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A Nation In Denial

Copyright James Henry Graf, 1996-2002

Unlimited non-commercial distribution permitted.

Preface:

This account is factual. The documents quoted here were really written and mailed by me, or written by others andeceived by me. If any forgery or falsification has occurred, I am not a party to it and am not responsible. Links withinhe text lead to scans of the actual documents.

I have not transferred this copyright to any person, nor have I contracted with any publisher for distribution of thisrticle. While included in the "Right to Reproduce" policy indicated on the homepage, this article remains myntellectual property. Since it represents my true experience, I assume and accept full responsibility for it.

It should come as no surprise that government agencies routinely discourage, ignore, and speciously rejectomplaints of human rights violations in America. Coverup is, and some would say always has been, the norm. This

writer can document a long history of such devious and sophistic trickery as is experienced by many a victim and many

whistleblower in this land, but that is not the primary subject that concerns us here.

The supposed remedy for government's stonewalling and coverup is public exposureby the media and the non-overnmental organizations mandated to uncover such scandals and advocate for the helpless oppressed. Given thetated intentions and frequent good works of such organizations, one assumes a certain reliable level of integrity andisinterested compassion. It is hard to imagine the American Civil Liberties Union, Human Rights Watch, Amnestynternational, the Center for Constitutional Rights, or Pacifica Radio engaging in the same kinds of evasion employedy public agencies in suppression of human rights, but, sadly, that has been my experience.

America is a nation in denial, the dominant force in a world that daily closes its eyes to the hard realities oforruption, discrimination, and outrageously specious rationalization. There are things no major publication dares torint, no major broadcaster dares to discuss. Working largely through dummy "private" agencies, American lawnforcement, military, and intelligence authorities violate human rights with absolute impunity, using 21st-Centuryechnology to advance an inhuman, totalitarian agenda. Those who know won't speak. Those who speak are noteeded. Those who hear do not listen. Those who listen will not act.

I am a whistleblower. From 1975 until 1988, I worked as a Speech and Hearing Therapist for Manhattan BoroughDevelopmental Services Office (currently known as Metro New York Developmental Disabilities Services Office), aacility for the mentally retarded operated by the State of New York. In 1975, I had no idea that what was then knowns the Department of Mental Hygiene had been involved in classified contracts with US military and intelligencegencies, that it had caused the wrongful death in 1953 of one Harold Blauer, that it had participated in what USudge Constance Baker Motley described in 1987 as a "20-year conspiracy" to conceal the fact that Mr. Blauer had dieds a human guinea pig in an experiment to test hallucinogenic drugs as weapons of war (1).

In the 1980s, MBDSO at 75 Morton Street in New York's Greenwich Village became a hotbed of covert lawnforcement and intelligence activity involving CIA, military intelligence, federal, state, county, and municipal lawnforcement and corrections officials, dummy "private" agencies, and, apparently, the Republican National Committee.

n alignment with Reagan Administration policies, these forces concerned themselves primarily with "fightingerrorism" and the "war on drugs." They defined "terrorism" loosely (2), bringing under its umbrella peaceful,umanitarian activists such as the Committee In Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES) and the Sanctuary

movement, a group of religious persons who tried to prevent the involuntary return of refugees to El Salvador (aeadly policy clearly violative of International Law). Among Sanctuary's leaders was Jack Elder, who had been myraternity brother at the Catholic University of America in the early 1960s (3). At the suggestion of Colonel Oliver Northof Contragate notoriety), Philip Mabry, a former CIA agent who headed a right-wing think-tank in Texas, wrote to the

Director of the FBI naming individuals and organizations as Communist sympathizers. As a result, the FBI appears toave investigated a college classmate of mine, actress Susan Anspach, as well as Susan Sarandon, who attendedatholic University after we graduated but who had grown up in my home state of New Jersey ( 4). Few Americans then

were aware of such Mc Carthyite witch-hunts, and still fewer, here and abroad, will acknowledge them now.

The power and influence of these law enforcement and intelligence agents became weapons in the hands ofgregiously unscrupulous administrators. I heard them laugh about the tragedy and disgrace of others. I could almost

ear the saliva dripping from their jowls as they gleefully spoke of arrests and strip-searches. I was sickened by theirtter contempt for the law -- their strutting, swaggering, snickering arrogance. Through the administrative areasdjacent to my office roamed conscienceless monsters whose callous ruthlessness bordered on the demonic and who

were able to get away with anything they chose to do. They planted evidence. They falsified crime reports at will andwith impunity. They suborned perjury. They bribed and intimidated, harassed and terrorized. They may have killed.laims of "national security" and "police business" assured universal cooperation and secrecy.

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Obscenely intrusive, unbelievably extensive "lifestyle" investigations became a powerful administrative tool for staffeduction through intimidation -- blackmailing, blackballing, and blacklisting. When the "evaluators" could not uneartheal evidence, they simply invented it. The concepts of due notice and due process occupied no place in their lexicon.

Manhattan Borough Developmental Services administrators, in their absolute contempt for the civil liberties ofworkers, including myself, involved themselves with corrupt law enforcement personnel like Sergeant Richard Pike andOfficer Jeffrey Gilbert of the 106th Precinct in Queens, accused and later convicted of using electric stun-guns toorture a marijuana suspect (5). My employers made it clear that they found nothing wrong with such practices. Forome of us, the dreaded "1984" arrived right on schedule (6).

Letters to my union, Public Employees Federation, AFL-CIO, produced only futile grievances that encountered delay,bfuscation, and arbitrary denial. Union representatives refused to appeal these to the highest possible level. Theirack of support likewise truncated the progress of several more grievances filed personally by myself, which, in thend, they joined the State in actively suppressing (7).

I then tried the American Civil Liberties Union of New Jersey, writing several letters to ACLU summer intern Maryames. I described a pattern of political repression starting in the late 1960s, when I first wrote letters to the editorgainst the war in Vietnam. I noted the intensified harassment consequent upon my participation in a 1982emonstration sponsored by the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES). I told ofnconstitutional investigative techniques, break-ins of my home and car, secret, non-adversarial "evaluations,"nterception of mail, possible phone taps, suspected drugging and poisoning, electronic surveillance at the workplacend at home, and a campaign of ridicule and defamation among my neighbors [scan of my last letter to Ms. James].

On December 4, 1984, Daniel D. Schechter of ACLU of NJ wrote to me: "I believe that your action in retaining yournion's services is proper and, I hope, effective. If, however, you are dissatisfied with their progress, I suggest that

ou retain private legal counsel of your own selection. Thank you for writing to us [scan]." In other words, get lost.

In 1985, I began writing to the New York State Special Prosecutor (8) and, later that year, filed a complaint withhe Office for Civil Rights of the US Department of Health and Human Services, triggering a campaign of unimaginablyicious retaliation that continues to this day.

My July 22, 1985 correspondence with ACLU's New York office [scan]supplied copies of my letters to the Specialrosecutor, accusing the State of New York of maliciously and relentlessly utilizing the immense powers of governmento harass targeted employees out of their jobs. It noted also the union's ineffectiveness and the State's obstruction ofhe grievance process. Experiencing already the disabling health problems -- probably maliciously-induced -- that havempeded me ever since, I wrote: "I simply do not know where to turn. I have fought well, but I can't fight alone anymore. Please help me, or tell me who can."

A card arrived, postmarked July 26, acknowledging receipt of my request for assistance, telling me that it had been

orwarded to the National Prison Project in Washington, DC and suggesting that I should henceforth contact that officeirectly [scan].

On August 1, 1985, however, Mr. Ed Martone of New Jersey ACLU wrote to me that my letter to New York ACLU hadeen redirected to his office [scan]. "As the incidents occurred in New York State, it is out of the jurisdiction of theCLU of NJ," he advised, appending the further insult: "Additionally, there don't appear to be questions ofonstitutional law in your complaint which would warrant ACLU intervention." My August 2 response [scan]insistentlyeminded Mr. Martone that incidents had occurred in both states and that my complaint involved very clearonstitutional issues. He never answered.

I consulted in October, 1985 with Sanford Oxfeld, Esq., whose father, Emil Oxfeld, was then President of ACLU ofJ. At work on October 16, someone spoke the name Oxfeld just outside my office. Nancy Iris Oxfeld and Barryisenstock, law partners, were paged several times on the public address system. In the office adjacent to mine, a

male voice using the telephone complained that he couldn't handle something. "I'm up to my ears in ACLU work.Maybe we should have Mark handle it" (possibly a reference to law partner Mark Blunda, Esq.). In another call, heleaded with someone else to take the case. "Somebody broke into his car," he said. In all of this, no-one saw fit topeak to me, the plaintiff. At five o'clock, however, the security guard at the reception desk nudged a companion,odded in my direction, and said: "He brought his lawyer to work with him."

Sanford Oxfeld's letter to me dated that same day, October 16, 1985 [scan], told me, essentially, that he was toousy to take my case. He offered to refer me to Michael Shen, Esq. [scan]. Mr. Shen, the only private lawyer that everxpressed willingness to represent me, stopped returning my phone calls shortly after my employers learned his namescan]. When I finally got in touch with him, he insulted me. I relieved him of responsibility [scan]. My formermployers and their associates can "reach" just about anyone with their intimidative tactics and their slanderous cock-nd-bull stories.

New York's Center for Constitutional Rights gained fame largely through the work of its most illustrious officer, the

ate William Kunstler. My letter to the Center on August 10, 1986 asked for help in finding legal counsel. I suppliedome documentation and stated: "In brief, the State of New York is committing crimes against its own employees,nvolving itself in gross violations of Constitutionally-guaranteed rights and of federal, state, and municipal statutes,njoying, in the process, the active cooperation of government at all levels, including law-enforcement andntelligence-gathering agencies."

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Associate Legal Director Randolph Scott-McLaughlin responded on August 21 that, "due to understaffing and CCR'sresent financial situation, we are unable to provide legal representation to the many people who write to us." Heuggested contacting New York ACLU [scan].

I wrote back to Mr. Scott-McLaughlin on August 23, informing him of the "royal run-around" that ACLU had inflictedn me the year before, stressing that the CIA was involved and that persons at my workplace were exerting influenceo prevent me from obtaining legal counsel. He wrote on August 28, 1986: "Please be advised that I do not know ofny lawyer in New Jersey that I can refer you to. Please contact the New Jersey Bar Association for a referral [scan]."n other words, get lost.

The program of defamation and intimidation intensified, with an increase in illegal break-ins, on-the-roadarassment, and "set-ups" designed to provide falsified "evidence" to be used against me in secret, non-adversarialevaluations" that would brand me as crazy or criminal. The New York State Special Prosecutor, Charles J. Hynes,

would not acknowledge my letters or take any action. The US Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York,hen headed by Rudolph Giuliani, likewise refused to take action.

On the afternoon of September 9, 1987, my dog Storm cried out from the area behind our backyard shed, near theence separating our property from the neighbors' yard. By the time he reached the patio, we could see a gash in hishest that spurted blood when he exhaled. My wife brought him to the veterinarian's office, where his punctured lungroved fatal. Everyone, including my wife and the vet, described it as an accident. I saw the wound. It was noccident. Having conspired for months to "set up" my dog and me, persons associated with my employers had viciouslytabbed him.

With this ghastly act of terrorism -- not the only such crime committed that autumn in Iselin, New Jersey (9) --here commenced a horror that is difficult to describe and not likely to be believed. The terrible technologypredicted in

Gary Selden's October, 1981 Science Digestarticle "Machines That Read Minds" had, indeed, become a reality (10).

On October 24, 1990, President George H.W. Bush's White House spokesman Marlin Fitzwater discussedRepublicans who had opposed the President's policies, threatening: "If they can sleep with their conscience, let themry." He cautioned that while they were free to "say whatever they want," penalties might ensue, "but we neveriscuss it in public." He suggested that they would "suffer in their private purgatories." Pressed for an explanation, heesponded: "I can't tell you. If I told you, it wouldn't be a surprise (11)."

Mr. Fitzwater later denied that actual retribution would occur, but he never did explain what a "private purgatory" isr by what means President Bush's critics would be thrust into it. His listeners never learned how someone actingccording to the dictates of conscience would then find his sleep disturbed by the very conscience he had obeyed. Theresident's own spokesman had obviously leveled a threat that day, but its precise nature remained a mystery.

Marlin Fitzwater's cryptic comments were no mystery to me, and the "surprise" of his "private purgatories" had longince worn off. You see, I had already spent more than three years in a "private purgatory." It consists of

lectromagnetic brain-invasion and mental torture. In addition to other forms of cruel, inhuman, degrading treatment, involves the use of sophisticated electromagnetic devices that violate the privacy and dignity of a victim's mind andody, as well as "directed energy" broadcast techniques that force the victim to hear inhuman, repulsive professional

mental torturers from whom he cannot escape (12). This virtual demonic possession is the hell on earth that I havenown ever since my torturers softened me up by killing my dog in 1987. It is not a paranoid delusion. It is real.

On November 15, 1987, about three weeks before realizing the source of the "voices" that assailed me -- and notet willing to mention them -- I wrote to the publishers of Mother Jonesmagazine, suggesting that the "corruptbstruction of those societal mechanisms that are supposed to prevent and correct" rights violations might be ofnterest to one of MJ's investigative reporters. My letter was "Returned to sender. Forwarding order expired." I re-mailed it on December 23 to the correct address.

The result was a postcard dated January 12, 1988 from Jo Ann Cabello, Editorial Coordinator [scan]. Ms. Cabellowrote: "Thank you for thinking of Mother Jones and sending us your extensive documentation of your case. Afterareful review, I regret that there is little we can do to help at this time. We hope the other organizations you'veontacted can be of more help and we wish you luck with your case." I surreptitiously sent Mother Jonesseveral itemsn the following months enclosed in subscription-renewal envelopes, and followed up with a certified letter on June 4,988 disclosing the existence of brain-invasion technology, but there was never any response.

As a member of Amnesty International USA, I wrote a letter to the New York office on December 8, 1987, stressinghat I was not asking for material assistance or advocacy, but only bearing witness: "My experience, however, shedsght on the extent to which Constitutional guarantees of human liberty may with impunity be circumvented in thisation, at this time. The documented failure, in my experience, of all those checks and safeguards that are supposedo prevent arrogant abuse of public power provides an evil omen that society ought not ignore."

My follow-up phone call on December 14 was switched from extension to extension. No one would confirm receipt ofmy letter. Staff were, by turns, impatient and patronizing. For months, no response was forthcoming. Finally, on April

8, 1988, I hand-delivered another copy, with accompanying materials, to the New York office. Then came Marikarussel's response, dated April 14, 1988 [scan], which explained AIUSA's mandate and said: "Unfortunately, yourituation does not fall within this mandate and therefore there is nothing Amnesty can do. You may wish to contacthe American Psychological Association as they deal primarily with psychological abuse."

Note, lease, the resum tion of self-interest. Des ite m best efforts at resentin the issue ob ectivel , others

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ll-too-frequently choose to perceive me as a pitiful supplicant, begging for mercy and assistance. I am, to be sure,he victim of a kind of torture few could begin to understand, in need of help and relief from suffering andndescribable indignity, but I am also a whistleblower. My letters consistently stress that my primary objective is tonform, to advise, to warn, to admonish. There is nothing wrong with begging for help under torture, but to presumehat I have no other purpose is to add insult to injury.

Should society, moreover, become aware of the reality of round-the-clock "internal surveillance," such treatmentwill, indeed, be seen to constitute a form of imprisonment. What loss of liberty is greater than the lack of mentalrivacy? Something from which one cannot escape is a prison, is it not? Anyone enduring cruel, inhuman, degradingreatment from which no escape is possible must be considered a prisoner. Were Amnesty International tocknowledge this reality, there would be no excuse for refusing assistance to its victims. In any event, a callousesponse that says "That's not my department" to complaints of torture is, in my opinion, unjustifiable.

My career as a New York State employee ended in 1988. Having made me too sick to do my job, too sick anderrorized to get to work on time, my employers dismissed me on charges of insubordination and time abuse. Ms.lizabeth Truly, Esq., appointed by Public Employees Federation to represent me in my disciplinary arbitration, insistedhat I assume a defensive, penitent stance. When I resisted this, she withdrew from the case. As Ms. Truly hadhreatened, the union did not appoint another attorney. Ill for several months with simultaneous Epstein-Barr andytomegalovirus infections, I was shocked when my personal physician declared me fit for work just in time for theisciplinary arbitration, which I was still too sick to attend. The arbitrator and the State would not postpone theearing, to which which the union sent no representative at all. This illegal ex partehearing on November 18, 1988nded my career. The New York State Public Employment Relations Board dismissed my Improper Practice ChargeCase No. U-10571) without a hearing, then dismissed my appeal, also without a hearing.

Meanwhile, the US Department of Health and Human Services Office for Civil Rights, using every trick in the book tovoid confronting the issues, sold out most insultingly (13). On November 18, 1988, the same day as the arbitrationearing that cost me my job, OCR rendered its decision on my second complaint (Docket Number 02-86-3057), whichad charged the State with retaliating against me for having filed the first complaint. The decision placed the blamen me, saying that my attitude toward my superiors was the problem. My appeal of this decision was denied.

Numerous attempts in the following year to obtain private legal counsel for an action against my oppressorsroduced only frustration. At least two New Jersey lawyers went out of their way to insult me.

On March 12, 1989, I wrote to the Christic Institute in Washington, DC [scan]. Shirley Coleman, Legal Assistant,esponded on August 29: "The Christic Institute is presently committed to the case of Avirgan et al vs. Hull et al,ommonly known as the Contragate case, which demands all of the Institute's litigation resources. The legal team athe Institute is very small and, at this point, we are accepting no other cases and unfortunately cannot accept yours14)." She suggested that I try ACLU or Legal Services Corporation [scan].

Very well. I sent some documentation on September 20, 1989 to ACLU of New Jersey. Response No. 49789 from

taff Assistant Flavio L. Komuves, dated September 27, suggested using the Freedom of Information Act to obtainocuments. No other issue was addressed [scan].

I could be wrong, but this struck me as an example of another frequent dodge. Communications, verbal and written,ave implied that the victim, the whistleblower, is really a suspect or a fugitive -- that, if he knew what dirt hisdversaries have on him, he would fold up his tent and disappear into the sunset. A number of individuals andgencies have attempted to put me on the defensive, including, and especially, the mental torture teams themselves.or the record, I have never been charged with or convicted of any crime in any state or nation, nor has any courtronounced me "mentally incompetent."

Ms. Coleman's other suggestion was Legal Services. I visited the New Brunswick, NJ office of Middlesex Countyegal Services Corporation on October 6, 1989, leaving some documentation. Staff Attorney Paul V. Mullin wrote to men November 1, stating that the "problem" was "not within our case priorities [scan]." I wrote again on January 23,990, asking in what way my case failed to fall within priorities. His response on February 13 stated that mine was

onsidered a "fee generating case" in which the plaintiff seeks monetary compensation for damages, and that Legalervices Corporation could not accept such a case [scan]. Was this a valid excuse for failing to advocate on behalf ofhe victim of an ongoing crime, for refusing to help that victim obtain the equal protection of the law, for refusing toring the facts to public attention? What nicely-crafted sophistry! Mr. Mullin must have done well in law school.

It doesn't end there. I paid a visit on March 12, 1990 to the Perth Amboy Legal Services office. Staff there wouldot deal with me, but put me on the phone to Paul Mullin in New Brunswick, who told me, this time, that Legalervices could not deal with civil rights matters!

Meanwhile, on October 6, 1989, I had finally followed the advice given me three years earlier by Mr. Scott-McLaughlin of the Center for Constitutional Rights, with discouraging but enlightening results. The Middlesex Countyar Association Lawyer Referral Service was located in the county courthouse in New Brunswick, in a small officeadiating from the law library. A woman at the receptionist's desk told me that no lawyers were there, that attorneys

were available only before 1:00 PM. She would not look at my papers or accept them for referral to others. She wouldot even take down my name, but instructed me to call before 1:00. As I paused outside the door for a momenthuffling papers, a male voice from the adjoining office asked her: "Do you work for the Republican Nationalommittee?" Her answer was "Yes."

August 7, 1989 was the date of my first letter to Human Rights Watch. This organization, unlike Amnesty

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nternational, extends its mandate beyond abuse of prisoners. I called myself a torture victim and explained thestream of consciousness machine." Nancy A. Beatty signed the postal receipt on August 16 [scan], but no response

was ever forthcoming.

Human Rights Watch's Executive Director, Mr. Aryeh Neier, gave a speech sponsored by World Goodwill in New Yorkity on August 31, 1989. I was, by then, totally disabled, although my physicians were refusing to document myisability on any grounds other than psychiatric. Summoning all my strength, I drove more than twenty miles to attendhe address. Mr. Neier stressed that his organization seeks to "find out about human rights abuses in everyonceivable way." He stated that contacts in various countries "point us in the direction of particular victims of abuseso that we can gather testimony from those persons, and from witnesses to abuses (15)." As he waited for thelevator after his speech, I approached him, handed him my August 7 letter and a small stack of documentation, andsked him to show these materials to someone in his organization.

Hearing nothing, I sent Human Rights Watch another letter on February 5, 1990. There was still no response. Myhone call to their New York office on February 22 could not be completed. An announcement said "changed to annlisted number." A human rights organization with an unlisted number?

Again summoning all my strength, I travelled to New York on May 31, 1990 to seek recognition and advocacy at theffice of Americas Watch. As I entered, the receptionist told someone on the telephone that everyone was out of theffice. A young man, nevertheless, appeared and spoke to me. He said that they did not take up individual complaintsnd advised me to see ACLU or the New York State Ombudsman. He would not accept fresh copies of my letters, norid he offer any explanation for his organization's lack of response. I am convinced that he was a government agent.eaving, dejected and infuriated, I turned at the door, faced the empty reception office, and whispered "God damn allf you!"

My December 5, 1990 letter reminded Mr. Aryeh Neier of his statements before the World Goodwill audience in

ugust, assured him of my sanity, and noted Marlin Fitzwater's comments reported six weeks earlier. Referring tohose who had hurt and humiliated me, I wrote: "Theirs isa diabolical, totalitarian agenda. Their disgraceful activitiesmust be exposed to public viewand punished with extreme severity. What has happened to me must never happengain, anywhere, to anyone. In the name of humanity, please let the truth be known."

Mr. Neier's response, dated December 17, 1990, stated: "I have received your letter of December 5 and itsnclosures and do not see any way that we can assist you as the matter discussed in your letter is beyond our scopend competence. Best regards [scan]."

What, I wondered, was beyond their scope and competence? Political repression? Retaliation against awhistleblower? Illegal discrimination? Invasion of privacy? Defamation of character? Attempted malicious prosecution?Deprivation of legal counsel and the equal protection of the laws? State terrorism? Medical and scientificxperimentation without free consent? Torture? What part couldn't they understand?

My letter of October 1, 1990 had told the Constitutional Litigation Clinic of Rutgers University: "The attachedmaterials indicate a long ... history of criminal interference with my rights under state, federal, and international law.n six years of struggle, I have not been able to secure the arrest and prosecution of those responsible or obtainffective advocacy." Law student Dwayne Warren wrote to me on November 19, informing me that the Clinic wasnable to provide representation "in the matter you presented [scan]." He added: "You should be aware that we haveo authority to initiate criminal prosecutions nor any special influence with the authorities that do." Had anyone, I

wonder, informed the Rutgers Inquiries Team and Mr. Warren that civil rights attorneys may seek mandamus relief toompel recalcitrant public officials to perform their duties, as well as injunctive relief, instructing individuals andgencies to cease unlawful activities?

My attempt on October 20, 1990 to contact journalist Tim Weiner at the Philadelphia Inquirer produced nocknowledgment or feedback. I doubt that he ever saw my letter. He may, by then, have started work at the New Yorkimes.

The late Professor George Wald of Harvard University, eminent scientist and human rights activist, sent me aondescending hand-written response dated December 18, 1990 [scan]. Using the same word Aryeh Neier had used theay before, he wrote that my letter was far out of his "scope." He described it as "very well written, deeply disturbing,o doubt characterized as deeply disturbed, paranoid." He wrote: "You have to do it all in your Self. Your Self is all youave." His final advice was: "Stop writing to strangers."

WBAI-FM in New York may not have received my first letter, dated September 18, 1990. I had written the addressncorrectly. I wrote again on February 1, 1991, having heard Bob Fass and Tuli Kupferberg on the night of January 26.n the course of their bantering, Mr. Kupferberg had asked jokingly: "You don't have one of those machines here thatead people's thoughts, do you?" Mr. Fass responded "Yes" and cut immediately to music. My three-page letter wasever answered.

On May 9, 1991, WBAI rebroadcast an interview originally heard several days earlier in which California-based

esearcher and broadcaster Dave Emory discussed the Intelligence Community's use of mind control. He reported thatevices generating microwaves could "do a number of things to actually kill people, physically kill people. Their brainsan be controlled; subconscious impulses and thoughts can be placed in their brain while they're asleep; their thoughtsan actually be read, and auditory and visual hallucinations broadcast into the brain." I phoned the station to thank

WBAI's staff for broadcasting the truth.

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After my divorce in 1991, possessing money of my own for the first time since 1988, I decided to seek politicalsylum in Europe. I planned a visit to Washington, DC to follow up personally my letters to the Dutch and Danishmbassies and to make one last attempt at securing effective advocacy in my native land. My letter of June 5, 1991 tohe Washington office of Human Rights Watch announced my intention to visit that office later in the month. There, onune 20, I learned that all the Helsinki Watch personnel were on vacation until July 8 (Helsinki Watch was then theivision that dealt with the USA). Again, however, a young man appeared, looked briefly at my documents, and told

me with a straight face that the organization does not investigate or report abuses within the United States!

The same day, and again two days later, I visited the Christic Institute, following up a letter written on June 5 andresenting some documentation. The tiny, cluttered, run-down office and the decent staff person occupying it -- a farry from Human Rights Watch's plush space and high-handed staff -- suggested sincerity, but no attempt was made toet in touch with me at the motel, or later at home.

My European ordeal is recounted in "Hard Realities"." Briefly, the Dutch authorities, not wishing to offend myovernment, coerced me into withdrawing my asylum request. At Amnesty International's Amsterdam office oneptember 3, 1991, two staff persons listened patiently, but ended up questioning my mental health and suggestinghat I see a psychiatrist. They would not offer any sort of advocacy or assistance.

I headed north. The Danish government housed me in a refugee camp, but rejected my asylum request withoutegal representation or right of appeal. On December 19, 1991, Danish authorities returned me against my will to thenited States, having charged me more than two thousand dollars for the privilege. According to the US Embassy inopenhagen, they had falsely described me as "apparently deranged" and "hospitalized here," while convenientlyeglecting to state that I had sought political asylum.

My new apartment in Elizabeth, New Jersey was well within the New York broadcast area. On June 15, 1992, WBAI-M interviewed Kenneth Roth, then Deputy Director of Human Rights Watch. Explaining his organization's criticism of

aiti's Aristede Administration, he said: " ... a human rights group must be concerned first and foremost with itsredibility. It must report violations by whoever commits them, be it a horrendous military regime or a democratically-lected leader like President Aristede."

I took the opportunity to send a certified letter to Helsinki Watch in Washington, reporting violations of my humanghts by the United States, the Netherlands, and Denmark. There was no response. Letters to Oregon Publicroadcasting (producers of "European Journal"), Western Public Radio (producers of "The Privacy Project"), WCBS-hannel 2 in New York (regarding the program "Intruders"), and to the late Samori Marksman at WBAI likewise wentnacknowledged.

I phoned in to Bob Fass's WBAI radio show on the night of June 27, 1992, relating my experience as a refugee.nder severe heckling from other callers, I revealed some of the corruption at my erstwhile workplace, and eventually,t the end, mentioned the "stream of consciousness" mind-reading machine. The program ended with the animalisticuffaws of my hecklers. This was the same radio station, remember, that had broadcast Dave Emory's revelations the

ear before. A letter to Santiago Nieves at WBAI on August 1 regarding Rudolph Giuliani's tenure as US Attorneyroduced no feedback (16).

My only positive contact during 1992 was with Myra Reynolds of the Citizens Commission on Human Rights in Losngeles, which deals primarily with the abuse of mental patients. Ms. Reynolds, though compassionate and interested,

was not moved to publicize my situation. I must nevertheless praise her for her sincerity and decency, rare qualitieshese days.

There followed another trip to Europe. This time, despite advance notice, no-one at Amsterdam's Amnestynternational office would even talk to me. American agents played sadistic cat-and-mouse games with me and stoleeveral items, including a briefcase containing papers I had intended to submit in support of my asylum application (Iidn't get it back until after my interview with the Dutch Ministry of Justice). The Dutch, whose country and culture Idolized, just about destroyed my faith in humanity. They rejected my appeal, forcibly repatriated me, refused me re-ntry into the Netherlands, and apparently conspired to confine me in a Belgian hospital under psychotropic

medication, then imprison me as an illegal alien to coerce my "voluntary" return -- disheveled and penniless -- to theand of my torturers. Three days later, a much-resented "guest" in my former wife's home, I attempted suicide bywallowing a handful of her Xanax pills. The hospitalization that followed put the finishing flourishes on a longampaign of psychiatric discreditation that had begun in 1984. Doctors now feel free to call me a victim of Delusional

Disorder, though they cannot explain exactly what delusions I entertain.

Whenever the media generate a bit of light and fresh air, an unseen hand, it seems, slams the window shut andraws the shade. On October 9, 1994, WBAI-FM's "Emanations" program featured an interview with Ms. Julianne

McKinney of the Association of National Security Alumni's Electronic Surveillance Project. A former Army intelligencefficer, she confirmed the existence of "directed energy" broadcast technology that can produce a "voices-in-the-head"henomenon.

By the time comedian-activist Dick Gregory appeared on Bernard White's WBAI morning show on February 6, 1995,owever, the atmosphere had changed. The outspoken Mr. Gregory started to mention that the government hasequipment" with which it is "messing with people's minds." Most uncharacteristically, however, he then exercised self-ensorship, stating that he didn't want to "leave here discredited." A letter to Bernard White about this incident wentnanswered. I listened in vain throughout 1995 and 1996 for more news of electromagnetic brain-invasion weaponry. Ieard none.

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On March 28, 1995, Professor Ann Fagan Ginger of Berkeley, California's Meicklejohn Civil Liberties Institute wasnterviewed on WBAI and gave listeners a New York phone number. I was pleasantly surprised when she returned myall, but she sounded a bit nervous and reticent. Professor Ginger made no offer of advocacy, but encouraged me toontinue my efforts. Two letters written to her Berkeley, California address went unanswered.

None of my 15 letters to WBAI or Pacifica ever prompted any sort of response. The last, dated February 28, 1996,mphasized: "Everything I claim is real. I'm not paranoid; I'm damnannoyed." I wondered aloud how much oppression

might not have happened had someone listened to me years before. "Justice delayed is justice denied. Truth delayeds truth rendered irrelevant. Please get in touch with me for further information." There was no response.

In 1997, I decided not to renew my subscription to WBAI. Why contribute to a station that will not answer myorrespondence? There seems to be no point in even listening to a station so obviously controlled or intimidated byntelligence forces.

As of the spring of 1995, Dave Emory had a show broadcast on WFMU-FM in East Orange, New Jersey. It was hisustom once a month to phone in his program live from California, responding to questions submitted by WFMUsteners. On May 16, I called in a question about mind-control and mind-reading technology. He responded positively,onfirming the existence of devices that "measure the changes in the electromagnetic field around the human body

which correspond with the activation or deactivation of certain neural pathways," thus detecting "sub-vocal thought"nd interfacing these changes in the body's electromagnetic field with computer technology. He also reported thatevices have existed for some time that can "implant thoughts in the brain of an experimental subject."

During the course of the show, Mr. Emory also discussed the Temple of Set, a sect founded by former Armyntelligence colonel Michael Aquino, and he touched briefly on Project Monarch, which allegedly uses mind-control onoung children to induce artificial multiple personalities for purposes of espionage and sexual exploitation. Heemarked at one point that 21st-Century technology was in the hands of "people who thought Hitler and Mussolini

were great." He said "It's very late in the day," warning that we may face "the total world triumph of absolute evil,orever."

That was the last time I ever heard Dave Emory speak live on WFMU's airwaves. Shortly thereafter, he took theummer off. When his program returned in the fall, it consisted only of pre-recorded material. I have to say, though,hat the intrepid Mr. Emory has spoken more truth, more consistently and courageously, than any other broadcastersonality I know. His interviews of such authorities as Nick Begich, Ph.D. have revealed significant truths, includingautious references to mind-reading technology.

My second appeal, in the summer of 1995, to Rutgers University's Constitutional Litigation Clinic produced aesponse from law student Regine Dupuy-McCalla informing me of the Inquiries Team's decision: "Unfortunately, ourlinic cannot handle the kind of matter you have described and will, therefore, be unable to represent you [scan]."annot handle? What does that mean?

My March 25, 1996 letter to the Center for Constitutional Rights in New York, written without reference to therevious correspondence of a decade before, produced no response, even though CCR has represented other victims ofhe government's campaign against CISPES.

A sympathetic rejection dated April 9, 1996 came from H.W. Cummins, Esq., representing the Task Force onRadiation and Human Rights in Takoma Park, Maryland. He suggested that I should talk to a lawyer in New Jersey. Iouldn't resist writing him back on April 13, however, sending a ten-page chronology of my previous attempts since984 to obtain legal representation. My letter also revealed that while I was out to dinner on April 10, someone hadroken into my Perth Amboy, New Jersey apartment and snipped the diamond tip off my phonograph stylus. A nicereudian touch, don't you think?

I have quit the American Civil Liberties Union. ACLU of New Jersey ignored five letters from me between 1994 and997, including one on March 5, 1996 that said:

You can be forgiven for refusing to look compassionately upon my own personal ordeal, but how can youjustify ignoring the vitally-important issuesI have tried to bring to your attention? Electromagnetic mind-invasion technology has existed for at least nine years. How many persons have been victimized, withouteven knowing what was happening to them? ...

Do you really imagine that no-one will ever do these things to you or anyone you care about? Are you readyto see the minds and bodies of your loved ones invaded and abused by psychopathic fascist freaks? I haveseen these monsters turn little girls into mind-control zombies, slave-prostitutes. Is there no voice otherthan my own to denounce these practices? Will no one help me expose these crimes?

My letter of February 20, 1997 to ACLU's Membership Director Denise G. Hantman supplied materials indicative ofer organization's evasive insouciance since 1984. I wrote:

The well of hope and trust has run dry. I can no longer contribute to organizations that discriminate againstme and refuse to challenge the vicious criminals I have sought to expose. The use of high-tech torture byAmerica's intelligence and law-enforcement authorities in suppression of human rights is the most significantand portentous issue that confronts persons of good will. Nobody can afford to ignore it. Nobody is protectedagainst it. It is now 1984-plus-thirteen. Big Brother is raping you, and nobody seems to care.

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Ms. Hantman wrote this on February 26, 1997 [scan]:

We are in receipt of your February 20 letter informing us that you are dropping your membership due to yourpresent financial limitation and clear disappointment in the ACLU of New Jersey for not assisting you withyour human rights cause.

It appears that you perceive the ACLU as a public defender like Legal Services or Legal Aid, and it is not. Thecases taken are generally landmark cases that set precedent so a larger number may benefit from thedecision. Also, each ACLU affiliate is autonomous and decides the issues it will stress and which cases it willaccept, independent of other affiliates and the National office. Therefore, the National ACLU does notintervene in these decisions.

Our Public Education Department sent you some literature last October, and we hope you found it

informative. Unfortunately, we cannot be of more assistance.

Thank you for your past support of our work.

Compelled to respond, I wrote on February 28 that I was not a criminal suspect in need of a public defender -- thathad never been charged with or convicted of any criminal offense. I informed her that she was not the first to treat

me like a "pitiful little miscreant with a personal `problem' or `cause' that is of no general significance or interest."ater in my letter, I stressed the issues once again:

How could you have read my United Nations "1503" communicationwithout realizing that I do indeed presenta "landmark case" that "sets precedent so a larger number may benefit from the decision?" This is not myhuman rights cause. It is the cause of human rights, period. Electromagnetic neurological invasion, assault,and somatic disruption effectively nullify the First, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Ninth, and Fourteenth Amendments.This country's absolute refusal to abide by its own laws and Constitution and to comply with the

international human rights treaties, as demonstrated and documented in my personal experience, endangersthe very future of human civilization.

You needn't respond unless you are prepared to acknowledge and discuss the issues.

There was, of course, no response.

Human Rights Watch ignored four letters after my return from Europe, the last of which, dated April 25, 1997, dealtolely with the discriminatory "safe country of origin" asylum policies lately adopted by European countries.pparently, that issue is also a bit too controversial for the fainthearted folks at Helsinki Watch, who will not favor me

with a reply. They don't respond to e-mails, either.

Amnesty International remains intransigent, refusing to consider my case even after having enlarged its mandate to

nclude refugees. E-mails to Amnesty offices generally prompt no response, except for the Copenhagen and Amsterdamffices. Lisbet Birkedal's message of October 7, 1998 informed me: "If the case involves a complaint against theDanish authorities then the Danish Section is not just unable to act but prohibited from getting involved under thetatutes of Amnesty International." I thanked her and continued my attempts at contacting AI's internationalecretariat in London, with no success to date.

Hard-hearted Amnesty in Amsterdam is another story entirely. Mr. Diederik de Bruijn of that office's Department ofxternal Relations is so contemptuous as to make one wonder how he ever ended up in that line of work. On October, 1998, he sent me the following text with the title "Your e-mail messages:"

The Dutch section of Amnesty International received a lot of messages from you over a long time. Once, Isent you the answer that your case does not fall within the mandate of AI and that we are not in a positionto help you. Don't you read your e-mail or do you have a bad memory? Would you please be so kind not tosend any further messages to us? Your messages are neither read nor answered in the future. Please take

notice of my answer.

I did not accede to Mr. De Bruijn's wishes. My response of the same date was firm, and I sent a copy to London:

Guess what! Amnesty International's mandate has changed! It now includes refugees and asylum-seekers.You may be interested to know that AI has even spoken out strongly against "safe country" asylum policiesand such involuntary repatriations as your country inflicted upon me (seehttp://www.amnesty.org/ailib/intcam/refugee/report/index.html).

Amnesty International has also taken a strong position against rampant police brutality in my "safe" country,the United States of America, taking note of that which has occurred in New York City. As I may haveinformed you, I "blew the whistle" in 1985 on corrupt connections between my employers (a New York Stateagency) and members of the S.N.A.P. Team of New York's 106th police precinct, who had used electric stun-guns to torture marijuana suspects.

You are badly in need of education, Sir. I seriously wonder whether you work for Amnesty International at all.

I shall be sending copies of this message to AI's offices in London and the USA. It is my hope that they willreaffirm the right of any victim of such human rights CRIMES as discrimination on the basis of national origin

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and coerced repatriation to seek attention, advocacy, and assistance from their non-governmentalorganization.

I also intend to post the text of your message, with this reply, on JH Graf's Human Rights Forum athttp://forums.delphi.com/m/main.asp?sigdir=jhgrafand elsewhere. I want others to know of your disgracefulattitude.

I am not a piece of garbage. I am a man, endowed with dignity and rights. Nobody has any excuse fordiscriminating against me. Shame on you, Sir, and on those whose inhuman crimes you seek to cover up. Youcan run from the truth, but I will not let you hide.

There was no response from any Amnesty International office.

More than ever, I have become a non-person -- shut out, anathematized. Aside from crafty, sophistic buck-passingr excuse-making letters, I get no recognition or cooperation whatever from any agency of government, anyongressman or senator, any human rights organization, legal clinic, or United Nations agency (17). Those I try toontact, if they get my letters at all, are either intimidated or "complimented" -- that is, induced via slanderous cock-nd-bull stories to cooperate with the conspirators and to hold me in contempt.

I am forced to live in ""Virtual America"," where personalities prevail over principles. The corruption I've discussedere benefits from a prevailing mindset of narrow loyalties and arbitrarily limited mandates. The Virtual America of myxperience (Virtual Europe, too, I'm sorry to say) flounders in avoidance, excuse-making, exception-making, andoophole-finding. Instead of just doing the right thing, people -- especially public officials and human rights advocates- will stay up nights searching for ways to rationalize doing the wrong thing or nothing at all. Blind to the issues, theyocus on personal, individual distinctions. They inspect me and reject me.

Those who can acknowledge the issues at all suggest that it's somehow all my fault. My personality, my character,my sanity, my morality, my motivation, my credentials, my lifestyle -- these become the issue. They decide they don'tke my writing style or the way I part my hair. They decide that I don't have enough academic credentials, haven't

won any honors, have no standing, don't deserve any recognition. I'm the wrong race, the wrong sex, the wrong age,he wrong shape, the wrong nationality. I'm only one person: they concentrate on groups. Mine is a small tragedy:hey only deal with big ones. My prison has no walls or bars, my torture leaves few scars, my murder is too slow to beoticed. Let's face it, I just don't qualify. I should apologize for being so selfish as to demand the equal protection ofhe law.

My own victimization thus becomes an argument against my message. Is there a law that says victims cannot bedvocates, or are people simply looking for an excuse to continue wallowing in denial? Every person deserves respect.

Though I have as much right as anyone else to demand justice, this is not about me alone. It's about issues,rinciples. I am convinced that many have died because nobody would listen to me. Many are suffering, many are

nslaved, many are degraded and exploited, many are hospitalized or imprisoned because nobody would pay attentiono the issues I have tried to raise. The honor and credibility of nations (and of the United Nations) are at stake. I tellou frankly that if truth and justice do not prevail in this matter, civilization will fall, so grave are the horrors suchorruption portends. The rule of law is paramount. Without it we are all doomed.

America is a nation in denial. My experience suggests that its institutions for promoting human rights and justicere undergoing progressive paralysis. Its institutions for exposing ugly truth are, in this instance -- and soon, I'm sure,n many others -- quite effectively gagged.

Take this message, America, from one who has not known peace of mind or privacy of thought in more than fivehousand days. You have the right to remain silent. You also have the right notto remain silent. Preserve the one byxercising the other.

Notes

1. Associated Press, Star-Ledger, Newark, NJ, May 6, 1987, p. 5.

2. Ross Gelbspan, Break-ins, Death Threats, and the FBI(Boston: South End Press, 1991), pp. 87-95.

3. Robert Tomsho, The American Sanctuary Movement(Austin Texas: Texas Monthly Press, Inc., 1987), pp. 137-143.

4. Gelbspan, pp. 186-187.

5. Associated Press, Star-Ledger, Newark, NJ, July 18, 1986.

6. On July 6, 1984, at my workplace, Manhattan Borough Developmental Services Office at 75 Morton Street in NewYork (currently known as Metro New York Developmental Disabilities Services Office), I met with Mr. DarltonHaskins, my supervisor's supervisor, and Mr. Robert Shaut of the Governor's Office of Employee Relations. Theywill deny that the meeting took place. I expressed concern over the "lifestyle investigations" conducted againstemployees, including myself. These involved stalking, spying at work and at home, and burglary. Mr. Shaut, whom

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I had seen months earlier in my next-door neighbor's backyard apparently talking about me and my personalhabits, menacingly voiced his intention to launch a probe of my fitness for duty. Thus began a relentlesscampaign of psychiatric discreditation that continues to this day. While trying to make mecrazy by terrorizingme, New York State officials and their associates have sought to convince others that I am out of contact withreality and should not be taken seriously. This is similar to much-condemned practices that took place in theSoviet Union (see "When Justice is Just Another Form of Insanity: Case Histories in Soviet Psychiatry," New YorkTimes, January 24, 1988).

7. I eventually filed an Improper Practice Charge under New York State's Taylor Law, Case Number U-10571,submitted on December 17, 1988 to the New York State Public Employment Relations Board. The complaintreceived highly irregular treatment. My charges were arbitrarily dismissed without a hearing, in violation of theBoard's own Rules of Procedure. The Board then denied my appeal, also without a hearing. My Brief In Support ofCharges, dated May 10, 1989, and my Brief In Support of Exceptions, dated June 5, 1989, clearly delineate this

eccentricity of process and set forth my arguments and observations.

8. The Special State Prosecutor was mandated by law to prosecute cases of corruption within the Criminal JusticeSystem. I wrote ten letters to this office, the first to Special Prosecutor Thomas Duffy, the second and third to hissuccessor William Dowling, and the rest to his successor Charles J. Hynes. The Special Prosecutor's office nolonger exists. Mr. Hynes is presently the Brooklyn District Attorney.

9. It started, apparently, with the torture and death of a cocker spaniel on or before July 23, 1987, blamed on me inorder to control people with revenge fantasies. I believe, but cannot prove, that the same criminals also torturedseveral other dogs in my community, apparently to terrorize myself and others in what MBDSO Director ofEducation and Training Rocco Menta described as a "Mafia operation in New Jersey." Many persons knew, but keptquiet about it. The authorities did nothing. The coverup was, and is, total.

10. See John St. Clair Akwei, "Covert Operations of the US National Security Agency," Nexus, Volume 3, Number 3

(April-May, 1996), p. 17. This linkleads to the text. I have experienced everything Mr. Akwei describes, and more.The mind-reading technology appears to have developed from Robert G. Malech's 1976 device for the remotedetection of brainwaves (US Patent Number 3,951,134).

11. Associated Press, Star-Ledger, Newark, NJ, Thursday, October 25, 1990, p. 13.

12. Broadcasting intelligible speech into the human brain was possible as far back as 1974. See Dr. Don R. Justesen,"Microwaves and Behavior,"American Psychologist, Journal of the American Psychological Association, Volume 30,Number 3 (March 1975) for a report of Dr. Joseph C. Sharp's achievements.

13. My first OCR complaint, Docket Number 02-86-3016 (originally 3013) was first speciously denied, sat dormant fora year and a half on appeal, and then received a new Docket Number, 02-88-3073. The appeal was upheld, butthe matter was resolved via a meaningless, sellout "Compliance Agreement" between OCR and the State. Mysecond complaint, Docket Number 02-86-3057, filed April 26, 1986, alleging harassment and retaliation, also

dragged on and on, ending in an insulting denial dated November 18, 1988. The OCR decisions did not evenacknowledge the out-and-out terrorism inflicted on me during their pendency. Appeals of both decisions weresubsequently denied.

14. One month after Ms. Coleman's August 29 letter, however, an article appeared in the News Tribune, Woodbridge,NJ (now the Home News Tribune, published out of East Brunswick, NJ), dated Friday, September 29, 1989, notingthat the Christic Institute was one of two groups filing suit to prevent launch of the nuclear-powered Galileospace probe.Was Ms. Coleman telling the truth?

15. Aryeh Neier, "Protecting Human Rights," World Goodwill Newsletter, 1990, No.3, p.3.

16. Rudolph Giuliani was more recently Mayor of New York City.

17. Unlike the United States, the Netherlands and Denmark have acceded to Article 22 of the United Nations

Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and the OptionalProtocol of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which permit individuals to complain directlyto UN committees. At Sandholm Refugee Camp in Birkerd, Denmark, I had written and mailed a communication,dated October 31, 1991, to the UN Committee Against Torture in Geneva, charging the Netherlands and Denmarkwith violations of the Convention, followed, on November 4, 1991, by a complaint against Denmarkbefore the UNHuman Rights Committee. Throughout 1992, and ever since, the UN has provided no information regarding thesecomplaints. In March, 1996, I sent updated and expanded communications, as well as a new human rightscomplaint against the Netherlandsand Belgium dated March 11, 1996. Hearing nothing, I submitted newcommunications in March, 1997, including return postage. I mailed updates in 1998 as well. To date, my manyfollow-up communicationshave prompted no acknowledgment, judgment of admissibility, or information.

Discuss this article in my Yuku Human Rights Community

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