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    `

    Food Banks at the interface of thesectors a comparison of models

    for provision in UK and the USAVoluntary Sector and VolunteeringResearch Conference 2014

    Alex Murdock, Professor Emeritus, London South Bank University

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    IntroductionThe recent global crisis has brought about the expansion of a sector in developedcountries which hitherto had largely been seen as characteristic of poor countriesnamely the importance of basic food. This paper will explore the development ofbasic food provision with a particular focus upon the operation of food banks. Thepaper will initially explore the background of food banks and similar provision drawingparticularly on Canadian, US and UK sources (Riches 1986, 2002).

    Background of food and food banksIn the UK there is a fierce debate about the implications of food banks in a country which

    is seen as both wealthy and committed to providing for the basic needs of citizens (BigIssue 2013, Butler 2013, Cooper and Dumpleton 2013, Caraher & Dowler 2014, De

    Schutter 2013). The argument has a polarising tendency. It has been the subject of

    requested UK parliamentary researcher reports (Fell et al 2013). Those on the political

    left see food banks as epitomising both inequality and the failure of the state to provide in

    the most basic way for the needs of the less fortunate and needy. The view is linked to a

    perception of austerity and regressive welfare state policies which put people in a

    position of dependency on charity when the state itself should be the provider (Esping-

    Andersen 1990). The other side of the argument is a combination of an argument for

    tough love to end an entitlement culture linked to a perception that the provision of a

    free good in economic terms will attract demand for that free good irrespective of

    actual need. A food bank is, under this logic, a little like a free health service. The

    demand for free health care is unlimited regardless of the health need of the supplicant.

    However, the Food Bank Story does not originate in the UK or indeed in Europe.Rather they are arguably a North American invention and here the plot thickens. The

    original food bank in the USA (in Phoenix, Arizona) was created out of a soup kitchenwhere a businessman sought to obtain supplies and found he was dealing with asurplus of donations over the ability to utilise them in the soup kitchen. His responsewas to set up a food bank to deal with the surplus donations (Van Hengel, undated,Coke, undated).The original food bank was arguably supply driven rather than aconsequence of demand.

    Subsequently the story line in the USA changed as a consequence of public policy. TheReagan presidency was associated with a move away from welfare in the form of cashhand out to a non-cash form of provision which became known as food stamps. Theemergence of food stamps is associated with the major growth of both food banks

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    and food pantries in the USA. Food stamps enabled people to acquire certain food(and other) products but also removed or reduced direct cash payments from thewelfare system (Alaimo 2005, Bellows & Hamm 2002).

    For corporate, charitable and individual donors a food bank represents an attractiveproposition. It is seen as a more direct solution to a problem than direct cash whichmay be misspent by either the recipient of absorbed into administrative costs by theintermediary. Indeed for corporations who are directly or indirectly involved in thefood business a food bank can represent an attractive business partner. Food banksare the Ghostbusters of the food world when you have a lot of food which issurplus to market demand or near its use by date who are you going to call? Itrepresents an ability to save the disposal cost and avoid the consequences ofoffloading at a cut price.

    In the USA and North America there is arguably a food bank industry which parallels the

    regular food industry and indeed utilises many of the business approaches and trade

    skills of the food industry(Gundersen et al 2011, McPherson 2006). Accounts of its origin

    identify the importance of political changes in the 1980s with the creation of food stamps

    and other specific food assistance programmes (Webb, 2013, Kirkpatrick & Tarasuk

    2009).

    Study ApproachesFood Banks and their associated environment represent a fascinating rainbow ofpossibilities for study . We would highlight the following different ways in which theycan be approached as a subject of study.

    Food Banks as 4thSectorFood banks can be seen as an almost perfect example of what some regard as a

    fourth sector in that they bridge across between the public (first), private (second)and charitable (third sector) (Archer 2011, Hardill & Dwyer 2011). However theFood Bank model, especially when it moves to scale as in the USA, involves more thana simple bridge between donor and recipient. They serve a public need, indeed anarguable essential one, for food. If the food bank was not there then the unmet needwould, in the last resort, become a public priority to be addressed. Failure to addresssuch a basic need would be seen as demonstrating state failure.

    Food Banks (especially when they are of the scale found in the USA) also acquireattributes of the private sector in that they need to manage large acquisition, storage

    and distribution operations very akin to the operations in the private sector.

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    Finally and crucially the food bank does not just benefit from the voluntarism ofcitizens it is dependent upon such voluntarism. It is not just a matter of the element ofvoluntarily donated food. Rather it is also the crucial element of voluntary timeneeded to acquire, sort and distribute food and related products and services. In all

    the food banks the author visited in the USA the comment made about volunteerswas the same with the managers indicating that if they had to employ staff to do whatthe volunteers did then the food bank would be non sustainable regardless of the factthat the food was donated or acquired at minimal or no cost.

    The Paradox of Food banksFood Banks are found in developed and in particular more wealthy developedcountries. The origins are found in the USA with the first food bank (St Maryss) in

    Phoenix, Arizona. Canada also has a long tradition and in Europe the countries whichstand out are Germany and France.

    Whilst Food Banks are much wider phenomena it is paradoxical that they appear tobe, at least in substantial part, a function of wealthy countries. It might be argued thatthey are a consequence of large disparities within the countries with significant levelsof deprivation and underclasses of very needy people. Perhaps they emerge as aresult of changes to the welfare system which removes automatic entitlements to cashbenefits and places people in a situation of supplicants whose needs are not addressedby state benefits. A country needs to have a high GDP in order to sustain and grow

    food bank provision.

    An alternative argument is that food banks have taken root in countries with arelatively high GDP because they serve (maybe unintentionally) as a key element inthe food chain itself. They enable food surpluses and food which is usable but notmarketable to find an outlet other than being simply wasted or thrown away. Theoriginal Food Bank in Phoenix emerged from a soup kitchen which had an excess offood donated and was confronting this very dilemma.

    Food Banks as a social businessFood banks, especially the warehouse model in the USA to which the term applies,have strong elements of being part of a business related system. They are logisticaland distribution entities which source food often in very large amounts - from arange of providers. As such they can be seen as part of a social enterprise systemworthy of research (Haugh 2005).

    In the USA food banks, operating via Feeding America, actually make a charge for thefood distributed on a charge per weight basis. There are clear income andexpenditure streams though they are not as complex as the ones for private sector

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    food chains (where the cost is based on the actual product itself and would probablyvary according to volume supplied (Mabli et al 2010).

    In the UK the actual weight of food distributed is not seen as a key measure but rather

    the actual number of people served. However Fareshare (the UK equivalent to what aredescribed in the USA as food banks) stressed in its Annual Report the amount in weight

    of food it takes in and redistributes each year (4,200 tons in 2012-13) 1

    The social aspects are explicit and implicit in the nature of the activities. In the UK thefocus is upon the number of people helped whereas in the USA due to the moresophisticated model with food banks (the warehouse element) and food pantries (theultimate distribution to the needy) the food bank aspect tends to lay stress upon theactivities undertaken downstream by the food pantries and the various socialprogrammes supported as opposed to the actual number of beneficiaries.

    The Value Chain and Environment of FoodbanksFood banks sit in a rich and quite variegated environment involving both upstreamand downstream and associated activities. In some respects they are reminiscent ofthe social enterprise typology of Kim Alter (Alter 2004). The upstream aspects involvereaching back to the source of food and can, in some cases, involve directrelationships with primary producers.

    In one food bank visited in the USA they had created growing areas behind the foodbank to encourage people to consider growing their own food. There are numerousexamples of urban farming and guerilla gardening which whilst not directly linked toFood Banks represent the potential to move upstream in activities. The downstreamactivities can encompass such aspects as nutrition education and some Food Banksrun training kitchens to enable their beneficiaries to learn more about preparationand cooking of food (Vozoris & Tarasuk 2003, Willows & Au 2006, Campbell, Ross

    & Webb 2013). There are also ancillary activities which food banks become involvedwith such as job readiness and training and various learning and civic engagementinitiatives (Webb 2013).

    The concern of almost all food banks is the fear that donated food will not be utilisedand will end up being discarded. Food banks engage in a range of partnerships inorder to avoid this. These can include links to hostels and soup kitchens to ensureunused food is consumed and can be so utilised at short notice. One US Food Bank

    1Source Fareshare Annual Accounts 2012-13 www.fareshare.org.uk

    http://www.fareshare.org.uk/http://www.fareshare.org.uk/http://www.fareshare.org.uk/
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    had a relationship with a local farmer to ensure that food which had exceeded its useby date could be utilised as animal feed.

    Food Banks as at the crossroads of CivicengagementFood banks ( in the US Warehouse model) are possibly unusual in that despite beingalmost industrial in nature and requiring sophisticated operational systems they arealso highly dependent on voluntary input.

    This input is not an optional element since the food handling costs (especially applicable

    to individually donated food) would render the food bank uneconomic to operate if it was

    dependent on paid labour. A rough calculation made at one food bank was that 50% or

    more of the total labour input was made up of volunteers (measured in terms of hours).

    Downstream at food pantries where the food is distributed to beneficiaries the proportion

    is far greater with typically only a handful of usually part time staff. In the UK a similar

    situation is found and Fareshare identifies a range of volunteer roles at their 18 collection

    and distribution centres. 2

    In the context of direct provision to beneficiaries via Food Bank (in the USA - food

    pantries) the volunteer element is , as in the USA, the very major part of the labourinvolved.

    There has been relatively little study of the make up of the volunteer component in Food

    banks. The author found only one specific refereed journal article (Agostinho & Pao

    2012). The initial work by the author, however, suggests that in the USA it represents a

    very rich diversity covering a spectrum of age, sex, race, faith, education and also

    including a very substantial element of corporate volunteering.3

    The food donation drives which many food banks operate to encourage individualcitizens to donate both food and money also bring in a further diversity of people.

    Food banks may represent one of the widest forms of engagement of citizenry foundin the voluntary and charitable sector. The basic and self evident appeal of food needreaches across almost the whole of society irrespective of income, race and otherdemographics.

    2

    See http://www.fareshare.org.uk/volunteering/volunteering/Accessed 25 May 201433

    Visit undertaken in April 2014 to 5 food banks across USA)

    http://www.fareshare.org.uk/volunteering/volunteering/http://www.fareshare.org.uk/volunteering/volunteering/http://www.fareshare.org.uk/volunteering/volunteering/
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    Public Policy aspects of food banksIn the UK food banks are politically extremely contentious and have been the subjectof considerable debate both in the media (press and TV) and in Parliament. .There aretwo opposing arguments in respect of public policy. They are grounded ineconomics and in welfare politics (and to some extent social value).

    Since the Food Bank provides free food then there is a free rider effect The growthand success of food banks is seen as supply driven. They are not an indication ofpoverty rather the fact that free goods leads to free riders. The availability ofdonated food is symptomatic of a food industry which has to deal withoverproduction and the pickiness of their customers. Hence the availability ofdonated food from food companies and supermarkets.

    The opposing view (from the Left) is that food banks have arisen as a result of ademand arising from austerity and poverty. They meet a basic need which (The Leftview) should really have been met by the state. They are a symbol of governmentfailure and inequality in wealth. The availability of donated food from Industry is inpart occasioned and encouraged by public policy which, for example, permits taxwrite offs from such donations or may even furnish mechanisms which reimbursescompanies for food produced to be utilised by food banks. (In the USA the authorfound food in food banks which though labelled was a brand which did not appearto have ever been offered for sale to the public), A further comment is that the very

    changes in society in developed countries may mean that the proportion of thepopulation at risk of such issues as food poverty is going to be far greater than inearlier times. (Hardin 2010). There has even been a new term precariat emerge todescribe this new category. (Standing, 2011)

    A conceptual space to locate food banks.Based on a the literature and upon direct visits to food banks it is proposed that theycan be located in a four dimensional conceptual space. Each dimension represents a

    spectrum as follows:

    A spectrum of provision ranging from soup kitchens through food banks to education about nutrition

    A spectrum of scale of operation ranging from small localised initiatives to largescale ( in some cases quasi industrial) operations run with corporate partnerships.

    A spectrum of relating to the relationship with the political/welfare agenda rangingfrom a purely philanthropic through a partnership with the political and publicsector through to a contested and sometimes combative stance.

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    A spectrum relating to the aims and governance structures ranging from theelocal and informal through to social franchise type models to complex largeformal organisations. These spectra will also identify the extent to which afaith base is important insofar as the declared aims of provision.

    The Spectrum of provisionA food bank sits midway along a food provision spectrum which at one end involvesthe simple provision of basic food to people who are hungry and who eat it on thespot. This is often described as a soup kitchen and may well be the original form offood support. Charitable organisations such as The Salvation Army have had a longtradition for furnishing this form of provision to homeless people and the provision isstill current today (Murdoch 1996). (Glasser 2010).

    The other end of the spectrum does not involve provision of food either directly orindirectly. Rather it involves the provision of information and training in foodpreparation to beneficiaries in order that they might be able to make the best use ofany food which is provided or acquired.

    Within the narrower part of the spectrum which involves actual provision of foodthere are some finer distinctions which have emerged through the operation of foodbanks. In the UK food banks realised that food provided to some poorer beneficiariescould not be cooked because there was no stove available. So a modified form offood package was evolved called a kettle pack which could be utilised if thebeneficiary.had access to an electric kettle or a source of boiling water. Furtherexperience led to the realisation that some people literally had no form of heatingfood at all. Perhaps they had no electricity due to being cut of for non payment. Thissubsequent innovation was called a cold pack. It required a degree of planning. Teaand coffee, for example, could not be included.

    Spectrum of scale of operationReference has been made previously to the fact that some (especially US) food banksoperate on a very large scale. They have large (sometimes purpose built) warehousefacilities with fork lift trucks able to reach up about 10 metres to reach good storedon pallets. They run fleets of large trucks and use sophisticated tracking mechanismsand computerised logistics. They have very large cold store facilities which are servicedalso by fork lift trucks. Good may be moved not just locally but maybe over 1000miles between donors and warehouse. Goods may be bartered between differentfood banks located hundreds of miles apart. It is a logistical operation on a scale similarto large private sector food companies. Much isf not most of the bulk of the food issourced industrially as opposed from individual donors.

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    At the other end of the scale there are food banks (in the US: food pantries) be smallstores of food often in church halls run by volunteers with no paid staff. The abilityto store perishable food may be limited or even non-existent. They may open only fora few hours each week. The record keeping may be quite limited and almost certainly

    paper based. The food may well be sourced from individuals and what is availabledepends on what people might give. There is little option to barter or exchange itemsin surplus for items in shortage.

    Spectrum of relating to the relationshipwith the political/welfare agendaThe relationship between food banks and the state (whether local or national) can

    also be seen along a spectrum ranging from active and positive partnership at one endto a fraught and disruptive stance at the other ( Poppendieck 1994, 1998). The placeon the spectrum is by no means fixed and might vary depending on the issue andtiming. Thus in the UK at one point the CEO of the Trussell Trust was almost feted bythe government and invited to 10 Downing Street. After he took an overtly criticalstance against government welfare policy the invitations ceased and indeed politiciansfrom the government avoided food banks despite repeated invitations to visit. Therelationship between poverty and food deprivation is well researched (Dowler2001)(Dowler and Finer 2004 )(Lang 1999). This has extended into the food bankarea with Lambie-Mumfords work (Dowler & Lambie-Mumford 2014).

    In the USA compared to the UK the relationship between government and foodbanks appears less confrontational . Food Banks lobby in the same way that otherpressure groups do. (Bayley 2009) They also comply with government policies andwork with government agencies. In areas where the government is not directlyinvolved as a funder or regulator the food banks adopt their own policies. In thewarehouses there is separation between government regulated food and food fromother sources. (Mabli et al 2010)

    At the distribution to beneficiary point in the chain ( typically the food pantry) theremay be different policies as well depending upon the source of the food. Eligibilitythrough food stamp entitlement or assessed income level is critical in food issued via agovernment related programme. The price which the food bank can charge the foodpantry is also regulated for government programmes. However elsewhere there issignificant variation. One food pantry had a category of assistance to travellerspassing through which did not require establishing eligibility using the governmentcriteria.

    Spectrum relating to the aims and

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    governance structuresThe food banks in both UK and USA demonstrate a range of structures appropriateto the nature and scale of their operations. In the UK food banks are typically charitiesor operate in a fashion similar to a charity. A small food bank in the UK would enjoy alight touch regulation based upon a low level of reported income. As the food istypically donated, the premises are usually provided by a church or similar for free andthere is usually no significant paid staff element then at the distribution end a foodbank is relatively easy to set up if there are willing hands.

    The Trussell Trust in the UK has established a model which provides a form ofoperation which is followed by a large proportion of the food banks ( some 400).(Lambie-Mumford 2011 , 2013) This social franchise ( a sort of MacDonalds for

    Food Banks though the Trussell trust would refute the image) indicates how the foodbank should operate, what data is should gather and report ( to The Trussell Trust). Italso requires that any organisation seeking to join as a franchisee must be faith based.This raises in interesting aspect of needing to understand the key importance of faithbased provision in this area. (Davie 2013)

    The USA has an umbrella organisation for food banks ( in terms of the warehousemodel) called Feeding America. It is not a government agency but has acquiredenormous de facto power, It assigns territories for food banks and enables those foodbanks to then accredit the suppliers to beneficiaries ( food pantries) in that area. The

    food bank can approve ( and disapprove) food pantries and a food pantry seems tohave limited rights of appeal or choice in the matter, There are over 200 food banksin the Feeding America network and each one typically has several hundred foodpantry type organisations which it supplies. The food pantry will order supplies andwill pay on a weight basis for them. The food banks are set up as not for profitscorporations and the food pantries typically also have a similar not for profit form.Many are linked to churches. There are strong associations with aspects of socialjustice in the food bank sector which makes for a strong dividing line in ethos with theprivate sector food industry. (Power1999)

    DiscussionThe range of activity and size of operation in food banks has some affinity with theimage on for profit businesses in the food industry. There are the giants of theindustry and there are the equivalent of corner shops. However there are somedifferences. The food warehouse (in the US food bank in the UK Fareshare) haslimited downstream integration. Though some US food banks do engage in directsupply to beneficiaries the nature of the space required for a large warehouse

    operation means that it is easier to engage with a diversity of local providers to

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    distribute food to beneficiaries. An organisation like the Coop or Tesco will both haveits own warehouse and distribution chain including the shops.

    The local food pantries ( in the UK food banks) typically source the food from a

    diversity of suppliers.. In the US the food bank relationship is critical and mayconstitute a substantial proportion of the food distributed, However food pantiesalso source food from local food businesses including fresh produce and even in thecase of one food pantry undelivered pizzas. In the UK this is less common thoughPret A Manger do distribute unsold sandwiches at the end of the day via local foodbanks

    Fare Share in the UK does not deal with as high a throughput of food as the US foodbanks and in a conversation with the author the CEO of FareShare commented onthe differences in scale of operation between the Fareshare and the food Banks in the

    USA.

    The analysis of the apparently greater sophistication of the warehouse model in theUSA may draw on the fact that the USA is more mature . Feeding America has a moreeffective and established model with fairly standardised operational criteria. Howeverthe measure of activity is still arguably derived from the origins in dealing withsurpluses of food for redistribution. Hence the simple ball park measure of weight offood moved is still the metric which operates This is reflected in the measuresindicated by Fareshare in the UK ( though Fareshare uses Tons to the US pounds

    Where the provision of service to beneficiaries is concerned then in the USA thefood banks generally do not engage in this rather they serve as a warehouse andlogistical support for the food panties which are their partners. So the reported datafrom food banks on the hundreds of food pantries in their supply chain does notreport the number of beneficiaries but rather the nature and number of types ofprogrammes operated. In the UK there is a major franchise for food banks ( theequivalent of the US food pantries) in the form of the Trussell Trust. They gather datafrom the food banks in their network regarding numbers of beneficiaries served.However these numbers are not subject to audit in the way that the US food banks

    audit their food pantries. The gross data does not easily lend itself to more detailedanalysis in terms of actual programmes in the way that the USA data does though itdoes enable some analysis of the reasons for provision. Perhaps importantly it doesnot readily allow an analysis of the number of regular users in part because theTrussell Trust ( as part of its ethos) restricts the number of times an individual may behelped. However informal discussions with the author with a chair and a volunteer attwo different Trussell Trust accredited food banks suggests that the restriction onnumber of times an individual may be assisted is regarded by local food banks asindicative as opposed to definitive in nature. The Trussell Trust do not conductdetailed audits of the reported data ( nor are they in a resource position to do so).

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    Conclusions and Research implications andplans

    The area of food banks and allied provision would appear to be a significantly underaddressed yet potentially rich vein which would offer rewards for the researcher. Thefocus of research to date has been primarily local ( as opposed to even national) in theUK and the recent House of Parliament Cross Party Group and the DEFRA reporthave both highlighted the lack of definitive research on what for the UK is seen as arelatively recent phenomena.

    The USA is more formalised and evolved in nature yet is also surprisingly underresearched by academics. (America, Feeding. "Map the Meal Gap 2011) The

    research which has been undertaken has , as in the UK, primarily been from theperspective of welfare issues, food wastage and nutrition. The actual operation offood banks/food pantries as social businesses seems to have had little attention. Foodbanks as a exemplar of the fourth sector appear to have had little attention fromresearchers despite a strong argument that they sit at the cross road of public, privateand charitable/civil society. (Dachner & Tarasuk 2002)

    The nature of change and experiment in both direct and ancillary activities of foodbanks also reveals them as areas of social innovation in what is arguably an area whichis a core human need. (Nicholls & Murdock2011).

    Perhaps the most interesting (and virtually unexplored) area is that of comparativestudies. John Van Hengel, the founder of the first food bank in the USA, took hismessage to different countries and sought to encourage the creation of food banks inother countries in late 1980s. His interesting observation following his travels wasthat the country where he saw the most potential was France. Though the work theauthor is undertaking with French academics at the University of Rennes and theSorbonne is at an early stage the preliminary reports from French colleagues is thatthere is a great deal of activity in terms of banque alimentaires suggesting that VanHengel was prescient in his comments made nearly 20 years ago.

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    References and Bibliography of sourcesconsultedAlaimo, K. (2005). Food insecurity in the United States: An overview. Topics in ClinicalNutrition, 20(4), 281-298.

    Allen, P. (1999). Reweaving the food security safety net: Mediating entitlement andentrepreneurship.Agriculture and human values, 16(2), 117-129.

    Alter, K. (2004). Social enterprise typology. Virtue Ventures LLC.

    Agostinho, D., & Pao, A. (2012). Analysis of the motivations, generativity anddemographics of the food bank volunteer. International Journal of Nonprofit andVoluntary Sector Marketing, 17(3), 249-261.

    America, Feeding. "Map the Meal Gap 2011, Preliminary Findings: A Report on CountyLevel Food Insecurity and Food Cost in the United States in 2009." Feeding America(2011).

    Bellows, A. C., & Hamm, M. W. (2002). US-based community food security: Influences,practice, debate. Journal for the Study of Food and Society, 6(1), 31-44.

    Bidwell, S. (2009). Food Security A review and synthesis of themes from the literature.(New Zealand)

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    Butler, P.,(2013) Food vouchers to provide emergency help but prevent spending onalcohol, Guardian, 26 March 2013

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    Caraher, M., & Dowler, E. (2014). Food for Poorer People: Conventional andAlternativeTransgressions?. In: M. Goodman & C. Sage (Eds.), Food Transgressions:Making Sense of Contemporary Food Politics. (pp. 227-246). Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate

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    Cooper, N. and Dumpleton, S. Walking the Breadline: The scandal of food poverty in21st century Britain, Church Action on Poverty and Oxfam, May 2013

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    Dachner, N., & Tarasuk, V. (2002). Homeless squeegee kids: Food insecurity and dailysurvival. Social Science & Medicine, 54(7), 1039-1049.

    Davie, G. (2013). The sociology of religion: A critical agenda. Sage.

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    Esping-Andersen, G. (1990). The three worlds of welfare capitalism(Vol. 6). Cambridge:Polity pres.

    Fell, M , Downing E, Kennedy, S ( June 2013) Food Banks and Food Poverty , House ofCommons Library, UK SN06657 4 June 2013

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    Gundersen, C., Brown, J., Engelhard, E., & Waxman, E. (2011). Map the meal gap:technical brief. Chicago, IL: Feeding America.

    Haugh, H. (2005). A research agenda for social entrepreneurship. Social enterprisejournal, 1(1), 1-12.

    History of Food Banking (USA source) http://www.hungernwnc.org/about-us/history%20of%20food%20banking.html accessed 2- Aug 2013

    Kirkpatrick, S. I., & Tarasuk, V. (2009). Food insecurity and participation in communityfood programs among low-income Toronto families. Can J Public Health, 100(2), 135-39.

    Lambie-Mumford H. 2011 The Trussell Trust Foodbank Network: Exploring theGrowth of Foodbanks Across the UK Trussell Trust Final Report November 2011

    Lambie-Mumford, H. (2013). Every town should have one: emergency food banking in

    the UK. Journal of Social Policy, 1(1), 1-17.

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