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Stratification and Role of the Elite Muslim Women in the State 1

of Awadh, 1742-1857 2

3 This paper focuses on stratification and role of the elite Muslim Women in the State of 4 Awadh during second-half of eighteenth and first-half of nineteenth century India. It 5 evaluates the categorization of women, associated with the court and division of 6 political and domestic power among them. It also seeks their economic resources and 7 their contribution in fields of art and architecture. The study finds that first category of 8 royal women of Awadh, including queen mother and chief wives, enjoyed a powerful 9 position in the state-matters unlike many other states of the time in India. Besides high 10 cadre of royal ladies, three more cadres of royal women existed in Awadh’s court with 11 multiple ratio of power and economic resources. Elite women’s input and backing to 12 various genres of art, language and culture resulted in growth of Urdu poetry, prose, 13 drama and music in addition to religious architecture. The paper has been produced on 14 the basis of primary and secondary sources. It includes the historical accounts, written 15 by contemporary historians as well as cultural writings, produced by poets and literary 16 figures of the time besides letters and other writings of the rulers of Awadh. It gives 17 another dimension in form of the writings produced by the British travelers and others. 18 19 20

Introduction 21 22

The study of Muslim women of Awadh, like women of all other areas of 23

India during 18th

and 19th

century is a marginalized theme of study in 24 historiography of India. It never meant that women were inactive or not 25

performing well on national, state or other levels. They had been doing an 26 excellent job on many echelons and now this is time to explore their services, 27

their role in politics and other fields of life. This paper is an attempt to find out 28 stratification of Awadh’s Muslim women, associated with the court 29

specifically. It seeks what role they were playing in politics of the state of 30 Awadh directly or indirectly, what was their contribution in fields of art, 31 architecture and literature and what role had they played in War of 32 Independence against the British East India Company (BEIC)? This paper 33

negates the idea of Knighten, author of The Eastern King that the royal ladies 34 regard men as a superior order of being, listen to their views as the child listen 35 to those of its parents, adopt their views and embrace their opinions with 36 unhesitating confidence that bespeaks child-like simplicity and implicit faith.

1 37

This paper finds that all Royal women of Awadh were not dependent on the 38

males and many of them were not only independent in their decisions but also 39 were there to guide the male counterparts of the royal family; even the Kings 40

and Nawabs. In some cases, they were more sensible and wise than the Nawabs 41 and Kings. There were many high-spirited royal ladies, who were exceedingly 42 ambitious and self-willed including Sadr un Nisa Begum, Bahu Begum, 43 Badshah Begum, Kishwar Sultana and Hazarat Mahal etc. Besides politics, the 44

1Muhammad Taqi Ahmad, Tarikh Badshah Begam (History of Badshah Begum) (Allahabad:

K. Mitra, 1938), iii.

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elite section of Awadh’s women was equally literate and had interest in cultural 1 activities. 2

Awadh known as Avadh, Oude or Oudh is located in north-eastern part of 3 Uttar Pradesh, which is heart of the Indo-Gangetic plain. The origin of its name 4 is traced back to Ayodhya, the capital of the ancient kingdom of Kosala.

2 5

Muslims occupied the region in the twelfth century and it became part of the 6 Mughal Empire in the 16

th century A.D. The majority of the population of the 7

region was Hindu and Muslims always remained in minority3 even till the 8

annexation of the state by BEIC. The state of Awadh was established by Mir 9 Muhammad Amin, an Iranian Shia. He was appointed as governor of Awadh 10 on 15 September 1722 by the Mughal emperor, where he established an 11 independent dynasty gradually under Mughal sovereignty and adopted the title 12

of Sada’at Khan Bahadur. He established capital of his state in Faizabad, but 13

later capital was shifted to Lucknow in 1775. He was succeeded by his nephew 14 and son in law Mirza Muhammad Muqeem entitled as Safdar Jang in 1740. 15

Shuja-ad-Daulah succeeded Safdar Jang in 1754. Asaf ud Daula took over in 16 January 1775 and ruled till September 1797.

4 Wazir Ali could rule for a year 17

only and was replaced by Sa’adat Ali Khan and was recognized by the BEIC 18

also.5 19

Early Nawabs of the state were capable rulers and resisted against BEIC. 20 However, last five rulers of the Dynasty including Ghazi al-Din Hydar (r. 21

1814-1827), Nasir al-Din Hydar (r. 1827-1837), Mohammad Ali Shah (1837-22 1842), Amjad Ali Shah (1842-1847) and Wajid Ali Shah (r. 1847-1856) were 23

benevolent and humane, though were powerless due to ‘increasing economic 24 and political encroachment’

6 of the Company’s officials. Finally, the Company 25

annexed the State in 1856 whereas Wajid Ali Shah was retired with stipend. He 26

lived in Calcutta and spent last many years of his life there.7 During War of 27

Independence 1857, freedom fighters appointed one of the sons of Wajid Ali 28 Shah, only 10 years old, under supervision of Hazrat Mahal, as king of Awadh 29 and started rebellion. This situation continued for almost seven months. The 30

British forces diverted back to Awadh in 1858 and defeated the disorganized, 31

disunited force of Awadh within two or three days.8 32

33

2Maulana Mohammad Najam ul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh Vol. 1 (History of Oudh), (Udipur: np,

1910), 33-34 and Munshi Ram Sahai, Ahsan-ut Tawareekh: Tarikh-i- Subah Oudh (The Best

of the Histories: History of the Province of Oudh), (np: Munshi Puran Chand,nd), 7. 3Veena Talwar Oldenburg, The Making of Colonial Lucknow (Delhi: OUP, 1989), 263 and

Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, The First Two Nawabs of Oudh (Lucknow: The Upper India

Publishing House Ltd, 1933), 263. 4Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol.II, 494.

5Sir W. H. Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, Revised by Vincent A.

Smith (Karachi: OUP, 1973 reprint), 473-74. 6Nawab Husayn Ali Khan, Tarikh-i-Husayniyyah cited in Sajida Sultana Alvi, Perspectives on

Mughal India: Rulers, Historians, Ulama and Sufis (Karachi: OUP, 2012), 78. 7Dr. Mohammad Baqir ed., Tarikh-i-Mumtaz (History of Mumtaz) (Lahore: Urdu Markaz, nd),

3-4. He wrote many letters to his wife from there in which he had written about his hardships. 8Abdul Haleem Sharar, Hindustan Mein Mashriqi Tamadun Ka Akhri Namoona (The Last

Phase of an Oriental Culture in India) (Lahore: Merkantil Press, nd), 58-60.

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Stratification of Women, Affiliated with the Court 1

2 The influential women, affiliated with the Court and the royal family can be 3 categorized into four sections. The most dynamic and vibrant section consisted 4 of the Queen-mother, grand-mother or the Chief Wives of the Kings. This 5 group was in a position of directly interfering with the state-affairs and ruled 6 both directly and indirectly. Sadr un Nisa Begum, Bahu Begum, Badshah 7

Begum, Kishwar Sultana and Hazarat Mahal are few examples in this regard. 8 The second category of such women consisted of the most favourite 9

courtesans of not only Kings but also of the prime Minister or Ministers, in 10 some cases. This group’s emergence in the state of Awadh was observed since 11 the days of Shuja ud Daula and in most of the cases, they had influenced the 12

affairs of the state indirectly. Jalalu, Surfraz Mahal and Beeba Jan are few 13

representatives of this section of women. 14 There was another less powerful but active or radical segment of royal 15

woman; the sisters of the king or some daughters of the Nawabs who altogether 16 negated the institution of marriage and preferred to spend lives alone. They 17 were prone to be dependent on males and wanted to live as they liked. They 18

adopted different methods to convince the Kings to increase their monthly 19 stipend. Daughters of Nawab Shuja ud Daula are major representatives of this 20 section of royal women. They initiated women activism in the society of 21

Awadh for the rights of women. This section of royal women includes less 22 influential or common wives of the Nawab or King also. The fourth category of 23

women whose rise was observed only during the last years of the state was of 24 employees of the royal house-hold especially kitchen and the affiliated 25 departments. Some of them were Barati Khanum, Jugna Khanum and Naurozi 26

Begum. 27

28 29

Politics and the Muslim Women 30 31

Generally, the perception had been developed by orientalists that Muslim 32 women of Indo-Pak sub-continent were confined to four boundaries and 33 restricted to purdah which was hindrance in the way of their political and social 34 activism. But the royal women of Awadh in 18

th and 19

th centuries, 35

representing multiple groups had proved this kind of assessment wrong. All 36

four categories of royal women of Awadh were performing active, even more 37 dynamic role than males, but with different ratio of power and wisdom. In 38 some cases, they were more effective and vigorous than some Nawabs and 39

Kings of the state. Most of the royal women observed purdah but it was their 40 strength, not weakness. 41 42 43

44

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Prominent Begums of Awadh 1 2

The most dominant part was played by powerful begums of the royal 3 family. Nawab Begum Sadar un Nisa- the imperious daughter of one Nawab 4 (Sada’at Khan Bahadur), wife of another (Safdar Jang), mother of the third 5 (Nawab Shuja-ad-Daulah) and grandmother of the fourth (Asaf ud Daula) was 6 the first conspicuous lady of the Muslim royal family of Awadh. She was 7

talented, wise, illustrious, chaste and virtuous lady.9 Safdar Jung, the second 8

Nawab of Awadh, married with the only wife, Sadar un Nisa and had great 9 affection with her.

10 Begum Sadr un Nisa accompanied her husband to deal 10

with the rebellious faction when horror and disorder spread in Awadh after 11 death of Sada’at Khan,

11 the first Nawab of the State. Being daughter of the 12

first Nawab, her company to her husband in dealing with the opponents proved 13

to be fruitful and peace was restored with the great speed. She encouraged 14 Safdar Jung to deal with the issues in that difficult times.

12 In September 1750, 15

Safdar Jung faced a defeat against Pathans. The news spread like a wild fire 16 that Safdar Jung had been died while fighting. The conspirators raised Imtiaz 17 ud Daula to Wizarat. Begum Sadr un Nisa kept her senses in control and raised 18

an army of 10000 soldiers, appointed her son as commander of the forces and 19 supervised the force to defend the city of Faizabad. The opposition forces were 20 silenced for the time being and decided to wait for the confirmation of the news 21

of Safdar Jung’s death.13

Safdar Jung returned back safely after few days. 22 Safdar was again in trouble to fight second Afghan War and was facing 23

problem of less finances. At that time, her wife came up with the whole of her 24 property including Rs. 1,10,000 and 4000 gold coins. With that he recollected 25 himself and had gathered his forces.

14 Later, he was successful. She remained a 26

source of not only encouragement and wisdom but also had come up with the 27

material help and accompanied her husband physically and practically in 28 restoring order, dealing with the enemies and in successfully catering with the 29 rebellious faction in case of absence of the Nawab from the capital. These traits 30

are enough to prove her as equal partner or key player of state-making and 31

building. 32 Begum Sadar un Nisa remained effective and helpful during Shuja ud 33

Daula’s period also. She helped her son in many difficult times. On the issue of 34 a Rajput girl who was kidnapped by the orders of Shuja ud Daula, the third 35 ruler of Awadh and son of Sadr un Nisa; misunderstanding had been created 36

between Hindu and Muslim nobility. Some of the King’s relatives including 37 Muhammad Quli khan and Mughal courtiers wanted to dismiss Shuja ud 38 Daula. At that occasion, Begum Sadar un Nisa called Ram Narain, a closest 39

Rajput associate of Safdar Jang and reminded him of all favours, done by 40

9Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava, The First Two Nawabs of Oudh (Lucknow: The Upper India

Publishing House ltd, 1933), 83. 10

Ibid., 253. 11

Sa’adat Khan did not have any son so the state was inherited to his eldest son in law. 12

Tarikh-i-Farah Bakhsh cited in Srivastva, The First Two Nawabs of Awadh, 93. 13

Ibid., 163. 14

Ibid., 175.

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Nawab Safdar Jang. She asked him to be polite and patient and advised him not 1 to over-react on a minor issue of a common Hindu family and be supportive of 2

Shuja ud Daula. Resultantly, he requested the Queen-mother to call Ismail Baig 3 and sardars (leaders) of Mughals for the same advice. She called, talked to 4 them and convinced them. They deferred their idea of Shuja ud Daula’s 5 dismissal, only then.

15 On the death-bed of Shuja ud Doula, his mother came 6

and issued three advises to him on basis of her long experience. She 7

emphasized that he should release Pathans and fix stipends for their livelihood, 8 to release stipend of inhabitants of occupied areas and to give reasonable 9 freedom to the people of Faizabad in their daily movement. However, he did 10 not listen to her advises. 11

Begums of Awadh had decision-making power in their hands with regard 12

to appointment of the next Nawab, after the death of the one. Begum Sadar un 13

Nisa had to take chief wife of Shuja ud Daula in her confidence while 14 appointing the next Nawab, after death of Shuja ud Daula. She advised Bahu 15

Begum at the time of Asif ud Daula’s accession that Asif ud Daula was not a 16 serious administrator and was involved in negative activities so he should be 17 appointed on the throne just as a formality and that actual administration 18

should be given to Sadat Ali khan, another son of Shuja ud Daula. Bahu 19 Begum refused while saying that she had only one son, either good or bad, she 20 would not be in favour of giving power to another son of Shujah. Grandmother 21

was highly disappointed, but agreed.16

22 Finally, grandmother, on second day of appointment of Asif ud Daula gave 23

few advises to him. Begum Sadar un Nisa said while advising the new Nawab 24 to work with seasoned administrators and military generals including Eluch 25 Khan, Raja Soorat Singh and Raja Butar Chund, who had been trusted fellows 26

of his father and grandfather. She asked him to work according to the advices 27

of these ministers but Asif ud Daula was not ready to listen to his grandmother, 28 so sidelined the above ministers.

17 Grandmother continued her efforts to keep 29

the state of Awadh on track through her advices to Asif ud Daula in future also. 30

In the period of Asif ud Daula, another woman besides Sadar un Nisa 31

emerged as a powerful lady. She was Bahu Begum (Aliya Begum), mother of 32 Asif ud Daula, sister of Najam ud Daula and daughter of Motam ud Daula 33 (governor of Gujrat) and was foster child of King Muhammad Shah. She was 34 Chief wife of Shuja ud Daula and was given high respect and esteem by royal 35 family of Awadh due to her respectable lineage.

18 Bahu Begum was given with 36

the charge of the whole treasury during life of Shuja ud Daula because she was 37 the wife who had given whole of her wealth to her husband at the time of his 38 treaty with the British in 1764. Besides government treasury, she was owner of 39

a lot of Jagirs and utilized profit, earned from her agricultural land, for her 40 personal benefits. She wanted to rule the state of Awadh through her son and 41

15

Syed Kamal ud Din Hyder, Swanehayat-Salateen Awadh, Vol. I (Lucknow: Valashkor, 1879),

51-52. 16

Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. III, 6-7. 17

Ibid., 18. 18

Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. I, 30-31.

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practically, behaved like a ruler but Asif ud Daula resisted.19

Asif ud Daula 1 was extravagant and started teasing his mother only few days after his father’s 2

death for money again and again. He wanted to go for entertainment with a big 3 troop. Her mother had to give him money, very reluctantly, in two installments 4 i.e. Rs. 60,000 and Rs. 40,000. That was the start of rift between the mother 5 and the son. She advised him not to be too profligate.

20 Shuja ud Daula had left 6

the whole property to his mother and wife, not to the son, before his death.21

7

The conflict between the Begums especially the mother and the son had 8 reached to such a level that he was reluctant to live in the same city with her 9 mother. He, finally, left Faizabad and settled in Lucknow, while upgrading its 10 status as the capital.

22 11

Begum had appointed her forces in the territory under her control and 12

replied all moves of the King Asif ud Daula wisely and tactfully. On listening 13

to the rumor that Asif ud Daula wanted to annex her jagirs, she wrote a letter to 14 the British resident and asked him for help but he did not take any action, at 15

that time.23

A small force of Nawab interfered in Begum’s villages but that was 16 dealt tactfully by the forces of the Begum. Unfortunately, the jagirs of Bahu 17 Begum had been annexed by Asif ud Daula in 1196 hijra. He himself came to 18

Faizabad with his forces. Bahu Begum shifted to the palace of her mother in 19 law, Sadar un Nisa Begum. On second stage, the jagirs of grandmother were 20 also occupied by the state.

24 Bahu Begum wrote a letter to his son and another 21

to the British authorities; abashed his son on his very cruel act against his 22 grandmother and her dependents. Finally, the jagirs were restored with the 23

order of the British resident as that act of Asif ud Daula had been rejected by 24 the British authorities in London.

25 Later, Bahu Begum ruled in her vast jagir 25

as a powerful ruler, without interference from the Nawab of Awadh. 26

Royal ladies’ role in appointment of the Kings was always significant. 27

After the death of Asif ud Daula, his disputed son, Wazir Ali Khan, ascended 28 the throne with the kind approval of Bahu Begum and the Company but 29 controversy started and a wide-spread opposition was generated due to his 30

behavior, aggressive policies and low birth.26

There was a strong feeling 31

among the British also against Wazir Ali Kian because he was highly anti-32 British in his behavior and policies. Begum supported him just to have hand in 33 the administration of the country. Later, when she observed large scale 34

19

Karen Chancey, “Rethinking the Reign of Asaf ud Daula, Nawab of Awadh, 1775-1797,”

Journal of Asian History, Vol. 41, No. 1 (2007): 15. 20

Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. III, 29-30. 21

Julie Stone Peters, “Theatricality, Legalism and the Scenography of Sufferings: The Trial of

Warren Hastings and Richard Brinsley Sheridan Pizarro,” Law and Literature Vol. 18, No. 1

(Spring 2006): 21. 22

Abdul Haleem Sharar, The Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture, translators and

Editors, E.S. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain (New Delhi: OUP, 2001), The Omnibus Addition,

45. 23

Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. III, 170-71. 24

Ibid., 228. 25

Farah Bakhsh, in Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. III, 226. 26

Michal H. Fisher, “Political Marriage Alliances at the Shi’i Courte of Awadh,” Comparative

Studies in Society and History Vol. 25, No. 4 (October 1983): 603.

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opposition, she backed away her support.27

The dismissal of Wazir Ali Khan in 1 1797 was the unanimous decision of the Begums as well as the nobility.

28 The 2

Resident as well as Bahu Begum wanted to replace him with another son of 3 Nawab Shuja ud Daula, and step son of Bahu Begum, Sadat Ali Khan. He was 4 living in Banaras at that time. He was brought back from Banaras and ascended 5 on the throne with the help of the British resident, who held darbar for 6 congregation ceremony.

29 Bahu Begum was instrumental in the whole process 7

of this unnatural shift of power. Without strong support from within the royal 8 house, that kind of change was difficult to implement. 9

Bahu Begum was on good terms with the British resident. She was such a 10 forceful character that at the appointment of Sa’adat Ali Khan, the British 11 resident wrote a letter to her and asked about her opinion related to Sa’adat. 12

She requested to restore her remaining property which was occupied by her 13

son, Asif ud Daula. She further requested to make the process of paying 14 monthly salaries to all royal ladies smooth, without any delay and hindrances.

30 15

The ownership of the big jagirs was left with Bahu Begum and Sadr un Nisa 16 till the end of their lives. The ladies preferred to live in Faizabad.

31 During 17

Sa’adat’s regime, Bahu Begum ruled in Faizabad and other areas of her jagir as 18

a powerful and independent ruler.32

She also appointed her forces and servants, 19 who interfered in the administrative and judicial matters of the state of Awadh. 20 Nawab met with the governor and informed him about the situation. Governor 21

General ordered that Begum should not interfere in the matters of the state and 22 that administration and justice should be ensured by Sa’adat’s authority with 23

the help of the British resident.33

Bahu Begum had to agree but she did not 24 appreciate occasional interference of the government and still most of the 25 matters were handled by her employees. 26

Bahu Begum died at the age of eighty six on 18th

December 1815.34

She 27

appointed the Company as trustee of her property and through it, Ghaz iud Din, 28 King of Awadh, would look after the affairs of her jagir. After her death, the 29 administration of a lot of her factories, lands and other kinds of property was 30

run by Bakhtawar Singh Brahmin, assistant of the resident and Munshi 31

27

Purnendu Basu, Oudh and the East India Company, 1785-1801 (Lucknow: Maxwell

Company, 1943), 163. 28

Nawab Husayn Ali Khan, Tarikh-i-Husayniyya cited in Sajida Sultana Alvi, Perspectives on

Mughal India: Rulers, Historians, Ulema and Sufis (Karachi: OUP, 2012), 77. 29

Sharar, Lucknow: the Last Phase, 49. For further details on this episode, see details in

Sleeman, Chapter. 4, Vol.II. 30

Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. IV, 5. 31

Vil. III., 125. 32

Chancey, “Rethinking the Reign of Asaf ud Daula…,” 15. 33

Hyder, Swanehayat-Salateen, Vol. I, 159. 34

S. N. Singh, The Kingdom of Awadh: Its History, Polity and Administration (New Delhi:

Mittal Publications, 2003), 68.

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Hyder.35

Later, the profit of Bahu Begum’s property had been paid directly to 1 the Company’s treasury.

36 2

With the death of Bahu Begum, another royal woman Badshah Begum, the 3 chief consort/wife of King Ghazi ud Din Hyder and mother of Nasir ud din 4 Hyder, emerged as a strong character in the list of powerful royal ladies. She 5 was daughter of Munajjamul Mulk, a Rizvi Syed.

37 She, an educated and 6

learned lady, had a very good training in theory and practice of the science of 7

astronomy. Ghazi ud Din Hyder, with the accession on the throne, entitled 8 Badshah Begum as Bilkis us Sitwat. She was entrusted with the full powers 9 inside the palace and to administer her newly granted jagir, pargana of Salan. 10 She presented nazar (gift) of Rs. 25000 to Ghazi ud Din in coronation 11 ceremony.

38 She was owner of a big jagir and recruited a number of free-12

booters from the capital city and appointed them on her jagir and other areas 13

under her authority.39

She had been described as an ‘illustrious lady” and “the 14 most wonderful woman in the world”

40 by Capt. White, the author of The 15

Murdered King of Oudh. Gazi ud Din Haider usually followed her advices.41

16 Later, conflicts had been developed between Ghazi ud Din and Badshah 17 Begum by some ministers who disliked high level of influence and dictation of 18

a woman. In Tarikh-i-Husayniyyah, it is mentioned that Aqa Meer, one of the 19 ministers was responsible for unpleasant relationship between Ghazi ud Din 20 and Badshah Begum.

42 According to another tradition, Mutama ud daula, the 21

deputy to the king created misunderstandings between the king and his chief 22 wife. She wanted to make her nephew, Fazal Ali, as deputy or Prime Minister, 23

in the best interest of the state. Misunderstandings were settled, later, with the 24 involvement of the British resident. The King revived relations with his wife.

43 25

Badshah Begum remained equally powerful during her son, Naseer ud 26

Din Hyder’s ruling period. However, conflicting relationship developed 27

between both son and mother. Naseer ud Din was addicted to alcoholic drinks a 28 lot and could not develop interest in administrative affairs,

44 so the gap was 29

filled by Badshsash Begum on many occasions. She was there to direct the 30

Ministers. On behalf of Naseer ud Din, the queen mother Badshah Begum, 31

issued an order during the first year of her son’s regime that mourning period 32 would continue uptil 20

th Saffar and that no celebration or marriage would be 33

held in this period. Otherwise, the culprits would face wrath of the king. The 34

35

Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. IV, 129-30. 36

Robert Wilberforce, Dacoity in Excelsis or the Spoliation of Oude by the East India

Company: Faithfully Recounted with Notes and Documentary Illustrations (London: J. R.

Taylor, 1954), 63. 37

Taqi, Tarikh-i-Padshah Begam, 3-4. 38

Michael H. Fisher, “The Imperial Coronation of 1829: Awadh, the British and the Mughal,”

Modern Asian Studies Vol. 19, No. 2 (1985): 264. 39

Taqi Ahmad, Tarikh-i-Padshah Begam, 20. 40

Ibid., vii. 41

Ibid., 6. 42

Nawab Hussain Ali Khan, Tarikh-i-Husayniyyah cited in Sajida Sultana Alvi, Perspectives

on Mughal India, 80. 43

Taqi Ahmad, Tarikh-i-Padshah Begam, 20 44

Hyder, Sawanehayat-Salateen, Vol. I, 265.

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decision was taken back with the interference of the Resident only.45

The other 1 reason of conflict between both of them was Qudsiya Mahal, one of the wives 2

of Naseer-ud-Din. Badshash Begum disliked her a lot and did not consider her 3 a trustworthy and faithful lady. Qudsiya, finally, committed suicide and the 4 king blamed Badshash Begum for it. He remained under grief for many days to 5 come.

46 The conflicting relations between the mother and the son were 6

transformed into rivalry due to evil character of some ministers who did not 7

want to work under the orders of the Begum. It reached to its lowest ebb in 8 April 1835 when royal forces attacked on palace of Badshash Begum. Begum 9 and her forces resisted well and tens of her male and female servants were died 10 while fighting. Begum and her remaining servants took refuge in imam bara 11 constructed by her within the palace. Nawab Roshan-ud-Daula intervened and 12

requested the King to let the Begum go to Almas Bagh. Permission was 13

granted and Begum, along with her servants spent one night there without food 14 and other necessities. Later, arrangements were done for her permanent stay 15

and her remaining things were departed there with the orders of the King..47

16 The sad episode had taken place due to malicious designs of selfish ministers 17 who did not want to see power in hands of a respectable woman. Meanwhile, in 18

1837, Nasir ud Din Hyder was poisoned and died. 19 Badshah Begum wanted to make her grandson Munna Jan, as the new 20

king. The name of Muna Jan’s mother was Afzal Mahal.48

She brought Munna 21

Jan in Barah Dari, the throne room where congregation ceremony was taking 22 place. The British resident brought Nasir u Doula Muhammad Ali Khan, son of 23

Nawab Sa’adat Ali Khan for the said ceremony. The British Resident tried to 24 stop Badshah Begum but she did not accept and forcefully placed Munna Jan 25 on the throne. The resident and his assistant hurried to the court and showed a 26

written order from the Governor General that Munna Jan could not be the king 27

and that Begum would not be successful in her efforts. Begum continued with 28 her orders. Some of her soldiers attacked on Assistant resident, also. In result, 29 the British called its troops to attack on the congregation function. Many 30

people died of gun-shots. Munna Jan tried to escape but he and the Begum 31

were arrested. At the same time, Nasir ud Daula was installed on the throne 32 with the title of Mohammad Ali Shah. Both Badshah Begum and Munna Jan 33 were kept in Chunnar gargh with the monthly allowance of twenty four 34 hundred from Lucknow royal treasury.

49 35

A controversy had been created on the royal lineage of Munna Jan. The 36

resident did not want the appointment of Munna Jan so the British forces 37 supported the other, whereas Col. Sleeman, after twelve-year coop, supported 38 Munna Jan’s claim to be member of the royal family. He mentioned that Afzal 39

Mahal was mother of Munna Jan. She was of humble birth but had a fair 40 reputation among those who knew her. Badshah Begum, during the last days of 41

45

Taqi Ahmad, Tarikh-i-Padshah Begam, 14. 46

Hyder, Sawanehayat- Salateen, Vol. I, 329. 47

Ibid., 327. 48

Taqi Ahmad, Tarikh-i-Padshah Begam, 89. 49

Ibid., 80-89

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her life in the prison always declared that she had seen the birth of the boy i.e. 1 Munna Jan. Later, she developed extra-ordinary affection with him. His deeds 2

were remarkably like Nasir ud din and facial features were also like him.50

3 Badshah Begum was such a dynamic politician that she resisted and performed 4 well while having conflicting relations with her husband Ghazi ud din Hyder 5 and son when both of them were in power. Her role was significant in 6 appointment of the Kings. She was the best example of resistance also, unlike 7

many other royal figures, as she took a stand against BEIC and forcefully 8 fought for that stand. She was stronger than many males of the time. 9

The next influential and active royal lady was Queen mother of Wajid Ali 10 Shah, Janab Aliah Queen Kishwar. She was daughter of Nawab Hussain ud 11 Din Khan or Imam ud Din. Her real name was Taj Ara and she was chief wife 12

of Amjad Ali Shah (ruling period 1842-1847) and mother of Wajid Ali Shah, 13

the last ruler of the state of Awadh. It was she who finalized the terms of the 14 last treaty between the State of Awadh and the Company. The Resident 15

General Ottram had a meeting with Queen Kishwar at the zard palace before 16 getting signature on the new treaty from the king. She was astonished and 17 requested the Resident to intercede for her son and avert the impending 18

calamity.51

The Resident regretfully said that he did not have that kind of right. 19 Queen mother’s request of grace period of improvement of administration was 20 also rejected by the Resident. The meeting with the mother was followed by 21

the meeting with the King on 4 February 1856. The King was informed 22 formally who was reluctant to sign the treaty and was in high grief. The 23

Resident utilized the services of Queen mother again to get signatures on the 24 treaty of annexation. He promised to arrange annual stipend of one lakh rupees 25 to the royal family in the name of Wajid Ali Shah, if she could manage to get 26

signatures on the said treaty, which would be paid by the Company.52

She 27

played instrumental role and no doubt, there was no other practical option to be 28 followed. 29

It was again Queen mother who led the royal group to England to file a 30

petition against the ‘shameful occupation’53

of their kingdom by the BEIC in 31

place of Wajid Ali Shah. Maseeh-ud-Din Alvi was lawyer and ambassador of 32 the ex-King.

54 Queen mother led the case in the British parliament and the 33

court with the argument that Awadh was unresisting ally and it was annexed 34 without reasonable cause.

55 They were hopeful of the decision in their favour 35

but selfish associates of Wajid Ali Shah convinced him to accept the offer of 36

high annual stipend from the Company in place of the state. He announced the 37

50

Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, Revised by Vincent A. Smith

(Karachi: OUP, 1973 reprint), Vol II, 199. 51

G.D. Bhatnagar, Awadh Under Wajid Ali Shah (Varanasi: Bharatiya Vidya Prakashan, 1965),

146. 52

Ibid., 150-151. 53

Robert Wilberforce, Dacoity in Excelsis or the Spoliation of Oude by the East India

Company: Faithfully Recounted with Notes and Documentary Illustrations (London: J. R.

Taylor, 1954), iii. 54

Maseeh-ud-Din Alvi, Safeer-e-Awadh (Lucknow: Dar un Nazir Press, nd), 93. 55

Wilberforce, Dacoity in Excelsis, iv.

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withdrawal of the case from the court.56

Queen Kishwar was so upset with the 1 decision that she was died in Paris, on her way back to India. 2

The last but not the least mighty character in the list of such royal ladies 3 was Hazarat Mahal, mother of Birjis Qadar, one of the wives of Wajid Ali 4 Shah.

57 She led the revolt in Lucknow. Birjis ascended the throne under 5

supervision of her mother Hazarat Mahal. She was a brave leader and had 6 practically good sense of leading the force. She extended respect to the soldiers 7

but was helpless to lead the forces directly due to prevailing purdah. She could 8 rule for seven months in the period of confusion and utter lawlessness. Her 9 army was divided into many factions and all factions were fighting for their 10 personal gains. A parallel court was also established under Ahmadullah, 11 scholar-saint in Lucknow besides Hazarat Mahal.

58 It further divided Lucknow 12

society and forces into Shia and Sunni factions. This new kingdom was 13

disintegrated within only two or three days, once the bombardment was started 14 by the British forces.

59 Hazarat Mahal fled to Nepal with thousands of other 15

fugitives. Only Hazarat Mahal and Birjis Qadar were given refuge by the state 16 with small amount of stipend.

60 Awadh was re-occupied by the British 17

completely in January 1858.61

Hazarat Mahal was another symbol of resistance 18

among the list of royal women, who fought the game of ‘do or die.’ She led the 19 resisting forces at the time when majority of the members of royal family 20 including last King of Awadh were not in favour of fighting against the British. 21

She did not make compromise with the prevailing circumstances and decided 22 to rise in rebellion against the usurper. 23

This group of powerful royal women of Awadh had proved themselves as 24 parallel partner of the state-machinery. If on one side, Begum Sadar un Nisa, 25 Bahu Begum and Queen Kishwar were fulfilling their duties of faithful 26

associate of the game of politics and were successful in many cases. Then on 27

the other side, Badshash Begum and Hazarat Mahal had tried to resist against 28 the government and the BIEC. They were more courageous than many other 29 male members of the royal family and had shown resistance in the difficult 30

times. 31

32 33

Institution of Courtesan/Tawaif 34

35 The second cadre of influential women in Awadh can be named as 36

courtesans, the most neglected section of women in the writings of history. 37 This institution describes the life-style of Awadh. They were influential female 38 elite section of the society not only in Awadh but also in all Hindu and Muslim 39

56

Ibid., 99. 57

Munshi Ram Sahai, Ahsan ut Tawareekh, (Lucknow: Tamanai Borum Chad, nd), 19 and

Hyder, Sawanehayat, Vol.II, 8. 58

Farqui Anjum Taban, “The Coming of the Revolt in Awadh: the Evidence of Urdu

Newspaper,” Social Scientist Vol. 26, No. ¼ (Jan-April): 18. 59

Sharar, The Last Days, 67. 60

Ibid., 76. 61

Sahai, Ahsan-ut-Tawareekh, 99.

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courts of pre-colonial India.62

They, like many other courts of medieval India 1 were consorted with the Royal court and courtiers. They had influence and 2

association with the royal family, nobility, merchants, courtiers etc. They were 3 highly active in urban areas. They manipulated men and means for their own 4 social and political ends.

63 They had deep influence on the male identity which 5

was then distant away from the ideal of warrior of Mughal times.64

6 There was inner stratification of tawaifs also. Elite section was associated 7

with the court or upper hierarchy. The other categories were thakahi and randi. 8 They were ranked lower in stratification.

65 The courtesans, the leading section 9

of tawaif, were the highest tax-payers with the heaviest income-earners and 10 property-holders.

66 The influence of this section of women was observed for 11

the first time in Awadh since the time of Nawab Shuja ud Daulah, who was 12

slave to his sexual needs. Such girls were kept ready for the Nawab even 13

during military campaigns and the usual travel. 14 Nawab Shuja ud Daula was extremely inclined towards such women. He 15

always kept a group of tawaif with the royal caravan in case of travelling or 16 even during military campaigns or sometimes, such women were locally 17 arranged. His death had happened due to knife-wound on his upper-leg, which 18

was given by a noble girl, mistakenly had been kidnapped, for sexual pleasure 19 of the king. The knife was poisoned and Nawab Shujja got sick after that 20 event.

67 The poison spread in his whole body and he died within few days. 21

Nevertheless, the rise of courtesans had been started in the state of Awadh. 22 Nawab Asif ud Daula was kind towards dancing girls and gave heavy 23

prizes to even common dancers.68

Mukhtar ud Daula, Prime Minister of Asif-24 ud Daula, was involved extremely in love of a tawaif, perhaps Jalalu. She was 25 clever and highly cultured lady. Mukhtar did what that lady wanted. She 26

actually ruled in place of Mukhtar ud Daula. Mukhtar, on instigation of Jalalu 27

had created misunderstandings between the son and the mother and later, 28 convinced Asif ud Daula to take heavy amount of money from Bahu Begum. 29 Mukhtar, after getting accent led the campaign to Faizabad for exploring 30

money. There were only eunuchs in the palace. Begum was reluctant but she 31

had to give Rs. 60 lac through the British resident. Later, the Begum developed 32 hatred for her son and started favouring other sons of Shuja ud Daula.

69 33

Nasir ud Din Hyder lived so excessively in the company of such women 34 that most of his styles had been transformed into womanish. He spoke like 35

62

Lata Singh, “Visibility the ‘Other’ in History: Courtesans and the Revolt,” Economic and

Political Weekly, Vol. 42, No. 19 (May 12-18, 2007): 1678. 63

Veena Talwar Oldenburg, “Lifestyle as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesans of Lucknow,”

Feminist Studies 16, 2 (Summer 1990): 2. 64

Simonetta Casci, “Lucknow Nawabs: Architecture and Identity,” Economic and Political

Weekly, Vol. 37, No. 36 (Sep 7-13, 2002): 3711. 65

S. N. Singh, The Kingdom of Awadh: Its History, Polity and Administration (New Delhi: A

Mital Publication, 2003., 30-31. 66

Oldenburg, “Lifestyle as Resistance…,” 1. 67

Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol.II., 145. 68

Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. III., 26. 69

Ibid., 54-56.

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women, sang like women, behaved like women and even dressed like women. 1 This combined with his religious ardour, “made him influenced to perform 2

practically, while celebrating birth ceremony of Imam to play role of a 3 pregnant women.”

70 King would take a bath and went to the city in palanquin 4

in rich female costume. In December 1849, the King divorced one of his 5 courtesan wife, Surfraz Muhal and sent her to Mecca for pilgrimage. She had 6 been cohabiting with the Chief singer, Gholam Reza and with some other royal 7

men, even with the ministers. The king was highly dejected on finding it true.71

8 Moral degeneration was also part of the life of such wives. 9

The courtesans had become cause of sever conflicts among courtiers and 10 respectable persons also. Two sons of Aga Meer, Minister of Ghazi ud Din 11 Hyder, were kidnapped by Eesa Mian, a kind of a fake saint. He developed 12

liaison with a dancing girl, Beeba Jan. The girl was not happy on furious 13

attitude of Eesa Mian and took refuge with Khasmahal or Chief consort of Aga 14 Meer. He wanted the release of the girl. The issue was settled peacefully only 15

with the involvement of the British Resident. Beeba Jan was released and in 16 response to it, the two sons of the ministers were handed over to their parents.

72 17

Overall, the courtesans were politically conscious and knew where to 18

accept the commandments and where to reject and react. They were well 19 connected with the local elites and had plenty of revenue since 1780s

73. They 20

whole heartedly supported the war of independence 185774

, even some of them 21

became part and parcel of the activities of the freedom-fighters. They were 22 fearful of the shift of their position from high cadre courtesan to common 23

prostitutes,75

so decided in favour of the revolt. Although, they were not 24 respectable class in moral terminology, yet their resistance had value. This 25 group gained much power in the later period of the dynasty and at most of the 26

occasions, this group of women interfered indirectly, through the royal men 27

with whom they had illicit relationship. 28

29

30 Less Influential Royal Women 31

32 There was a large group of royal women who were less influential due to 33

their position in the court, but this group was comparatively more active than 34 the first two groups. This group included sisters, daughters, wives other than 35 the chief wife and other relatives. Shuja ud Doula had twenty-five daughters, 36

only one was married, Izzat un Nisa Begum. All others did not want to marry 37 due to their inability to obey their husbands. They spent lives like liberal men. 38 Initially they were paid Rs. 70 per month. Later, Nawab Sada’at Ali Khan 39

raised the stipend to Rs. 250 as monthly salary. All of them were fed up of less 40

70

Sharar, Lucknow: the Last Phase, 57. 71

Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections Vol. I, 46-47. 72

Sleeman, Vol. I, 10-18. 73

Lata Singh, “The Visibilty of the ‘Other’, 1680. 74

Oldenburg, “Lifestyle as Resistance…”, 3. 75

Kokila Dang, “Prostitution, Patron and the State: Nineteenth Century Awadh,” Social

Scientist, Vol. 21, No. 9/11 (Sep-Oct): 175.

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salary. They got reactionary, attacked on a government’s bungalow in Pitch 1 Muhallah (street), while closing Shaikhan door and doors of Hasan Bhaagh 2

(garden). They looted everything from the house while claiming that it was 3 their father’s property. Nawab increased their salary as Rs. 500 per head. They 4 were still dissatisfied and reminded Nawab Saadat that they were like him. 5 Nawab’s attitude was polite towards them. During Ghazi ud Din Hyder’s 6 period, three sisters, Anjumannisa, Zaibunnisa and Jeena Begum went to Lord 7

Myre, in Benaras, with the petition of less salary. He extended respect to them 8 and said that he will settle the matter on his visit to Lucknow. Ghaziuddin 9 increased their salary as Rs.700 per person.

76 10

Shams un Nisa Begum, wife of Asif ud Daula, daughter of Nawab Intizam 11 ud Daula and granddaughter of Nawab Qamar ud Din, Prime Minister of Delhi, 12

was one of the less active royal ladies. She did not have any child and could 13

not develop cordial relations with her husband. Asif ud Daula left her in 14 Faizabad while leaving the capital and settled a new capital in Lucknow.

77 She 15

lived in Machli Bhawan and was given with the jagir of Partab Ganj and 16 Nawab Ganj with Rs. 60000 annual income. In addition to it, daily Rs. 60 were 17 fixed for her kitchen. A small part of her jagir was taken over by the Nawab on 18

which she got infuriated and went to her jagir. She could not revive 19 relationship with her husband later and died there after few years.

78 20

The royal ladies of this cadre were found to be involved in palace skirmishes. 21

Queen mother Dowager, with the help of the King Amjad Ali Shah used power 22 against some wives of the king. The King was informed by the Queen mother, 23

Dowager that having mark of ‘Sampun” on the neck of any wife of the King 24 could be harmful for his children. The King checked the mark with the help of 25 chief eunuch and discovered that eight of his wives had that mark. He, 26

immediately ordered them to leave the palace with their all belongings and the 27

ladies had to follow the orders.79

Chief wife of Wajid Ali Shah, Azam Bahu, 28 daughter of Nawab Ali Khan Bahadur was another less powerful lady. She was 29 fed up of many love-affairs of her husband. She tried to successfully cater with 30

those girls but later, she had to make compromises.80

31

This third category of royal women had some very active ladies besides less 32 active. Some of them did not make any compromise but others had to. 33

34

35 The Employees of the Royal Household 36

37 Some associated ladies like head cook, governess etc. also got influence 38

and power with some kings. During Nasir ud Din’s period, Barati Khanum 39

(king called her duda) was incharge of the kitchen. King trusted her a lot. Even 40 some ministers also conveyed their wishes or requests to the King through her. 41

76

Qaisar ut Tawarikh cited in Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. II, 309-10. 77

Michael H. Fisher, “Political Marriage Alliances…,” 603. 78

Hyder, Sawanehayat-Salateen, 81. 79

Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections Vol, I 107-108. 80

Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh Vol. V., 55.

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Two other ladies, Jugna Khanum and Naurozi Begum worked under Barati 1 Khanum and were also very influential. This group of women was very rich 2

and celebrated taziya and other Shia rituals with great pomp and show.81

Their 3 influence reached to such level that Resident scolded Nasir ud Din as state 4 affairs had reached to the king through Naurozi Khanum. King thought that she 5 had leaked out the news of the bad state of affairs so she was dismissed and 6 sent out of the palace.

82 Another example in this regard was Fyz un Nisa 7

Begum, who was very close to Badshah Begum and was adoptive mother of 8 her son/heir apparent, Naseer ud Din. She convinced Badshah Begum and then 9 approached Naseer ud Din to appoint he nephew, Fuzl Allee on higher 10 position. The King appointed him as the prime minister.

83 11

It was unusual in the history of Indo-Pakistan subcontinent that female royal 12

employees could enjoy this level of power and esteem, which they had earned 13

in Awadh. 14

15 16

Literary, Architecture, and Cultural Activities 17 18

History of Awadh is unique in the sense of its cultural, literary and creative 19 development also. A lot of such works had been produced there which were 20 exemplary.

84 Persian and Urdu both flourished there and the contribution of 21

women was equally visible in this regard also. Bahu Begum patronized the 22 men of literature and historians also. Faiz Bakhsh Kakori, author of Tarikh-i-23

Farah Bakhsh was employee in jagir of Bahu Begu. His book covers period of 24 Shuja ud aula, Asif ud Daula and Sada’at Ali Khan. Many of his account are 25 eye-witness. His book Shahma-i-Faiz was autobiographical work besides 26

historical. He had access to such facts and files, where common historian could 27

not reach because he was trustworthy employee of Bahu Begum. His third 28 work was social history of Awadh. In another work, he had written about land 29 lords, friends, relatives etc. who lived in Lucknow, Faizabad and other area.

85 30

Aqleel Mahal, one of the wives of Wajid Ali Shah and was named as Mumtaz 31

Mahal by the last king of Awadh also had literary taste. She was granddaughter 32 of Shuja ud Daula and had a son Qira Hussain Mirza. She did not accompany 33 Wajid Ali Shah to Calcutta and was left behind in Lucknow. Wajid Ali Shah 34 wrote a series of letters to her and wished that all his letters be compiled in 35 form of a book. Being a faithful wife, she collected all letters and got it 36

published in form of a book with the title of Tarikh-i-Mumtaz.86

The letters are 37 of high literary taste and show passionate relationship of husband and wife. 38

81

Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. IV., 337. 82

Ibid., 338. 83

Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections Vol.I, 272. 84

Dr. Moeen ud Din Aqeel, Janubi Asia Ki Tarikh Naweesi, Noeeyat, Rawaiyat and Mayar

(Historiogrphy of South Asia: Style, Tradition and Standard) (Lahore: Nashriyat, 2015), 83. 85

Ibid., 85. 86

Mohammad Baqir, Tarikh-i-Mumtaz: Letters of Wajid Ali Shah to Aqleel Mahal (Lahore:

Danish Gah-i-Punjab, 1952), 11.

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Women became directly the theme of poetry. Wajid Ali Shah had written 1 such poetry in abundance in which he had mentioned his love affairs clearly 2

with the indication of one or the other women including courtesans, maids, 3 passer-bys or others.

87 Nawab Mirza Shauq, “in his poems became the lover of 4

beautiful veiled women and made his poetry the scourge of conventional 5 morality.”

88 The language of his masnavis was so beautiful, frank, pure and 6

clean that even honorable and decent people could not abstain from reading 7

and enjoying it. Wajid ali Shah, on contrary, had showed shamefully low taste 8 and used obscene language. 9

The institution of courtesan meant to preserve high culture of Lucknow. 10 They were the real protector of the cultural norms of Lucknow and practically 11 shaped the development of modern music, dancing and singing. Lucknow court 12

was celebrated ‘center of musical entertainment.’89

Women especially 13

courtesans had great aesthetic sense. The other centers of India followed the 14 styles, introduced by the courtesans of Awadh.

90 Some of them like Zohra and 15

Mushtari were not only poetesses but also were singers and dancers. Jaddan 16 was another singer and dancer.

91 They introduced music and dancing as a 17

profession. Court of Wajid Ali Shah was immune to such performances on 18

daily basis. Drama also flourished during Wajid Ali Shah’s period with the 19 skillful courtesans.

92 One group of men and women were employed and trained 20

especially for the drama, ‘Daryaye Ta’shque’ (Ocean of love) in art of dancing 21

and singing. They were taught a number of couplets to be recited on 22 appropriate places. With the start of war of independence, development of 23

music was stopped to a large extent.93

24 Begums of Awadh were also fond of constructing buildings, especially 25

from religious point of view and for welfare of their dependents. Begum Sadar 26

un Nisa constructed an imam bara and a mosque behind Moti Baagh. Her 27

dependents were very happy on her attitude.94

Bahu Begum laid the foundation 28 of Nagariya and Ali Ganj, on the other side of the river. These were new 29 colonies for her associated people.

95 In the palace of Awadh, Badshah Begum 30

had built twelve tombs for each of the twelve imams, besides a mosque, 31

adjacent to every tomb. One building similar to the tomb of Hazrat Abbas was 32 also constructed.

96 The buildings constructed by the Begums were symbol of 33

their power and inclination besides high taste. 34

87

Sharar, Lucknow: the Last Phase, 63. 88

Ibid., 63. 89

Jon Barlow and Lakshmi Subramanian, “Music and Society in North India: From the

Mughals to the Mutiny,” Economic and Political Weekly Vol. 42, No. 19 (May 12-18, 2007):

1784. 90

Lata Singh, “Visibility the ‘Other’…” 1678. 91

Sharar, Lucknow: the Last Phase, 145. 92

Syed Masood Hasan Rizvi, Adeeb and Ayesha Irfan, “The Royal Stage of Lucknow,” Indian

Literature Vol. 54, No. 5 (259) (Sep/Oct): 112. 93

Subramanian, “Music and Society in North India…,” 1784. 94

Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. III, 337. 95

Sharar, Lucknow: The Last Phase, 48. 96

Taqi Ahmad, Tarikh Badshah Begam, 9.

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Rulers of Awadh were practicing Shia faith with scrupulous care and 1 regularity and adopted pure Shia rituals on state level. The most prominent 2

rituals were holding of Majlis (mourning assembly), Soz Khawani and taking 3 out tazia processions.

97 Sleeman had also mentioned the hectic schedules 4

during Islamic month of Moharram.98

Mourning of Moharram and taziyya was 5 the most important aspect of royal women’s lives in Awadh. Some innovations 6 had also been introduced specifically by the females of the royal family 7

especially Badshah Begum, including celebration of chhati ceremony of Imam 8 Mehdi, celebrated every year in the month of Shaban and secondly, eleven 9 beautiful Syed girls were declared as wives of eleven imams and were kept in 10 the royal palace with high respect and status.

99 Begum spent days and nights in 11

prayer and worship. As Nirza Naseer –ud Din Hyder was brought up by 12

Badshah Begum, so he was highly careful of these practices in his life.100

13

Most of these rituals gradually were adopted by Shias of the other parts of 14 India. Courtesan also compelled themselves to sing ‘religious songs of 15

mourning’101

during the days of Muharram. All other activities were banned 16 and the days were spent in complete sorrow in that period. 17

The cultural norms and innovations of the royal women had a deep impact 18

on common women also. Common women were fond of soz khuwani a special 19 form of music. Especially during days of Muharram matchless sounds of dirges 20 could be heard from every street and muhalla.

102 Common women had a lot of 21

occasions in their lives to celebrate. Most of the Muslim families had sufficient 22 financial resources and the women could spend money on such occasions. 23

Celebration of Chhati, cutting of the hair of baby, aqiqa, bismillah (at the age 24 of four), start of the commencement of their education, circumcision, roza 25 kushai, aqdi-i-Nikhah were common festivities among the women.

103 26

The tradition of majlis with inclusion of marsiya and soz khawani had great 27

impact on noble and common women of Awadh. Due to regular assemblies, 28 taste for poetry and music had become part of noble women’s life, which was 29 specific to only this part of Indian Muslim society.

104 Soz khawani had given 30

vitality to music especially to Urdu music. 31

32 33

34

97

Sharar, The Lucknow: The Last Phase, 215. 98

Major General Sir W. H. Sleeman, Journey Through the Kingdom of Oudh in 1849-1850 Vol.

1 (Lucknow: Helicon Publications1989, reprint), 1. 99

Taqi Ahmed, Tarikh Badshah Begam, 9. 100

Ibid., 6 and 9. 101

Mushirul Hassan, “Traditional Rites and Contested Meanings: Sectarian Strife in Colonial

Lucknow,” Economic and Political Weekly Vol.31, No.9 (March 2 1996): 543. 102

Sharar, Lucknow: the Last Phase, 149. 103

Ibid., 203-205. 104

Ibid., 217.

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Financial Resources 1

2 Begums of Awadh had plenty of wealth. Every Chief Wife was granted 3

with very big jagirs or estates. They were all in all to manage the affairs of 4 their big jagirs and to utilize the resources. Begum Sadar un Nisa, Bahu 5 Begum, Badshah Begum etc were even more financially sound than the 6 Nawabs or Kings. They came up with their money on many occasions to help 7

the Nawab. Begum Sadar un Nisa controlled a big jagir and money, which was 8 spent for the state on the basis of need.

105 Bahu Begum was owner of the jagirs 9

of Gonda and Faizabad during life of Shuja and later other jagirs were also 10 given to her. Besides it, she was Incharge of the royal treasury. Chief wife of 11 Asif ud Daula was owner of the jagirs of Partab Ganj and Nawab Ganj with Rs. 12

60000 annual income. Nawab Saadat Ali Khan gave Nawab Ganj as jaagir to 13

his favorite wife, Tat Mahal. Its annual income was one lac twenty thousand. 14 She had ownership of jewelry of one crore.

106 15

The finances of the Chief wives or the other wives were always given 16 priority. Article Six of the Treaty between Nawab Shuja ud Daula and the 17 Company said that 2 lac out of 76 lacs revenue would be fixed for the stipend 18

of the Begums and princesses of the royal family.107

Financial recourses of 19 some of the wives of the kings was part of the loan agreements between the 20 Company and the state. While taking third loan from Awadh, the Company 21

agreed to pay back the loan with 5 percent interest. Besides it, the Company 22 pledged to monthly allowances of Rs. 10,000 and 2500 respectively to Nawab 23

Mubarak Mahal Sahib and Sultan Mariyam Begum, both wives of Ghazi ud 24 Din Hyder.

108 Such large estates of lands and jewelry were later extracted by 25

governor general, Warren Hastings.109

26

These Begums were mostly very kind and gave a large part of their wealth 27

in alms to the poor. Begum Sadar un Nisa was very kind and spent most of her 28 time in praying. A lot of poor were paid with the monthly stipend from her 29 jagir’s income.

110 Bahu Begum had fixed stipend of a lot of her relatives and 30

poor on monthly basis. Her nephew, Nawab Qasim Ali Khan, Asghar Ali Khan 31

and Akbar Ali Khan were paid with Rs.1000 each.111

She was so much careful 32 about the livelihood of all her dependents that made arrangements with the help 33 of the Resident to pay them monthly allowances after her death even. 34 All other categories of royal women were paid with the monthly salaries. 35 Wives, khurd mahals, sisters, daughters, all were paid with the monthly 36

105

Details are given on the above pages. 106

Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. IV., 105. 107

Knowsley Pamphlet Collection, Oudh or How to Make and Unbreak a Treaty (Calcutta: J. F.

Bella my Englishman Press, 1856), 12, 108

Mir Litvak, “A Failed Manipulation: The British, the Oudh and the Shi’I Ulma of Najuf and

Karbala,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 27, No. 1 (May 2000): 70. 109

Veena Talwar Oldenburg, The Making of Colonial Lucknow, 1856 -1877, VI. 110

Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. III, 226. 111

Hyder, Sawanehayat, Vol. I, 145.

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income. 112

Each Sahib-i-Mahal was given with Rs. 5000 since the time of 1 Nasir-ud-Din Hyder.

113 2

3 4

Conclusion 5 6

Awadh, a Shia state was comparatively more liberal than many Sunni 7

states of India in the period of resistance against foreign powers. Royal women 8 had enjoyed high status since beginning, which gradually increased. One of the 9 reasons could be that state was inherited to son in law of its founding father 10 and as Sadr un Nisa Begum was daughter of an ex-Nawab and the wife of the 11 second Nawab, her power and esteem was countless even during period of 12

Shujja ud Daula, when she directly interfered to settle some issues related to 13

Hindu Rajput family. The ministers of the state listen to her and obeyed her. 14 Bahu Begum was equally powerful in a long period to come because she was 15

given high esteem by her husband, Shuja ud Daulah. She had complete 16 authority on the royal treasury and was owner of an enormous estate. She, was 17 one step away than Begum Sadr un Nisa as she was on very cordial terms with 18

the BEIC through its resident. The Company’s officials had also accepted her 19 power. Badshah Begum was comparatively a different case. She led a coup 20 against the sitting King and the Company which took her to the height of 21

resistance. Another royal woman who proved to be more courageous and 22 dynamic was Hazarat Mahal. She can be quoted as the best example or symbol 23

of resistance against a colonial power. She fought a war of do or die. Many 24 courtesans also were supporting that difficult war for their personal interests or 25 regaining their past glory of ruling indirectly while having closer links with the 26

royal family and other courtiers. Besides politics, the Awadhian women were 27

not behind men in bringing revolution in multiple fields of literature and art 28 including poetry, music, singing, dancing etc. Besides it, they were also fond of 29 constructing buildings like their men and some master pieces especially 30

religious buildings were constructed by them. In the later period, space for 31

women had been left by royal men also who were involved in marry making, 32 wine, women and other unproductive works. This all proves that royal ladies of 33 Awadh were equal to men in all fields of life and in some cases they were 34 better, wiser and more powerful than their men. 35 36

37

112

Najmul Ghani, Tarikh-i-Oudh, Vol. IV, 5. 113

Sahai, Ahsan-ut-Tawareekh, 124.