spending more
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© S c o t t M e n c h i n / I m a g e s . c o m
18 Change ● November/December 2008
THE HIGHER EDUCATION
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The rich and famous are much in the news these days—col-leges and universities that is, the ones with endowments in the
hundreds of millions or more and whose run-up in assets has
raised questions about their non-profit status from both state
and federal lawmakers. The U.S. Senate Finance committee
wants to know, for example, why institutions that are reported to average 20
percent annual increases in the market value of endowments of $500 million or
more still need to raise tuition and fees every year. And the Internal Revenue
Service is preparing for intensive audits of more than 400 institutions, looking
at revenue-generating activities housed within them and how those activities
fulfill the public or charitable purposes of the institutions. Meanwhile, legisla-
tion has been proposed in Massachusetts to levy state taxes on the Common-
wealth’s wealthiest non-profit private institutions.
Media and policy attention to the wealthiest sector of higher education might cause
the public and policy makers to think that most colleges and universities are awash in
money—and looking only at the Ivy League and the biggest public research universi-
ties, it would be hard to argue that they’re mistaken. But the focus on revenue masks
the bigger story in higher education finance in America, which is a story of growing
gaps between rich and poor institutions, greater clustering of low-income students in
poorly financed institutions, and disinvestment in teaching. Any one of these trendsby itself would be disturbing; the three together spell real trouble for our future capac-
ity to reverse America’s decline in postsecondary performance.
Spending More,Getting Less
Jane Wellman is the executive director of the Delta Project on Postsecondary Costs, Productivity
and Accountability, a non-profit organization in Washington, DC, whose mission is to develop
better data and metrics to improve cost accountability and productivity in higher education. Previ-
ously, she served as a senior associate at the Institute for Higher Education Policy in Washington,
D.C., vice president for government relations with the National Association of Independent
Colleges and Universities, deputy director of the California Postsecondary Education Commission,
and staff director of the California Ways and Means Committee.
www.changemag.org 19
By Ja ne V. Wellman
FUNDING DISCONNECT:
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Consider the following:
The rich are getting richer, and the poor
are getting poorer.
There is growing stratification with-
in higher education: rich institutions are
getting richer, poor institutions are get-
ting poorer—and poor students increas-
ingly are ending up in the institutions
with the least to invest in their success
(see Figure 1). The largest enrollment
growth in the last decade has been in
public two-year colleges, which dispro-
portionately enroll low-income, His-
panic, and black students. Nationwide,
only 7 percent of students are enrolled
in institutions that spend $25,000 or
more on them per year—in contrast to
the over 45 percent where spending is
below $10,000 per year. Inequality by
itself might not be an issue if it weren’t
for the compounding problem: histori-cally, students in public community col-
leges face long odds against completing
a baccalaureate degree, and nationwide,
transfers from two- to four-year col-
leges are declining.
Prices are rising, but spending on
students is not.
College tuitions have grown by 2
to 3 percent per year above inflation
for the last 15 years—beating almost
every other major commodity (now
behind the rise in fuel prices, but more
even than health care). Higher prices
don’t translate to increased revenues
in the public sector, however—there,
tuition dollars are replacing declin-
ing state support. Fifteen years ago,
every tuition dollar in public commu-
nity colleges was matched by $3.70
in state and local appropriations. By
2006, that had dropped to $2.20 (see
Table 1). Similar declines occurred in
public four-year master’s and research
institutions, where state funds are now
a minority of all revenues. Even so,
state subsidies per student are still high-
est among public research universi-ties—an average of $7,574 per student
in 2006—than either in public master’s
institutions ($5,763 per student) or
public community colleges ($6,622)
(see Figure 2).
Spending for educational and related
services is down.
Across higher education, the pro-
portion of spending for educational
services is declining over time (see
Table 2). For example, public research
universities’ total revenues increased
by 11 percent between 2002 and 2006,
while spending on education and re-
lated expenses grew by only 1 percent.
In community colleges, educational
spending suffered absolute reductions
during this time.
Among private institutions, the de-
cline is a relative one because of higher
spending beyond instruction, despite
annual increases in instructional spend-
ing averaging 2 to 3 percent per year
above inflation. Among all types of
public institutions, it is a real decline,
due to the use of part-time and non-
tenured faculty—which allows institu-tions to cut instructional spending even
when giving some high-flying faculty
superstars compensation packages that
rival those for Division I football and
basketball coaches. There is no sector
Figure 1. United States, Average Spending on Education and Related Spendingper Student, Compared to Enrollments, by Sector of Enrollment (2006)
Source: Delta Cost Project, funding information from Delta Cost Project-IPEDS Database, 10-year matched set; enrollment from IPEDS enrollment database.
$40,000
$35,000
$30,000
$25,000
$20,000
$15,000
$10,000
$5,000
$0Private Private Private Public Public Public
Research Bachelor’s Master’s Research Master’s Associate's
Average Full Educational Cost per FTE Student Total Headcount Enrollment
A v e r a g e
e d u c a t i o n a n d r e l a t e d s p e n d i n g p e r F T E
S t u d e n t ( i n 2 0 0 6 d o l l a r s )
6,000,000
5,000,000
4,000,000
3,000,000
2,000,000
1,000,000
0
TotalHeadcoun
tEnrollment
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in higher education where spending for
faculty and other departmental educa-
tional expenses is more than half of op-
erating expenditures, not even in those
whose primary mission is teaching rath-
er than research. And since these mea-
sures count spending for the portion of
faculty salaries dedicated to unfunded
(“departmental”) research as “instruc-tional,” the real situation is likely to be
even worse than the numbers imply.
Changes in functionality accompany
revenue shifts.
As state budgets are being cut, in-
stitutions are scrambling to find new
revenue sources. But very little of the
new money (other than tuition) is used
to educate students. Spending is grow-
ing instead where the new revenues are:
outside of the instructional programs, in
federally funded research, hospitals and
clinics, public service, and auxiliary
operations. These aren’t bad things—
knowledge creation and community
service are important for our economy
and for local communities—but no one
actually decided they were higher pri-
orities than spending on teaching anddegree production.
And it’s not immediately clear why
these functions need to be performed by
public and non-profit private colleges
and universities rather than by busi-
ness and industry or even the non-profit
service sector—which is why the IRS
is interested in learning more about
what higher education revenues pay for.
This is an important inquiry about the
distinction between public and private
purposes and what it means to be a non-
profit entity. It’s unfortunate, though,
that the terms of the conversation are
likely to be defined by auditors rather
than by higher education’s leaders.
The Funding Problem
Despite a spate of reports decrying
the “dysfunctional” state of the financ-ing system for higher education (the
one critique from the Spellings Com-
mission on the Future of Higher Edu-
cation that didn’t get much push-back
from the higher education community),
we still don’t have a coherent or con-
sistent diagnosis of what the funding
problem is, much less what to do about
it. To develop one, we need to shift
our attention from revenue generation,
tuition, and financial aid to how the
Table 1. Median State and Local Appropriations per FTE Student and NetTuition Revenue Per FTE Student at Public Sector Institutions, 1991–2006(in 2006 CPI adjusted dollars)
1991 1998 2006
Community Colleges Net tuition revenue $1,445 $1,930 $2,539
State/Local
appropriations
$5,346 $5,633 $5,585
State/Local
appropriations
per $1 in tuition
revenue
$3.70 $2.92 $2.20
Masters’ Institutions Net tuition revenue $2,445 $3,432 $4,770
State/Local
appropriations
$5,956 $6,210 $5,809
State/Local
appropriations
per $1 in tuition
revenue
$2.44 $1.81 $1.22
Research
Universities
Net tuition revenue $3,293 $4,521 $6,410
State/Local
appropriations
$8,714 $8,837 $8,113
State/Local
appropriations
per $1 in tuition
revenue
$2.65 $1.95 $1.27
Source: Delta Cost Project, IPEDS Database, 20-year matched set. Median state and local appropriations per FTE student vs. net tuition revenue per FTE student.
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money gets spent in higher education
and how that spending either does or
does not support teaching and learning.
We also need to expand the analysis,
which often focuses on private colleges
and research universities, to include the
institutions where most of the students
go—public master’s and community
colleges.Ultimately, of course, this isn’t just
about money: the funding problem in
American higher education is as much
about focus and priority as it is about
revenue. Looking at spending patterns,
one has to conclude that our highest pri-
ority in higher education is to increase
not student learning but revenues, in
order to expand institutional activities
such as research, management of hospi-
tals, or auxiliary enterprises.That is not the path that we should
be taking if we are serious about in-
creasing educational performance.
Our country’s future economic success
will depend on our ability to generate
human capital. Whereas we used to
be number one among OECD nations
in young adults’ attainment levels, by
2005 we had dropped to number 10,
mostly because other countries have
been increasing their performancewhile we have rested on our laurels.
And cuts in spending on instruc-
tion are deepest in the institutions that
serve the majority of first-generation
and low-income students, many of
whom arrive at college with learning
and skills deficits that require develop-
mental attention before those students
can get to college-level work. So the
spending patterns exacerbate the big
problem in American higher education:
the achievement gap that keeps far too
many of our first-generation and low-income students from getting into or
through college.
We are never going to have the de-
gree attainment increases we need un-
less we get serious about getting more
students to graduation, and that won’t
happen unless we close the achieve-
ment gaps. And that won’t happen until
we make improvements in student suc-
cess our highest fiscal priority. To focus
intently on student learning, teaching,
and degree attainment, institutional and
policy leaders need to connect the dots
between spending and results and makespending on teaching and learning their
first priority.
Figure 2. Net tuition vs. Subsidy Portion ofEducational Costs Per FTE Student by CarnegieSector, 1998 and 2006
Source: Delta Cost Project. Net tuition vs. subsidy share per student.
$40,000
$35,000
$30,000
$25,000
$20,000
$15,000
$10,000
$5,000
$01998 2006 1998 2006 1998 2006 1998 2006 1998 2006 1998 2006
Research Master’s Associates Research Master’s Bachelor’sPublic Private
$8,969
Net tuition portion of education and related costs
Average subsidy portion of education and related costs
$4,858
$7,574
$6,301
$6,428
$3,713
$5,763
$4.999
$7,033
$2,098
$6.622
$2,752
$14,409
$16,172
$18,542
$18,490
$4,429
$11,176
$4,434
$13,460
$8,838
$10,481
$9,401
$12,239
Table 2. Only a Portion of Revenues go to Pay for Educational Spending ...and that Portion is Declining.
Average Total Operating Revenues per FTE
Student
Average Educational Spending per FTE
Student
2002 2006 % change 2002 2006 % change
Public Research $37,498 $42,724 14% $14,135 $14,375 2%
Public Master’s $17,298 $17,735 3% $10,753 $10,762 0%
Public Associate’s $13,144 $13,350 2% $9,589 $9,374 -29%
PNP Research $68,267 $105,934 55% $33,342 $37,032 11%
PNP Master’s $22,877 $28,609 25% $16,260 $17,893 10%
PNP Bachelor’s $26,606 $37,704 42% $20,115 $21,640 8%
Source: Delta Cost Project IPEDS Database, 10-year matched set.
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Institutional Actions
Do we have a clue about how to do
this? The short answer is yes, we do.
But it requires serious commitment to
a change agenda from institutional and
policy leaders, and most haven’t yet
made such a commitment. But tak-
ing cues from those who have, it is
clear that such a change includes 1)
setting sharp-edged goals for degree
attainment, 2) looking at spending and
aligning it with those goals, 3) improv-
ing degree productivity by focusing on
ways to reduce excess credits and short-
ening the time to degree, 4) improving
public accountability for costs, and 5)
improving governing board oversight
of spending. Examples of places where
this work is being done follow.
Setting goals for increased degree
attainment based on public needs rather
than institutional interests.
We need to begin by establishing
the public agenda for higher education,
one that is equally relevant to public
and non-profit private institutions. Cur-
rently, institutions have every incentive
to build market position by increasing
admission selectivity and extramural
revenues, even if this means diverting
resources from meeting public needs
for low-income access and improved
degree-attainment levels. To guard
against this, leadership at all levels
needs to define the public agenda forhigher education not just as research
and economic development but in terms
of access, degree attainment, and learn-
ing outcomes.
This requires attention to clearly de-
fined goals and outcome measures for
access and degree attainment, as well as
for learning, and public accountability
systems that monitor progress toward
meeting those goals. This seems obvi-
ous, but it’s a far cry from the usual
measures of performance, which are
success in meeting fundraising goals,
increasing admissions selectivity, andmoving up the U.S. News and World
Report or National Research Council
food-chain.
Where is this work being done? As
one example, look at the National As-
sociation of System Heads (NASH)
“Access to Success” initiative. NASH
is comprised of the presidents and
chancellors of the nation’s public multi-
campus systems. “Access to Success”
is a voluntary collaboration, supported
by the Lumina Foundation as part of
the “Making Opportunity Affordable”
initiative, in which system heads set
“stretch” goals for degree attainment
and hold themselves accountable formeeting those goals.
Not all of the NASH leaders have
chosen to participate, including some
of those heading the most prestigious
public university systems in the coun-
try, but the ones who have count among
their membership systems that collec-
tively serve over two million students
and produce over one-third of the na-
tion’s baccalaureate degrees awarded to
students of color. If they are successful
in this work, it will make a big differ-
ence in national performance.The participating NASH system
heads have made a commitment to
halve achievement gaps separating low-
income and first-generation students
from the rest at every point in the post-
secondary continuum, from enrollment
to certificate and degree attainment.
This multi-year initiative is organized
around several subgroups that are fo-
cused on different parts of the agenda:
financial aid (how to use it to increase
access and success goals), remedial/de-
velopmental education (how to use it to
reduce attrition and cut credits and timeto the degree), and cost management
(how to analyze spending and relate it
to performance). The CEOs meet pe-
riodically to work on common issues,
share successes and failures, and com-
pile a collection of strategies that make
a difference in improving performance.
A specific example of what has been
accomplished by a public institution
can be found at the California State
University at Long Beach (CSULB).
CSULB is a large, urban, public
master’s-level institution, with total
enrollments in 2008 nearing 37,000. Itis one of the most diverse institutions
in the country: 26 percent Hispanic, 23
percent Asian/Pacific Islander, 6 per-
cent African-American, and 30 percent
white in 2006. In just the last 10 years,
it has grown by almost 10,000 students,
and although tuition went up by nearly
76 percent (while state appropriations
per student declined), one-third of
the resulting revenue was invested in
need-based aid to protect access. Con-
sequently, the proportion of students
eligible for Pell grants grew from 22
percent to 35 percent. Graduation rates
increased at the same time, from just
31 percent to over 52 percent, despitegrowth in remedial needs from enter-
ing students. One could argue that the
institution can and should do more to
increase those numbers, and its leaders
would agree. But that level of progress
in just 10 years is truly admirable.
How did they do it? By setting goals
for access and degree attainment and in-
vesting time and attention in strategies
that help students succeed:
• requiring freshman advising
before class registration, along with
summer orientation for freshmen andtransfer students;
• creating learning communities for
at-risk students needing developmental
preparation in math and English;
• increasing the number of academic
advisors and reaching out to undeclared
students with career as well as major
advice;
• stepping up attention to enrollment
and schedule management to ensure
that all first-year students could enroll
in required courses; and
• closing down or consolidating
under-enrolled courses.A program (“Partners for Success”)
was instituted to ensure that every first-
generation student was placed with a
faculty mentor. And messages about
the importance of graduating and not
dropping out were displayed on banners
all over the campus that proclaimed
“Graduation Begins Today,” while the
university communicated with parents
as well as students about the economic
realities of not graduating.
CSULB also has the advantage of
being part of the California State Univer-
sity system. It thus benefits from system-level interventions designed to improve
productivity, focus on learning, and
enhance public accountability. Under the
leadership of CSU Chancellor Charles
Reed, the number of credits required to
complete the baccalaureate degree was
reduced to 120 units—a decision made
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because system leaders realized that the
campuses couldn’t demonstrate that the
extra credits resulted in more learning.
The system requires institutions to moni-
tor learning outcomes directly and indi-
rectly through instruments such as the
Collegiate Learning Assessment and the
National Survey of Student Engagement.
And the Board regularly monitors cam-pus progress toward system-level goals
to increase access and degree attainment.
Show me the money: Using cost data to
align spending with priorities.
Thomas Meredith, chancellor of
the Mississippi Board of Trustees of
State Institutions of Higher Learning,
has changed the nature of the cost con-
versation within Mississippi by using
spending data to help align spending
to priorities. Instead of the traditional
budget review starting with institutional“wish lists,” the Board now uses the
process to present each university with
an assessment of spending in the major
functional areas, benchmarked to other
Mississippi institutions and to appropri-
ate comparison groups nationally. It has
used those data to raise questions with
presidents about areas that appear to be
out of line, either on the high or low side.
The Board has also instituted a
system-level review of spending for
administrative and support functions.
As a result, it has been able to make
a number of significant reductions inspending in areas such as energy and
purchasing. It also went through a
“barnacle-scraping” exercise, in which
it identified institutes and centers that
had initially received state funds as part
of a matching grant commitment from
an external funder, but where the ex-
ternal funds had disappeared while the
state funding remained.
Increasing degree productivity by re-
ducing inefficiencies in educational
production and looking at credits (and
time) to the degree.Several public institutions are pay-
ing more attention to credit accumula-
tion and time to the degree as key ways
to increase learning productivity by
getting students to their degree goals in
less time and at less cost to the student
and the institution. The University of
Wisconsin (UW) system is just one
example. Between 1994 and 2004, the
system was able to decrease credits
accumulated for the bachelor’s degree
from an average of 145 in 1994 to 135
in 2004, for a savings in the per-unit
cost of the degree of 7 percent. The sav-
ings to the state from these increases in
productivity opened up an additional12,000 seats in the UW system. The
reduction in credits also meant that
students were able to complete their
degrees in less time, shaving the bet-
ter part of one semester off their time
to the degree. The direct savings to the
students from not having to pay the
additional semester of tuition and fees
was close to $3,000 per student—well
above the cost of (for instance) a 5 per-
cent tuition increase and more than half
the amount of the maximum Pell grantfor the neediest students.
Improving public accountability for
spending.
Starting in 2000, the University Sys-
tem of Maryland (USM) Chancellor
William Kirwan instituted a system-level
“effectiveness and efficiency” initiative
(known as “E&E”) designed to tackle
the perception that its campuses were
not paying enough attention to fiscal
stewardship. Working closely with the
governing board and in constant con-
sultation with faculty and staff councils,
system leaders were able to set system-
level goals to 1) optimize the use of re-sources, 2) protect quality, and 3) expand
capacity. To date, the initiative has:
• increased teaching loads across the
USM by 10 percent;
• limited funding for baccalaureate
degree programs to 120 credits (unless
there is a requirement from a licensing
agency or a specialized accreditor for
more);
• required all students to earn 12
units through some type of off-campus
work—for instance, earning credit
by an examination such as AdvancedPlacement, international study, or
distance learning;
• increased capacity in the compre-
hensive institutions rather than in the
more expensive research university; and
• centralized shared services such as
audit, construction management, and
real estate development.
The system estimates a total of $40
million was saved and strategically real-
located in the last three years alone—
enough to mitigate tuition increases for
resident students over this time. The E&E
effort has helped to persuade the legisla-ture and governor that the system takes its
stewardship of resources very seriously;
as a result these political leaders have
been willing to fund additional enroll-
ments. And last year, when Maryland
faced a budget deficit that threatened mid-
year cuts, the governor used the example
of the need to protect higher education
as part of his argument for a tax increase.
Maryland is an example of a place where
transparency about spending has directly
paid off in increased public credibility
for higher education and a growth in state
support when other states were reducingfunding or raising tuitions.
Involving the board in the conversation
about spending and performance.
One of the lessons from institutions
that have been successful with this work
is that it makes a difference if the govern-
Several public
institutions are
paying more
attention to credit
accumulation
and time to the
degree as key ways
to increase learning
productivity ...
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Change ● July/August 2005 25
ing board participates in the discussion
about setting goals, monitoring perfor-
mance, and communicating about results.
Without such oversight, the board can
easily become part of the cost problem
by setting an agenda to increase revenues
without paying attention to what they will
be spent on. And involving the board in
the conversation lifts it from a technical,inside-baseball discussion into a policy-
directed one about spending in relation to
strategic priorities.
Currently, most institutions—private
as well as public—don’t do a very good
job of engaging boards in discussions
about spending. In 2005, the Associa-
tion of Governing Boards of Colleges
and Universities (AGB) collaborated
with the National Association of Col-
lege and University Business Officers
(NACUBO) in conducting a national
survey to discover the extent and natureof governing board involvement in cost
oversight. They learned that although
all institutions involve their boards in
review of budgets, most spending re-
views focus on subtopics (like faculty
salaries or capital outlay) and not on
spending in relation to performance.
Interviews with CEO’s and board
officials revealed that these leaders wor-
ried that more board oversight of costs
might mean sending volumes of spending
metrics to the members and involving
them in management decisions that aren’t
appropriate to their role. As a result, theAGB is testing strategies for strength-
ening boards’ spending oversight that
are a good fit with their role in strategic
planning and ensuring public account-
ability. The association is concluding that
improved cost management requires that
boards move away from a focus on bal-
ancing the budget to setting and meeting
long-term goals, discussing value and val-
ues, and using resources to meet strategic
priorities over many years.
The Policy Context
As important as this institutionalwork is, the college cost problem can’t
be solved exclusively by colleges and
universities acting on their own. We
need to have parallel attention to costs
and productivity at the policy level, be-
ginning with a fresh look at historic
patterns of funding higher education,
from the higher subsidies that go to
students in research universities to the
budgetary incentives (or lack thereof)
for increasing retention and graduation.
Unfortunately, there are fewer ex-
amples of engaged and effective change
on the policy side than there are on the
institutional side, because of a general
public policy drift regarding higher edu-cation. States’ capacity to develop and
implement policies for higher education
is weaker now in almost every state than
it was 20 years ago. Meanwhile, the
federal government took seven years to
pass the latest Higher Education Act,
which grew into an eleven-hundred-page
monster that even the most ardent advo-
cate has to concede lacks any coherent
strategic direction for higher education.
When policy work does begin, it too
often focuses on symptoms (tuition in-
creases) rather than causes (privatizationand spending priorities).
In the face of this policy vacuum,
institutions that are in a position to do so
are doing what comes naturally: pursu-
ing revenues and prestige and increasing
admissions selectivity. This may work
reasonably well in the short term for
some public research universities and
master’s institutions with aspirations, but
it is disastrous when it comes to increas-
ing degree production and reducing at-
tainment gaps.
The good news is that there are a few
states that have started to take on thischallenge, and their work is about to be
significantly leveraged by the Lumina
Foundation’s “Making Opportunity Af-
fordable” (MOA) initiative, the ambitious
and unprecedented multi-year initiative
designed to build states’ capacity to tackle
costs and to increase higher education
productivity. Eleven states have begun
planning work for the initiative now and
will be doing the diagnostic, and goal-set-
ting work needed to anchor deeper work.Depending on its needs, each state will set
goals for productivity increases as part of
a strategy to increase degree attainment.
They will also be evaluating how current
state funding policies do or do not provide
incentives to meet those goals.
So there’s some cause for optimism.
For the first time in many years, there are
more than a handful of institutional and
policy leaders who are moving from ana-
lyzing the problem to doing something
about it. These leaders know that we’re
not going to solve the higher educationperformance problem by worrying about
the relative handful of institutions with
huge endowments, although they’d dearly
love for those universities to help slow
down the arms race that threatens to can-
nibalize the industry. They also know that
we’re not going to address educational
performance by increasing institutional
entrepreneurship in research and eco-
nomic development. They are ready to
focus instead on the intersection between
access, degree attainment, and finance, as
well as to hold themselves accountable
for performance. It isn’t rocket science,but such an agenda takes leadership of the
highest order. C
Association of Governing Boards, What Boards are Doing (And Not Doing) in
Reviewing Institutional Costs, available at: http://www.agb.org/user-assets/Docu-
ments/research/costs/WellmanWhatBoards.pdf
National Association of System Heads, Access to Success, description available
at http://www2.edtrust.org/EdTrust/A2S.htm
University System of Maryland, Efficiency and Effectiveness Initiative, informa-
tion available at http://www.usmd.edu/usm/workgroups/EEWorkGroup/eeproject/
index
University System of Wisconsin accountability reports, available at http://www.
uwsa.edu/opar/accountability/achieve08/ae0708.pdf
Making Opportunity Affordable , information available at: http://www.jff.org/
Content/Current+Projects_Improving+Youth+Transitions_Making+Opportunity+A
ffordable.html
Resources
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