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Carmen VASILE ADVERBUL ROMÂNESC
ÎNTRE CONTINUITATE LATINĂ, SPECIFIC BALCANIC ŞI EVOLUȚIE INTERNĂ
ADVERBUL ROMÂNESC ÎNTRE CONTINUITATE LATINĂ, SPECIFIC BALCANIC
ŞI EVOLUȚIE INTERNĂ
Autor: Carmen VASILE Conducător ştiințific: Prof. univ. dr. Gabriela PANĂ DINDELEGAN
Lucrare realizată în cadrul proiectului „Valorificarea identităților culturale în procesele globale”, cofinanțat din Fondul Social European prin Programul Operațional Sectorial Dezvoltarea Resurselor Umane 2007 – 2013, contractul de finanțare nr. POSDRU/89/1.5/S/59758. Titlurile şi drepturile de proprietate intelectuală şi industrială asupra rezul‐tatelor obținute în cadrul stagiului de cercetare postdoctorală aparțin Academiei Române.
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ISBN 978‐973‐167‐200‐7 Depozit legal: Trim. II 2013
Carmen VASILE
Adverbul românesc între continuitate latină, specific balcanic și evoluție internă
Editura Muzeului Național al Literaturii Române
Colecția AULA MAGNA
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Cuprins
INTRODUCERE .................................................................................................... 9 CAPITOLUL 1: ADVERBUL ROMÂNESC. TRĂSĂTURI
ROMANICE ŞI NEROMANICE. PREZENTARE GENERALĂ ........................................................................... 11 1. Introducere ..........................................................................11 2. Forma adverbelor ...............................................................12 2.1. Adverbe sufixate...........................................................12 2.2. Forme compuse.............................................................23 2.3. Formanții adverbiali non‐lexicali ...............................24 2.4. Forme omonime cu alte clase lexico‐gramaticale ....31 2.5. Locuțiuni și expresii adverbiale .................................38
3. Observații (lexico‐)semantice și etimologice...................39 4. Observații sintactice ...........................................................41 5. Concluzii ..............................................................................44
CAPITOLUL 2: ADVERBELE ÎN ‐IŞ ŞI ‐ÂŞ. O CLASĂ DE ADVERBE SUFIXATE CU TRĂSĂTURI PARTICULARE ÎN CONTEXT ROMANIC.......................................................... 45 1. Inventarul formațiilor adverbiale în ‐iș și ‐âș ..................45 2. Câteva observații asupra adverbelor în ‐iș și ‐âș ............59 2.1. Sensul .............................................................................59 2.2. Atestarea, vitalitatea și repartizarea diafazică și
diatopică ......................................................................60 2.3. Originea adverbelor în ‐iș și ‐âș. Continuumul
morfo‐lexical cu clasa numelui.................................63 2.4. Corespondentele romanice ale adverbelor
în ‐iș și ‐âș .....................................................................69 3. Concluzii ..............................................................................71
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CAPITOLUL 3: GRUPURILE NOMINALE NEPREPOZIȚIONALE CU VALOARE ADVERBIALĂ ÎN ROMÂNĂ .................. 72 1. Preliminarii ..........................................................................72 2. Descrierea generală și interpretarea adverbialelor
grupuri nominale neprepoziționale ................................73 3. Structura adverbialelor grupuri nominale
neprepoziționale în română .............................................79 3.1. Substantivele .................................................................79 3.2. Determinanții, cuantificatorii, modificatorii.............79 3.3. Prepoziția.......................................................................81
4. Trăsături nominale și trăsături adverbiale ......................82 5. Concluzii ..............................................................................86
CAPITOLUL 4: SPECIFICUL EXPRESIILOR LEXICALE ADVERBIALE DE TIPUL ÎN MOD / ÎN CHIP + ADJECTIV ÎN LIMBA ROMÂNĂ...................................... 87 1. Introducere ..........................................................................87 2. Adverbialele cu structura în mod..., în chip..., la modul... + adjectiv în româna actuală...........................90 2.1. Forma, sensul și utilizarea...........................................91 2.2. Frecvența și repartizarea stilistică ..............................98
3. Expresiile adverbiale în chip..., în mod... în diacronie .....99 3.1. Etimologia......................................................................99 3.2. Observații asupra folosirii lexemului chip
în diacronie................................................................101 3.3. Observații asupra folosirii lexemului mod
în diacronie. Zonele de suprapunere cu lexemul chip ...............................................................114
4. Evoluția expresiilor adverbiale în chip... + adjectiv. Posibile explicații .............................................................116
5. Concluzii ............................................................................119
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CAPITOLUL 5: UN TIPAR ADVERBIAL SPECIFIC ROMÂNEI: PE ALESE, PE NEMÂNCATE. CORESPONDENTE ROMANICE ŞI BALCANICE ........................................... 121 1. Introducere ........................................................................121 2. Corespondente romanice.................................................122 3. Corespondente sud‐dunărene ........................................128 4. Corespondente în albaneză .............................................129 5. Concluzii comparative .....................................................130
CAPITOLUL 6: SPECIFICUL CONSTRUCȚIILOR ROMÂNEŞTI DE TIPUL ÎNAINTE‐ȚI / ÎNAINTEA‐ȚI / ÎNAINTEA TA .... 132 1. Introducere ........................................................................132 2. Componentele structurii locativ + posesiv....................134 2.1. Locativul ......................................................................134 2.2. Posesivul pronominal ................................................135
3. Observații diacronice .......................................................137 3.1. Forma lexemului locativ............................................137 3.2. Variația construcțiilor cu posesive pronominale ...141
4. Observații comparative....................................................144 5. Concluzii ............................................................................147
CONCLUZII GENERALE................................................................................. 148 BIBLIOGRAFIE ................................................................................................ 153 DICȚIONARE, GLOSARE, SURSE ................................................................. 175 ANEXA 1: ADVERBE CU PARTICULE ADVERBIALE ŞI VARIANTE
FORMALE ALE FINALEI (MDA). INVENTAR....................... 180 ANEXA 2: EXPRESIILE ADVERBIALE DE TIPUL PE ALESE, PE
NEMÂNCATE. INVENTAR, PARTICULE ADVERBIALE ..... 186 ADDENDA
ABSTRACT.................................................................................... 193 TABLE OF CONTENTS............................................................... 198
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ADDENDA
Abstract
The Romanian Adverb. Latin Continuity, Balkan Features and Internal Evolution Crossroads
This work describes the particularities of the Romanian adverb, by completing and improving the information to be found in Romanian and foreign literature (for a general overview, see chapter 1). For a more accurate account of the specific features of the Romanian adverb, some topics have been elaborated in separate chapters: adverbs ending in ‐iş and ‐âş (chapter 2); adverbial noun phrases such as vara asta ‘this summer’, seara ‘every evening, in the evening’, astăzi ‘today’ (chapter 3); adverbial constructions like în mod ciudat ‘in a strange way’, la modul general ‘in a general way’, în chip ciudat ‘in a strange way’ (chapter 4); adverbial constructions like pe alese ‘at will’, pe dibuite ‘fumblingly’, pe nesimțite ‘imperceptibly’ (chapter 5); syntactic constructions like înainte‐ți, înaintea‐ți, înaintea ta ‘in front of you, before you’ (chapter 6). Thus, the book is structured in six main chapters. They are followed by two annexes: Annex 1: Adverbs with non‐lexical formatives and formal variants of the ending (MDA). An inventory, and Annex 2: Adverbial expressions pe alese ‘at will’, pe nemâncate ‘on an empty stomach’. Inventory, non‐lexical adverbial formatives.
These topics have been investigated from a descriptive perspective, synchronically and, in general, diachronically as well. As much as possible, each time the typological perspective has been emphasised (with focus on Romance and Balkan features). Theoretical suggestions have also been made (mostly within the traditional theoretical frame).
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In the first chapter (Romanian adverb. Romance and Balkan features. General presentation), the general features of Romanian adverbs are described. The most important of them are: most Romanian manner adverbs are identical with the masculine‐neuter singular form of adjectives; there are a few suffixed forms and their usage is constrained; the adverbial suffixes ‐eşte (frățeşte ‘like a brother, fraternally’, spiritualiceşte ‘spiritually’) and ‐iş (cruciş ‘crosswise’, târâş ‘crawling, on all fours’), specific to Romanian, are not of Romance origin; the Latin ablative mente was not employed in Romanian adverbial derivation; a series of non‐lexical formatives can be attached to adverbs and prepositional phrases with adverbial value; adverbs denoting languages behave syntactically like nouns; motion verbs and verbs of saying may select an unergative non‐finite form with (supine / participle), recategorized as adverbial adjuncts; adverbs in certain non‐comparative superlative structures are introduced by the functional preposition de (extrem de dificil ‘extremely difficult’; as a non‐restrictive modifier of a nominal head, the adverb is also headed by a preposition, usually de (fata de aici ‘the girl over here’), but may attach without a preposition to deverbal nominal heads (plecarea azi ‘leaving today’, plecarea de azi ‘today’s departure’); locative adverb(ial)s may take pronominal clitics (stă împotrivă‐mi ‘he stands against me’); the adverbs mai ‘(any) more, still, also’, şi ‘immediately, also’, tot ‘still, also’, prea ‘too’, cam ‘rather’ can split analytic verb forms.
Chapter 2 (Adverbs ending in ‐iş and ‐âş. A class of suffixed adverbs with special features in Romance context) analyses the ‐iş and ‐âş adverbs, like pieptiş ‘abruptly’, cruciş ‘crosswise’, fățiş ‘frankly’ and târâş ‘crawling, on all fours’. The suffixes ‐iş and ‐âş are not currently productive. These adverbs characterize the regional and colloquial language and they occur mostly in idiomatic structures. Romanian adverbs ending in ‐iș and ‐âș have Romance counterparts with the adverbial pattern ad ...ones, but they are similar only in some respects. The similarities are punctual or relate to the subclass of adverb forms signifying bodily movements and postures. These similarities are semantic, lexical, style‐related and structural. The first part of this chapter consists of an inventory of ‐iș and ‐âș adverbs. This is larger than initially thought (about 90 entries), since previous inventories have been added by ten entries newly identified in dictionaries and texts.
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Each entry has information to show: meaning; first attestation and etymology; collocations, etc. The most important findings from the second part of this chapter are: the meaning of these adverbs has a significant locative / positional component which gives the particularity of the way the action is performed; thus, comparison and glosses with în mod..., în chip... ‘in a ... way’ are not specific; the derived words are very old, attested since the 16th century, and characterize the colloquial and regional language (there is no derived word of neological root); approximately half of the adverb lexemes also have a noun value and / or adjectival value and, in general, these units have strong noun features.
Chapter 3 (Non‐prepositional noun phrases with an adverbial value in Romanian) deals with Romanian adverbial noun phrases such as vara asta ‘this summer’, seara ‘every evening, in the evening’, lunea ‘every Monday; on Mondays’, astăzi ‘today’, etc. The first part of the chapter provides a brief description of the nominal phrases with an adverbial value (cross‐linguistically, they are based on temporal, locative, and manner NPs), subsequently presenting their syntactic interpretation. The second part of the chapter turns to Romanian adverbial NPs, focusing on: types of nouns occurring in this pattern (mainly, temporal); types of determiners, quantifiers and modifiers of these nouns; the possibility to leave out the preposition ((în) vara asta ‘this summer’; (*în) luni ‘on Monday’; *(în) fiecare zi ‘every day’); nominal vs. adverbial features of these phrases.
Chapter 4 (The particularity of lexical adverbial expressions în mod / în chip + adjective ‘in a ... way’ in Romanian) puts forth an analysis of the manner expressions în mod + adjective ‘in a ... way’ (mod ‘manner, way, mode’) and în chip + adjective ‘in a ... way’ (chip ‘face; image; appearance; look; shape; manner’). The two structures contain loanwords (mod is a Romance loanword, chip has a Hungarian or / and Slavic etymon) and have analogous uses in other languages. The main aim of the chapter is to describe the uses and the meaning of these adverbials in the contemporary Romanian as well as in old and (pre‐)modern Romanian. The expressions în mod + qualifying / relative / reference‐modifying adjective are nowadays more frequent (12 : 1) and are stylistically unmarked compared to those containing chip, which are characteristic for the high register and essay
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writing. The question that remains to be answered is why the older expressions containing chip have not been generally used to express manner and have very limited usage in contemporary language. Based on new diachronic data, some hypotheses that would explain the synchronic variation of the aforementioned expressions in present‐day Romanian are proposed. The evolution of the adverbials containing chip must be studied alongside other phenomena, i.e. the development of the adverbials containing fel ‘manner, way, species, kind’ and mod ‘manner, way, mode’ and the diachronic dynamics of the taxonomic nouns. Another proposal is advanced, namely that there is a correspondence between the non‐factive and, particularly, counter‐factive nature of the word chip (see the pragmaticalisation of the adverb chipurile ‘seemingly, apparently’) and of the aforementioned lexicalized structures, which in fact could possibly block the development of an unmarked usage. Another explanation proposed for the obsolescence of the adverbials containing în chip is related to the cultural context in the (pre‐)modern Romanian, i.e. the “Re‐Romanization” of the vocabulary.
In Romanian, there is an important number of frozen phrases based on a recursive structure: the obligatory preposition pe plus a verbal basis (formally identical to the past participle) plus the optional ending ‐e (identical to the feminine / neuter plural inflectional ending ‐e): pe alese ‘at will’, pe dibuite ‘fumblingly’, pe înserate ‘at dusk’, pe nesimțite ‘imperceptibly’. Chapter 5 (An adverbial pattern specific to Romanian: pe alese ‘at will’, pe nemâncate ‘on an empty stomach’. Romance and Balkan counterparts) shows that the Romanian adverbials with this structure resemble Romance adverbials ending in ‐ons (Fr., Cat.), ‐ones (Sp.), ‐ouns (Prov.), ‐ões (Ptg.), ‐one / ‐oni (It.) only in some general respects: the obligatorily presence of the preposition, the possibility of replacing the preposition pe with other prepositions (în, de, din, întru, etc.); the ending, interpreted as adverbial particle or as a plural inflexion, expressing the repetition of an action and / or its continuity. They contrast in other respects: their general manner value and, secondly, temporal value (they express bodily movements and posture to a limited extent only); the lexical basis comes from a verb, not from a (pure) nominal form; the Romanian pattern is nowadays productive. With respect to their meaning, to their
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relative productivity and to the presence of adverbial particles, these Romanian adverbials resemble gerunds from the South‐Danubian varieties. There are also some commonalities with a class of temporal adverbials from Albanian.
Chapter 6 (The particularity of Romanian constructions like înainte‐ți / înaintea‐ți / înaintea ta ‘in front of you’) analyses the constructions involving genitival prepositions / adverbs plus pronominal DPs and their variation. In contemporary Romanian, the genitive assigning preposition(al)s (înaintea ‘in front of, before of’, împrejurul ‘around’, dedesubtul ‘beneath / underneath’, în fața ‘in front of’, în spatele ‘behind’, împotriva ‘against’, etc.) can be followed by full DPs, 3rd person genitive personal pronouns (lui, ei, lor), and, in partially complementary distribution, possessive adjectives encoding 1st, and 2nd person singular and plural of the possessor and also the 3rd person singular of the possessor (tatăl său ‘his / her father’, problemele sale ‘their problems’). In old Romanian, these preposition(al)s selected dative / genitive personal and reflexive clitics as well (deasupra‐mi ‘against.DEF=I.CL.Pers.DAT/GEN.1SG’, asupră‐și ‘over=(s)he.CL.Refl.DAT/GEN.1SG’).
This chapter describes the variation of the constructions with the pronominal possessives, i.e. the form of the preposition (with a definite article suffixed on it, like înaintea ‘before.DEF’, or bare înainte ‘before’, with the latter traditionally interpreted as adverb) and the alternation of the different instantiations of the pronominal complement.
Based on new diachronic empirical data and on the comparison with the construction with genitive licensing head nouns, it is questioned the commonly traditional view according to which the units with a definite ending are preposition whereas the bare units are adverbs. The conclusion is that in many contexts, definite / indefinite form of the genitive licenser is irrelevant for its interpretation as prepositional or as adverbial. Furthermore, some comparative considerations are made, especially regarding the possessive adjective. The existence of the possessive adjective following a genitive preposition in Aromanian (diníntea a meá ‘in front of me, before me’) and in some Ibero‐Romance varieties (Cat. devant meu, non‐standard Sp. delante míu, etc.) could be viewed as a parallel development based on common syntactic and semantic typological possibilities.
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Table of contents
INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 9 CHAPTER 1: ROMANIAN ADVERB. ROMANCE AND NON‐
ROMANCE FEATURES. GENERAL PRESENTATION................................................................... 11 1. Introduction ........................................................................11 2. Adverb forms ......................................................................12 2.1. Suffixed adverbs ...........................................................12 2.2. Compound forms .........................................................23 2.3. Non‐lexical adverbial formatives ...............................24 2.4. Forms homophonous with words in other
classes ..........................................................................31 2.5. Fixed collocations and adverbial expressions ..........38
3. Lexical, semantic, and etymological notes ......................39 4. Syntactic notes.....................................................................41 5. Conclusions .........................................................................44
CHAPTER 2: ADVERBS ENDING IN ‐IŞ AND ‐ÂŞ. A CLASS OF SUFFIXED ADVERBS WITH SPECIAL FEATURES IN ROMANCE CONTEXT................................................... 45 1. Inventory of adverb forms ending in ‐iş and ‐âş ............45 2. Notes on ‐iş and ‐âş adverbs.............................................59 2.1. Meaning .........................................................................59 2.2. Attestation, vitality and diaphasic and diatopic
distribution ..................................................................60 2.3. The origin of ‐iş and ‐âş adverbs. Morpholexical
continuum with the noun class ................................63 2.4. Romance counterparts of ‐iş and ‐âş adverbs ..........69
3. Conclusions .........................................................................71
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CHAPTER 3: NON‐PREPOSITIONAL NOUN PHRASES WITH AN ADVERBIAL VALUE IN ROMANIAN ............................. 72 1. Preliminaries........................................................................72 2. General description and interpretation of
non‐prepositional noun phrases with an adverbial value .............................................................73
3. Structure of non‐prepositional noun phrases with an adverbial value in Romanian ...........................................79 3.1. Nouns.............................................................................79 3.2. Determiners, quantifiers, modifiers ...........................79 3.3. Preposition.....................................................................81
4. Nominal features and adverbial features........................82 5. Conclusions .........................................................................86
CHAPTER 4: THE PARTICULARITY OF THE LEXICAL ADVERBIAL EXPRESSIONS ÎN MOD / ÎN CHIP + ADJECTIVE ‘IN A ... WAY’ IN ROMANIAN................... 87 1. Introduction.........................................................................87 2. Adverbial structures în mod..., în chip..., la modul... + adjective in contemporary Romanian............90 2.1. Form, meaning and use ...............................................91 2.2. Frequency and registers ..............................................98
3. Adverbial expressions în chip..., în mod... in diachrony ............................................................................99 3.1. Etymology .....................................................................99 3.2. Diachronic notes on the use of the lexeme
chip ‘way, manner’ ...................................................101 3.3. Diachronic notes on the use of the lexeme
mod ‘way, manner’. Overlapping areas with the lexeme chip.................................................................114
4. The evolution of the adverbial expressions în chip... + adjective. Possible explanations ..................116
5. Conclusions .......................................................................119
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CHAPTER 5: AN ADVERBIAL PATTERN SPECIFIC TO ROMANIAN: PE ALESE ‘AT WILL’ , PE NEMÂNCATE ‘ON AN EMPTY STOMACH’. ROMANCE AND BALKAN COUNTERPARTS ............ 121 1. Introduction.......................................................................121 2. Romance counterparts .....................................................122 3. South‐Danubian counterparts.........................................128 4. Albanian counterparts .....................................................129 5. Contrasting conclusions...................................................130
CHAPTER 6: THE PARTICULARITY OF ROMANIAN CONSTRUCTIONS LIKE ÎNAINTE‐ȚȚI / NAINTEA‐ȚI / ÎNAINTEA TA ‘IN FRONT OF YOU’..... 132 1. Introduction.......................................................................132 2. The components of the Locative + Possessive
structure ............................................................................134 2.1. Locative........................................................................134 2.2. Pronominal possessives ............................................135
3. Diachronic notes ...............................................................137 3.1. Form of the locative lexeme ......................................137 3.2. Variation of the constructions with
the pronominal possessives ....................................141 4. Contrasting observations.................................................144 5. Conclusions .......................................................................147
GENERAL CONCLUSIONS ............................................................................ 148 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................ 153 DICTIONARIES, GLOSSARIES, SOURCES .................................................. 175 ANNEX 1: ADVERBS WITH NON‐LEXICAL FORMATIVES AND
FORMAL VARIANTS OF THE ENDING (MDA). AN INVENTORY ............................................................................... 180
ANNEX 2: ADVERBIAL EXPRESSIONS PE ALESE ‘AT WILL’, PE NEMÂNCATE ‘ON AN EMPTY STOMACH’. INVENTORY, NON‐LEXICAL ADVERBIAL FORMATIVES .............................................................................. 186
Editura Muzeului Național al Literaturii Române
CNCS PN ‐ II ‐ ACRED ‐ ED ‐ 2012 – 0374 Coperta colecției: AULA MAGNA
Machetare, tehnoredactare şi prezentare grafică: Luminița LOGIN, Nicolae LOGIN Logistică editorială şi diseminare: Ovidiu SÎRBU, Radu AMAN
Traducerea sumarului şi sintezei, corectură şi bun de tipar
asigurate de autor
ISBN 978‐973‐167‐200‐7 Apărut trim. II 2013