and yet others have already recommended the implementation of

structured feedback systems (Cogner & Fulmer, 2004). However, it might be a double-edged

sword to make an imposter subject to extensive feedback. The individual should be carefully

introduced to such interventions, as imposterism makes individuals very sensitive to criticism,

and if employed incorrectly, might lead those with imposter tendencies to experience even more

stress, and even foster imposter cognitions. It is then the task of any employer, or supervisor, to

make their employees, who are suffering from imposter fears, realize that responsibility goes

hand in hand with criticism (Kets de Vries, 2005). Additionally, mentoring systems might be a

useful intervention employed within the organization, and have previously been recommended

by other researchers (Huffstutler & Varnell, 2006; Leung, 2006). They might help imposters to

combine their own subjective reality with the objective reality of a trusted co-worker or

supervisor to learn how to correctly self-assess.

It might further be useful to promote an employee’s identification with the organization, a

work team, or an occupation as it would directly and substantially foster employee well-being.

Specifically, this can be achieved through increasing perceptions of prestige and a distinctive

character of the organization, supervisor support and appreciation, as well as increasing

perceptions of opportunities in terms of promotions and personal growth (Reade, 2001). In terms

37


of identification with a work team, leadership styles such as transformational leadership styles

are effective in its promotion, as they foster team cohesion and perceived efficacy (Ruggieri &

Abbate, 2013). However, specific leadership styles need to be administered within the

constraints of culture, as culture shapes the needs of employees in terms of appropriate

leadership. Managers should also foster employee identification with their gender, by for

example implementing tasks that are in line with specific gender roles, which has been shown to

increase positive reactions towards the assigned tasks (Wood and Eagly, 2015).

Conclusion

Work is one of the central parts in the lives of many people, and plays an important role

in how people define themselves. This paper shows, that when people feel underserving or

incapable in the position they hold or the occupation they have, it will render them less driven to

work, and it will generally make them feel more stressed. Its importance for well-being is

therefore very obvious. This paper addressed the complexity with which identity informs well-

being, and future studies should set out to further explore these complex mechanisms and

possibly identify causal processes in order to ensure employees wellness. It can be said that if

people know who they are, this will make them feel happier and more satisfied, even though they

might not always feel good with the work they perform. Identity then seems to be once more the

key to a happier, satisfied, and fulfilled life.

38


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