Report on Endogenous Models Used by

Communities That Have Potential to Support

Orphaned, Vulnerable and Isolated Children September 2014

Acknowledgements

A team from the Regional Psychosocial Support Initiative (REPSSI) conducted this research in response to the request received from the Foundation for Community Development (FDC - Fundação para o Desenvolvimento da Comunidade), its South African partner Synergos Institute, and the Samuel Family Foundation. This work is made possible thanks to funding from the Samuel Family Foundation. We would like to express our gratitude to these organizations for this opportunity and for the trust placed in REPSSI.

Our sincere thanks go to the whole research team, including Dr. Baltazar Muianga from the University of Eduardo Mondlane, and REPSSI’s Mozambican staff, Kudzai Victoria Dhliwayo and Virgilio Suande who undertook the field work. We are also very grateful to Virginia Eduardo Bambo who was a wonderful assistant throughout the whole process.

Regional support for this process was provided by Noreen Huni (REPSSI’S CEO) and other colleagues who provided technical support, Brighton Gwezera (National Director in Zimbabwe), Alex Tigere (Technical Director for Angola and Botswana), Lynette Mudekunye (Advisor on Children´s Issues), David Gwasira (Programme Officer in Zimbabwe), Carmel Gaillard (Head of Programmatic Affairs) and Vunda Demula (Monitoring and Evaluation Officer).

We would like to thank focal persons from FDC who were instrumental in arranging all of our time in the field. And finally acknowledge with deep gratitude those who gave of their time and allowed us to learn about endogenous models of care by participating in interviews and groups discussions.

Research Coordinator Julio Mutemba,REPSSI

Foreword

This research paper and approach emerges as a result of work and thinking advanced by Kim Samuel in her collaboration with Oxford University's Poverty and Human Development Initiative and through her leadership as President of the Samuel Family Foundation. Kim Samuel's work advances that social isolation includes the experience of profound, sustained loneliness and lack of belonging and can create significant barriers to socio-economic individual and community well-being. Moreover, Kim Samuel has suggested that social connectedness provides people with a sense of belonging through meaningful and trusting relationships and bonds with those around them, facilitates access to supports and opportunities to achieve improvements that are desired and valued by both individuals and groups, and results in tangible assets for communities and nations.

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements and Foreword ......................................................................................................... 2

1. Introduction .................................................................................................................................... 5

2. Literature Review ............................................................................................................................ 5

3. Research Objectives ........................................................................................................................ 9

4. Research Methodology ................................................................................................................... 9

4.1 Ethical Research Issues .............................................................................................................. 11

5. Study Limitations .......................................................................................................................... 12

5.1 Language barriers ....................................................................................................................... 12

5.2 Selection of the sample .............................................................................................................. 13

5.3 Timing ......................................................................................................................................... 13

6. Description of the Population Interviewed ................................................................................... 14

6.1 Social Profile of Vulnerable Children ......................................................................................... 14

6.2 . Social Profile of the Carers ........................................................................................................ 17

6.3. Social Profile of the Leaders ...................................................................................................... 19

7. Research Findings ............................................................................................................................. 19

7.1 Anticipated Effects of Community Involvement in the Care of Vulnerable Children. .............. 19

7.1 Endogenous Psychosocial Care and Support Models for Orphans and Vulnerable Children .... 21

7.1.1 Ukaveheria, Utunia or Ufentia (Ancuabe district, northern Mozambique ........................ 21

7.2.2 Ku Mulhayisa (Ku lhayisa) or Ku Muwundlha (Chibuto district, Southern Mozambique) . 22

7.2.3 Kulera (Caia District, Central Mozambique) ....................................................................... 23

7.3 Rituals and Practices for the Provision of Psychosocial Support to Children........................... 23

7.3.1 Ikoma or Imera Jatiana (Ancuabe district, Northern Mozambique ) .................................. 23

7.3.2 Ikoma Jaloupuana (Ancuabe district, Northern Mozambique ).......................................... 24

7.3.3 Nimualho (Ancuabe district, Northern Mozambique) ....................................................... 25

7.3.4 Kucheneça .......................................................................................................................... 26

7.3.5 Pitamanzwadhe (Caia district, Central Mozambique ) ....................................................... 26

7.3.6 Kulanga (Caia district, Central Mozambique )..................................................................... 26

7.3.7 Nsembe (Caia district, Central Mozambique ....................................................................... 28

7.3.8. Pitakufa (Caia district, Sofala province, Central Region Mozambique) .............................. 29

7.3.9 Storytelling (Ancuabe district, Northern Mozambique) ...................................................... 30

7.3.10 Kubhassissa (Chibuto district, South of Mozambique) ...................................................... 30

8. Community Perceptions on Vulnerability and Isolation ........................................................... 31

9. Matrilineal vs. Matrilineal Care among Orphaned Children ..................................................... 33

10. Objective vs. Subjective Isolation ......................................................................................... 34

11. Impact of Government and organizational engagement Vs Community care – the Clan

System 34

11. Local Terminology Used to Refer to Isolation ........................................................................... 35

12. Final Considerations ...................................................................................................................... 36

1. Introduction

The past decade has witnessed a growing interest in the development of approaches that

effectively and sustainably address the challenges faced by orphans and vulnerable children

(OVC). The use of models imported from continents outside of Africa is recognized as a

relative weakness in the provision of effective responses. Stakeholders are now starting to

question the degree to which these approaches may have undermined local, culturally

contextualized responses used over decades by communities to mitigate the challenges

faced by orphans and vulnerable children.

In addition, psychosocial care and support has also gained considerable prominence in

responses used to address the problems faced by OVC and is recognized as a complement of

child protection. It is however recognized that local models of psychosocial care and support

for children do exist and are used by families and communities. It is precisely this

recognition that prompted the request for more detailed studies. The identification of such

practices has the potential to inform policies, programmes and the allocation of resources in

the future; increasing community involvement and the use of adequate and sustainable

interventions to support households, communities and more importantly vulnerable

children and youth living in isolation.

It is against this background that REPSSI was commissioned by FDC to carry out this study.

This work is made possible thanks to funding from the Samuel Family Foundation. The study

provides an opportunity to examine local customs and interventions with potential of

providing protection and psychosocial support to orphaned, vulnerable and isolated

children. This information could be especially valuable to revive positive practices used over

time by communities.

2. Literature Review

Over the past three decades the world has faced a wide range of challenges affecting

households and communities alike. HIV, poverty and conflict are the main factors causing

the disruption of social linkages that enabled communities to provide care and protection to

children. Moreover, children are one of the social groups that are most deeply affected by

these changes.

Unfortunately data around orphaning and vulnerability is wide ranging in Mozambique. In

one instance, data suggests 17% of children are orphaned and vulnerable while in another it

is as high as 20% (MICS 2008:18).

Furthermore, data from the same source cited above, the Multiple Indicator Custer Survey,

MICS (2008:18) indicates that the percentage of OVC ranges between 16% in rural areas and

20% in urban areas. Gaza province has the highest prevalence of OVC (31%), followed by

Maputo City and Sofala province (20%); Tete and Niassa provinces have the lowest

prevalence rates for OVC (12% and 9% respectively). There are numerous factors

contributing to the increase of orphans and vulnerable children. HIV is deemed as the

principle cause. Mozambique currently faces a mounting crisis of children orphaned by

AIDS. HIV prevalence for those aged 15 to it is estimated at 11.1% (UNAIDS 2012).

The report from UNAIS 2012, further stresses that Mozambique has over 740000 children

who are orphans due to AIDS and according to UNICEF (2013) the total number of orphans

in Mozambique is estimated at 2000 000 and 740 000 of which 37% (740 000) were as a

result of AIDS. In Mozambique, the probability that a child will become an orphan or

vulnerable increases with age, rising from 8% among children aged 0-4 to 31% among

children aged 15 -17 (MICS 2008).

Table 1: Proportion of Orphans in Mozambique*

Indicators Number

Total Number of orphan children 1,6 million Total number of maternal orphans 863,803 Total number of maternal orphans due to AIDS 272,051 Total Number of paternal orphans due to AIDS 257,420 Total number of double orphans due to AIDS 203,666

(Impacto do HIV/SIDA na situação das crianças órfãs e vulneráveis, Moçambique 2005. (PACOV,

2006-2010).

One of the consequences of being orphaned by AIDS is that children become heads of

households, assuming responsibility for their siblings and caring for other sick household

members. At the same time these children are discriminated against at community level

because their parents were HIV positive. In general terms, children in these circumstances

experience a wide array of challenges including important economic and emotional

deprivations, having to live in conditions of extreme poverty and vulnerability, and being

exposed to diverse forms of abuse (PNAC III, 2012).

A situation analysis carried out by the Ministry of Women and Social Action (MMAS -

Ministério da Mulher e Acção Social) in 2005 suggests that the level of vulnerability and

social isolation of a household increases when it is headed by a child. Children that head

households have a greater probability of having to work under exploitative conditions and

being stigmatized; being more exposed to the risk of child-trafficking and subjected to

violence, abuse and negligence or being forced to live on the streets.

Mozambique is still classified as one of the poorest countries in the world, ranked on the UNDP’s

2011 Human Development index at 184 out of 187 countries (Jones and Tarp, 2012). According to

the Household Budget Survey (2008 -2009), 55% of Mozambicans were living below the national

poverty line of $0.50 per day. Poverty has been identified as a factor leading to children’s

vulnerability as child poverty is persistent high (Arndt, Hussein, Jones, Nhate, Tarp and Thrulow,

2012). The proportion of children living in absolute poverty in Mozambique fell from 59 per cent in

2003 to 48 per cent in 2008 (UNICEF ,2011) absolute poverty puts many Mozambican children at risk

of hazardous labour, human trafficking, sexual abuse, exploitation and violence. Child labour is high:

28% of youth aged 7 to 14 are engaged in unsafe work and not attending school. (International

Labor Organization, 2008; Instituto Nacional De Estatística, 2009, apud USAID Mozambique, 2014).

To date, Resources have been focused at responding to improving the existing poor

psychosocial effects resulting from the HIV pandemic in Mozambique. However, models

were imported from other continents without paying sufficient attention to the approaches

and resources currently being used by communities to respond to children’s vulnerability.

According to Foster (2013), many communities in Eastern and Southern Africa have strong

community mechanisms to support children when both parents die. Foster believes that

such systems worked for hundreds of years but became overstretched with the massive

increase of parental AIDS-related deaths. Therefore, his argument is not that traditional

systems as such are inadequate but rather that excessive pressure has been imposed on

them.

In addition, there is a growing recognition that effective response mechanisms to address

the challenges faced by orphans and vulnerable children can only be developed by taking

into account community knowledge and resources. Having said this, few in-depth studies

have been conducted to date to obtain and systematically build knowledge on endogenous

responses to the challenges experienced by vulnerable groups. It is against this background

that in 2008 the Nelson Mandela Children´s Fund, Synergos Institute in Southern Africa and

FDC established a tripartite partnership that aimed to study indigenous approaches used to

address the psychosocial needs of orphaned and isolated children. This project was called

Imbeleko, which, in the Tsonga language in Southern Africa means, “caring for children.” A

central aim of Imbeleko is to understand and appreciate indigenous ways of responding to

children’s vulnerability, to develop and consolidate organizational approaches based on

indigenous knowledge and practices for advocacy programs in other African countries to

influence the practice of donors, governments, NGOs and communities (African Traditions

of Care for Children, Report of a Pilot Inquiry:2009:1).

A pilot phase was implemented in 2009, focusing on traditional care models for orphans and

vulnerable children and the concepts of "Goelama and Kussingata" as entry points.

(“Kussingata” is a Tsonga word which refers to processes of nurturing, comforting and

supporting in situations of sadness and tragedy. ”Goelama”, a Tswana term, denotes the

action of the mother-hen as a nurturer and protector of her chicks. Both terms contain the

notion of a community that cares for and comforts children in times of loss and hardship.) .

As the tripartite project Imbeleko progressed, partners were asked to pay specific attention

to the role that social connectedness plays in increasing the wellbeing of vulnerable children

and youth. The initial focus was on poverty and did not pay particular attention to children

affected by HIV. Globally, we know that feeling isolated contributes to feelings of depression

and poor psychosocial wellbeing. This previous research also highlighted household and

community level practices, including attribution of names and purification ceremonies in

forging a person’s identity, building trust, as well as promoting self-worth and a feeling of

belonging among children. (Imbeleko and Social-Connectedness Research Project Concept

Document, NMCF, June 2013).

This study builds on this previous research and focuses on how specific community

mechanisms have the potential of improving the psychosocial wellbeing of vulnerable

children.

3. Research Objectives

The research objectives identified by FDC and Synergos for this study are to:

Identify and describe the local psychosocial support models and practices

used with orphaned, vulnerable and isolated children;

Understand the processes and factors associated with isolation, and the

mechanisms that promote social connectedness;

Identify players / community groups that promote endogenous mechanisms

of social connectedness and psychosocial support.

4. Research Methodology

This study was exploratory in nature and thus collected qualitative data. Information was

obtained during individual interviews, focus group discussions and household observations.

Discussion guides were developed for interviews and focus group discussions; picture codes

and imagery were used to guide discussions and clarify abstract concepts among

participating adults and children. Among the later, researchers used drawing techniques to

facilitate communication and discussions around social connectedness.

Fig.1 Children using drawing to demonstrate their social connections networks in Anguabe

Cross cutting issues were included in all of the interviews, including local definitions of

orphan and vulnerable children, isolation, poverty and significant social relationships. Focus

group discussions included issues on local child caring practices and detailed descriptions of

the local rites and rituals.

This research was conducted in three districts in three provinces of Mozambique, namely: i)

Ancuabe, a predominantly rural district located in Northern Mozambique; ii) Caia, a district

with strong rural characteristics in Southern Sofala in Central Mozambique; and iii) Chibuto

a semirural district in Gaza province in Southern Mozambique. The study´s target

geographical areas were selected from a group of communities in these districts where FDC

already worked which facilitated access to respondents. A focal point person assigned to

REPSSI by FDC selected respondents for the study. Researchers provided focal people with

criteria to select interviewees. For adults, this included i) local leaders, mostly traditional

leaders; ii) adults that provide care to orphans or vulnerable children; iii) local government

social assistance staff providing support to households and children according to established

criteria. We interviewed children who came from the same households as the adults who

care for orphans or vulnerable children. Participating adults were asked to invite children

under their care that could speak, read and write to participate in the study.

A total of 64 adults (16 men and 48 women) and 32 children (12 girls and 20 boys)

participated in the study. Care was taken to be representative of the population

characteristics as a whole when selecting those to be interviewed.

Picture 1: a Child Headed Household in Chibuto-Gaza

4.1 Ethical Research Issues

While ethical approval was not obtained by an external review board, the design of the

consent form and the procedure for obtaining consent followed was one that had been

used by REPSSI’s head of research in previous research she conducted that was sponsored

by the US National Institutes of Health.

Conscious of the potential implications for participants and to protect them from any

negative social or emotional effects, or against any threat to their physical integrity, the

researchers took the following safety measures:

1. All participants, adults and children received information in the language of their

preference on the objectives of the study and what their participation entailed

before the start of each individual interview or focus group discussion.

2. Respondents were reassured that their participation was voluntary.

3. Respondents were assured that deciding not to participate or withdrawing would

not affect their participation in FDC programmes.

Adults provided written informed consent; children did the same, but had the focal person

assume the role of an independent witness to ensure that the children’s rights were

protected during the consent process. All intended participants (100%) agreed to participate

in the interviews proposed. All interviews were audio recorded, identified with the name of

each participant. Notes were also taken during the interviews. All related documents have

been safely stored by REPSSI in files with access restricted only to authorized personnel.

Participants’ names have not been included in the report, in line with guidance provided on

confidentiality and protection measures. REPSSI provided a qualified counsellor and / or a

psychologist with each research team. They were present to provide support to

respondents if the need arose. This only occurred in one instance where, following an

interview, a boy was seen to be grieving excessively.

It was not possible to interview institutional players as electoral registration and intensive

political activity were taking place during the implementation of the study(the data was

collected as from August throughout to November which coincided with the electoral

calendar, civil education, electoral campaign and voting). The data collected was audio-

recorded and then transcribed and analysed thematically. Observations of households were

done after the individual in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. The researchers

visited the same households as those who participated in the interviews.

5. Study Limitations

5.1 Language barriers

In two of the sites, Caia and Ancuabe, researchers were not conversant with the local

languages. They therefore relied on translations from local persons. When the participants

were making contributions they had to do it through the translators and then these would

pass on the message to the researchers and vice versa. This has two potential

consequences: a) it might have affected the interpretation of the questions and responses

and b) it could also have resulted in interviewer fatigue and limited the time spent on each

session.

5.2 Selection of the sample

The study sample was not evenly distributed throughout the three sites. The researchers

had very little control over the selection as the sample sites were already determined to be

in the project areas where FDC has local partners operating. Most communication with the

selectors was oral and this might have affected how the message on the criteria was passed

and understood. The selection of the participants might also have been influenced by false

expectations, as participants being invited by a group they defined as a donor; it is possible

they believed they would directly benefit from participation. However, no instance was

observed of a participant showing to be surprised of finding that no benefits were being

given during or after the interviews. In addition, participants in some cases might have

understood the research as a project evaluation or pre-assessment for the introduction of a

new project, though this was minimised by the researchers constantly explaining the

reasons for the interviews to them, once on site.

5.3 Timing

Delays in the disbursement of funds for the research delayed the process for over a month,

which resulted in other factors coming into play, including a change in the political climate.

During data collection, many key leaders were involved in the campaigns for municipality

elections. Gatherings were not encouraged during this time as they could be perceived as

having political motives. This limited the availability of leaders and also some government

staff that the researchers had intended to interview. In addition, in Central Mozambique, a

military conflict broke out which affected access to one of the sites (Caia) a different points

during data collection.

Finally, resources were not sufficient to permit the team to stay for long periods at the sites

and collect more relevant information. For example, the team had defined would make an

effort so to interview equal number of children and adults, which was not possible because

we could not stay longer in Caia and Ancuabe, especially. We also felt we did not cover

enough number of household to learn for instance of the challenges of children in Child

Headed Households in terms of support and social connectedness. We also did not manage

to collect stories of evidence of children supported through the proposed endogenous

models.

6. Description of the Population Interviewed

6.1 Social Profile of Vulnerable Children

A Vulnerable is commonly understood in all the different sites where this research took

place. It was defined as any child who had lost at least one parent and/or was living in

poverty. However the definition of poverty by the population does also recognises that

being poor is more that having material lacks, having significant and supportive social

connections and ties, has been recognised as being an important dimension of poverty.

“a vulnerable is that one that has parents but who cannot afford to meet his/her needs

because they don’t have the necessary conditions to do so. (Marta, a caregiver in Chibuto);

“A vulnerable child is the one who has no family and has been always sick” (Lurdes, a

caregiver in Caia).

The study comprised 32 vulnerable children (7 in Ancuabe district, Cabo Delgado province, 8

in Caia district, Sofala province and 17 in Chibuto district, Gaza province). Not all adults did

send their children; some did send more than one child from the same household, while

other did not send any.

Over half (20) of the children interviewed were boys. The average age of the children

participating in the study was 14.2 years for boys (range 12-18) and 13.5 years for girls

(range 11-16).

Graph 01. Gender distribution among children

Most 31 (97%) of the children were orphans, with 28 (88%) of them reporting being a

paternal or double orphan. In Mozambique, where the father is responsible for household

sustenance in both financial and material terms, their absence has a potential direct link to

poverty which other studies have shown is linked to emotional distress. However, 1 child

(3%) reported other reasons for vulnerability other than orphan hood.

Male 62%

Fmale 38%

Gender Distribution of Child Respondents

Graph 1: Orphanhood

With regards to educational status, all, children interviewed, except one, were attending

primary school representing 24 of the total number of children (74.2%); 13 41.9% of the

children enrolled in 1st - 5th grade and, 10, which is 32.3% enrolled in 6th or 7th grade. In

addition, 8 children, 25.8% of the children are enrolled in secondary school. If we take into

consideration that a child is expected to begin/start primary school at age 6, it is apparent

that not all children are in the correct grade for their age. This represented 30 (93%) out of

32 children being in a lower grade that they should be as shown in the table below.

CLASS PEMBA CAIA CHIBUTO TOTAL

Educational level

age matches class level

age does not match class level

age matches class level

age does not match class level

age matches class level

age does not match class level

1 to 4 0 0 0 5 0 4 9

5 - 9 0 6 0 3 2 11 22

10 to 12 0 0 0 1 0 0 1

maternal orphan

44%

Paternal Orphan

12%

Orphan of Mother and

father 44%

Orphanhood Status of Child Respondents

TOTAL 0 6 0 9 2 15 32

Table 1. : Educational attainment matched for children’s age.

The study suggests that access to education is not a problem for most of the orphan

and vulnerable children that were interviewed. This is because out of the 32

children, only one was identified as not attending school. However, this does not

mean that there is no problem in regard to education, in all sites, it was found that

children do not progress more after concluding primary education because there are

no secondary schools close to their reach. This conclusion concurs with the findings

on children’s education in the last years in Mozambique. For example a recent report

from UNICEF indicates that most children do not progress after completing primary

education due to the fact that they enter into school late in their ages. (UNICEF

annual Report, 2013:12).

6.2. Social Profile of the Carers

The study was designed to reach people who live with or are responsible for vulnerable

children in the target districts. Forty-two (42) people assuming a child caring role were

interviewed including relatives (n=27, 11%), activists (n=7, 16. ^ %) from organizations

providing care and support to orphans and vulnerable children such as "Associação

Pfuneka" in the district of Chibuto.

The majority 39, (93%) of carers interviewed were women. This is not surprising given that

culturally, childcare is expected to be a woman’s responsibility. The average age of carers

was 51 years (range 23 – 84 years).

Due to logistical constraints, carers were not equally distributed across all discussions. Most

of the carers interviewed were from the district of Chibuto, 25, (59.5%), followed by Caia, 9

(21.4%) and Ancuabe, 8 (19%). The majority of carers had not attended school. However

some activists had completed 5th grade, the minimum educational requirement in

Mozambique.

Male 7%

Female 93%

Gender distribution of Caregivers

Picture 2: Carers in Chibuto in a focus group discussion

6.3. Social Profile of the Leaders

This group refers to the community leaders interviewed in the context of this study. These

leaders are very familiar with the situation of orphans and vulnerable children and in some

cases coordinate community interventions to support them. Twenty-two leaders were

interviewed, 13(59%) men and 9 (41%) women In relation to caregivers, the majority were

constituted by women (93%), in regard to the leaders, the study indicates that there is a

significant recognition of women holding a leadership role.

Graph 4: Gender Issues in Relation to Leaders

The average age of community leaders was 53 year (range 17-81)

7. Research Findings

7.1 Anticipated Effects of Community Involvement in the Care of Vulnerable

Children.

This section presents findings from the study analysed thematically. Findings aim to capture

local meanings expressed by participants in the qualitative interviews carried out in the

three districts. The information collected in the three districts suggests that endogenous

psychosocial support practices are in fact used in the provision of support to children´s

overall development and growth and the performance of rituals (purification, protection

and integration ceremonies at community level). The study findings will be presented

taking the local mechanisms described above as the starting point.

We found that endogenous care and support was provided differently in various parts of the

country. In Ancuabe, in the north, the provision of psychosocial support is essentially

assumed by the community, clan leaders and by the direct carers themselves. In Caia

district, in the Centre of Mozambique this type of support is primarily provided by

community leaders and relatives closest to the children, given that when parents die, the

remaining household members are considered to be in a state of impurity requiring the

isolation of the family until the Pita Kufa (a cleansing) ceremony is performed. In Southern

Mozambique (Chibuto district) community structures, neighbourhood sub-division leaders

(chefes de quarteirão), neighbourhood secretaries and religious leaders are responsible for

the provision of support and integration of orphaned children. Religious leaders were said to

be the main promoters of endogenous practices. For example, the leaders of the Zion

religious group perform cleansing and purification ceremonies in different ways, such as

praying and sprinkling seawater over those that are present in the funeral procession

performed immediately after the burial. In other occasions the ceremony consists of

slaughtering an animal (goat, sheep or chicken). The animal´s blood is mixed with water,

blessed and used by the bereaved to bathe. Part of the same water is also sprinkled inside

and around the house representing an act of purification. According to respondents, Zion

priests also perform purification ceremonies by visiting the burial grounds in the cemetery

and asking the spirit of the deceased to return to his/her household to protect those who

live in it. Another prominent group that was mentioned in terms of taking a leading role in

the protection of vulnerable children were the Catholic priests who usually assume

responsibility for the care of OVC, especially double orphans or abandoned children.

One other important group that has been identified has offering significant support to

children are community members, especially neighbours of those children who are

vulnerable due to orphan hood, however as foster has indicated in his study, these

community efforts has been depleted due to overwhelming demand caused by vulnerability,

mainly HIV/AIDs as well as poverty. In some cases, such as in Chibuto, especially around the

radium of interventions of Non Governmental organizations, it was found that the

community tends to defer the supporting role to the organizations. This was also evident

along the interviews.

“In this community there is no support for each other because community members do not

understand each other also. (A Caregiver in Chibuto, where living close to a local CBO called

Reecontro that support children)

Formally orphan and vulnerable children were taken care of by their relatives, these days

there are associations and INAS- Social Security National Institute - who do support children (

a caregiver in Chibuto, living close to a Local CBO, Pfuneka).

“When parents die there is no problem because the child remains with the mother or it can

be cared for by grandmother, or aunt. No any organization or government does offer

support, they help each other themselves as a community” (a caregiver in Ancuabe, where

there is quite a complete absence of Institutions supporting children);

“ No association does provide support to children in need, there a social welfare committee,

but it just does register children, the government, churches and organizations do not offer

any support.’

In this study it was found that in Ancuabe, where there were almost no community

organizations, community members were actively aware and involved in care of orphans

and vulnerable children. However in Chibuto, where communities were located close to the

government offices and a community-based child focused organization, community

members stated that they expected these external groups to look after the needs of

vulnerable children in their community. This data suggests that sometimes well meaning

organizations may undermine the efforts of communities to care for their children

7.1Endogenous Psychosocial Care and Support Models for Orphans and

Vulnerable Children

7.1.1 Ukaveheria, Utunia or Ufentia (Ancuabe district, northern Mozambique

In Cabo Delgado, the study identified a practice l for the provision of childcare used by

households and communities known locally as Ukaveheria, Utunia or Ufentia. It refers to the

on-going care provided to children from birth to adulthood regardless of their social

condition: orphans, vulnerable children and other children are all included in this process.

This concept refers to a way of providing overall care to children that includes material,

spiritual, emotional and psychological assistance. Within the Ukaveheria, Ufentia or Utunia

process, the carer - whether a biological relative or not - provides assistance for the child´s

overall development and takes all necessary corrective measures in the occurrence of any

type of anomaly (mental, spiritual or physiological disturbances).

What we discovered was that emotional anxieties, or outbursts such as nightmares, were

defined locally as spiritual problems. In these instances, the carer could take the child to

his/her Church or Mosque to be helped through prayer. The carer could also seek assistance

from the corresponding clan leader. Moreover, study findings highlight that the clan system

in Ancuabe contributes to the protection of children by avoiding situations of abandonment;

when a child loses both parents and a close relative does not take responsibility for the

children, the clan leader takes over and does one of two things: a) the leader will take the

child into his/her family or b) the leader will identify a family within the community that

agrees to take the child in.

Given what ukaveheria, ufentia and Untunia entais, especially the fact that vulnerable or

orphan children very seldom become abandoned by the community and also the fact that

noticed psychological or spiritual disturbances are attended to by means of community

integration and prayers from the Mosque or Church, it can derived that this practice does

has the potential to offer psychological and well as emotional and social support, though

surely would need to be systemised and complemented by more other scientifically proved

approaches.

7.2.2 Ku Mulhayisa (Ku lhayisa) or Ku Muwundlha (Chibuto district, Southern

Mozambique)

The research also identified a holistic practice for the provision of childcare in Chibuto

district, in the South of Mozambique. This practice is similar to the Ukeheveria, Utunia or

Ufentia practiced in Ancuabe district, northern Mozambique, although it appears to focus

more on orphans and vulnerable children. In the KuMulhayisa or KuMuwundlha a

“Tsongwana” - the carer role - can be assumed by several players (individual or collective)

for example, members of the biological or surrogate family, community members.

However, due to de debilitation of the endogenous care systems, these locally derived

approach to care, are now complemented by other western type models, such as churches,

orphanages and childcare centres. The goal is to provide support for the child´s overall

growth and development, through socialization and day-to-day care, including formal and

informal education, counselling and guidance to face future challenges. What this suggests

is that a holistic focus exists within the community that puts psychosocial care and support

at the centre of their wellbeing as emotional and psychological aspects were repeatedly

mentioned as one of the important dimensions in nurturing a child. One example that

highlights this holistic approach within “Ku Mulhayisa” is the concern on comforting and

cleansing bereaved children and families so they can be integrated within social life helped

spiritually to copy with the death of a bereaved one.

“Some community members visit the bereaved children/families so to comfort them” (a

female caregiver in Chibuto);

7.2.3 Kulera (Caia District, Central Mozambique)

As it was observed in other districts of Southern and Northern Mozambique, communities in

Caia also provide comprehensive care and support for children during each growth stage.

This process is called Kulera, which means “taking Care.” This taking care encompasses

several aspects of care and support that includes moral, which means socializing the

children with the community accepted norms, psychological, emotional, social, where they

oversee if the child is not showing any kind of psychological disturbances and if so, that take

him /or her to local traditional healers or prophets, or helping to resolve any problems that

might affect his/her connections and normal interactions with family, community members

or other peers. In Calera, the caregiver does also provide material support for children.

Additionally it is worth highlighting though that the findings from both Caia and other study

locations suggest that in addition to the models described above, certain specific practices

and rituals play a crucial role in guaranteeing the psychosocial wellbeing of children. These

are described in more detail below.

7.3 Rituals and Practices for the Provision of Psychosocial Support to Children

7.3.1Ikoma or Imera Jatiana (Ancuabe district, Northern Mozambique)

According to local informants, the rite of Ikoma or Imera Jatiana is performed with children

aged 11 to 15 years. . However it is accepted that for some children who did not perform

the ritual within the stipulated age limits to adhere to it in a later age of their lives. The

ritual is performed by separating the girls from the rest of the community for several weeks.

During this time, designated women counsellors, called Nlakakano, accompany and guide

the girls through the ritual. These counsellors teach the girls the norms, values and customs

that guide their communities; protocols that regulate interactions between community

members and help them develop the necessary household management and other skills to

care for their future families. After going through this ritual, girls who return to the

community are expected to behave like women.

Ikoma or Imera Jatiana can be considered as a practice aiming to increase children´s

psychosocial wellbeing, as it enables them to establish healthy social relations amongst

themselves (significant social connectedness), improve their skills to interact with other

community members and is an entry point to progressively engage with adults according to

customary social norms.

However, there is also a negative side to this ritual, given that upon its conclusion, girls are

considered ready for adult life and marriage. In this light, it could be considered that the

ritual might encourage premature initiation of sexual activity and premature marriages,

which does not improve a child’s psychosocial well being.

7.3.2Ikoma Jaloupuana (Ancuabe district, Northern Mozambique )

Ikoma Jaloupuana is similar to the rites described for girls above, but focuses on adolescent

boys (15 years and older) and constitutes their rite of passage into adulthood. During this

ritual, boys are separated from the rest of the community for a period of time,

approximately a month and are guided by trusted male counsellors. During this time, boys

are taught local customs, norms, values and behaviours considered acceptable in their

communities. They are also taught key skills that will enable them to lead their adult lives

constitute their families and care for them. As is the case with girls, boys who successfully

graduate from the Ikoma Jaloupuana ritual, are considered to be ready to engage in sexual

partnerships, to marry and begin families.

The rite suggests the possibility of contributing to the psychosocial wellbeing of children by

strengthening the bonds and friendship between participating peers and equipping them to

establish healthy interactions with other community members, including adults. However,

as referred to above, this ritual could result in the early initiation of sexual activity and

divert boys´ attention from the education and careers that pave the way into professional

development and prosperity. In addition, we know that young adolescents are not ready

emotionally for the responsibility of parenting.

“the traditional mechanism of support to children are the rites, where the children receive

counselling and education so to keep respect in relation to the old people and learn how to

behave and live within the community and how to live adult life” (a female c aregiver in

Ancuabe):

“for a child not to be isolated we teach her to do domestic work, and when it reaches the

age the child has to attend the rites. In the rites, the child is given education to know how to

live with adults, teaching the child in a peaceful way, without beating or insulting. The rites

are very important.” Caregiver in Ancuabe.

7.3.3 Nimualho (Ancuabe district, Northern Mozambique)

Nimualho is conducted by a traditional healer and consists of a purification ritual performed

following the death of a loved one. The traditional healer performing Nimualho makes a

small fire and scatters a special substance inside and around the house. Household

members are asked to jump over the fire and run in any direction away from the fire

without looking back; at a symbolic level this represents leaving problems behind. The ritual

can also be performed under a tree.

The ceremony aims to help children overcome any associated psychological or emotional

challenge linked with the loss of their parents. Note that this ritual can also be used in the

case of orphans who lose their parents at a young age and then lose the next primary

caregiver. It is believed that Nimualho helps participants overcome or forget the difficulties

faced when a loved one is lost. This effort to help a child to forget is understandable and it

also has a potential to contribute for the psychological and emotional wellbeing of a child.

For example, on safety issues, Jonathan Morgan does suggests, that only by asking people to

remember some parts of their lives, we can be causing more harm than well being. In some

instances, Jonathan suggests that forgetting rather than remembering can be more healthy

way of dealing with potentially stressful events such as death (Memory Works 2007:6).

7.3.4 Kucheneça

Kucheneça is not a rite per se but is a term used to describe a broad set of rituals that focus

on purification rites. These range widely and could be performed on members of a

household after the loss of a loved one or alternatively the birth of a new child. Some of the

rites in this group are worth mentioning, namely, pitakufa which is described below and

pitamanzwadhe which is described in 6.3.4 above:

7.3.5 Pitamanzwadhe (Caia district, Central Mozambique )

According to local custom, breastfeeding women and their husbands in Caia practice sexual

abstinence for 9 months following the birth to prevent pregnancies and avoid affecting

breastfeeding. According to respondents, sexual abstinence and uninterrupted

breastfeeding contributes towards physical strengthening of the nursing child. It was also

suggested that the practice has psychosocial benefits for the child as it helps parents focus

their attention on the nursing child instead of several young children at the same time.

Pitamanzwadhe marks the end of the couple´s period of abstinence. During this ceremony

the couple performs sexual intercourse three times on the same day constituting, according

to local belief, an act of purification. The ceremony requires woman not to express any

emotions during intercourse for the ceremony to be effective.

7.3.6 Kulanga (Caia district, Central Mozambique )

Kulanga refers to a rite of passage from adolescence into adulthood and it is practiced in

Caia district with girls aged 10 and older. As in the other rites of passage described above,

girls participating in this rite are separated from the rest of the community where they are

engaged in an intensive counselling process by specially selected women in the community

called Mapungu. Kulanga marks the end of the process where a ceremony is performed by

the Mapungu. Counselling of the girl continues even after graduation, but at this time, the

girls are no longer required to be in seclusion.

Through Kulanga, girls receive information on the physical changes that take place during

adolescence (widening of the hips, development of breasts and pubic hair, onset of

menstruation). By informing young girls ahead of time on the changes that will occur during

their development, this process contributes to their psychosocial wellbeing as prior

knowledge can prevent trauma and self-imposed isolation. During the counselling sessions

girls also learn how to socialize with adults and boys following the onset of puberty,

according to what the community considers acceptable. Socio-cultural changes have made

it possible for Kulanga to be performed nowadays by a godmother through daily visits.

While we did not hear how these changes of approach (doing kulunga with girls out of

seclusion) have impacted on the psychosocial wellbeing of children we can speculate that it

might hinder the formation of strong friendship bonds between children that happens when

young people are secluded.

Boys in this district also participate in a similar ritual; however the difference is that the

boy’s learning is seen as the parents´ responsibility and not the Mapungus’ responsibility.

While in the past, this process was similar to that of the girls where boys were taken away

and instructed by a trusted community member, the Mapungu, nowadays parents can

instruct their male children at home. It was not determined, but we can speculate that

when Kulanga is done by the parents, there is less control over positive messages given to

children, than when it comes from someone who is presumably respected by the

community. During this time, the child is counselled and taught how to care for his future

family and guided on how to behave with other members of the community. Through this

practice young boys learn the values, principles and norms that enable them to socialize and

adapt to a new phase in life as well as build the foundations for strengthening their

psychological and physical health. Irrespective of the process a ceremony takes place at the

end of an intensive, structured counselling process that acknowledges this transition that

closes childhood.

7.3.7 Nsembe (Caia district, Central Mozambique

Nsembe is a rite that aims to appease the anger of the spirit of the dead parent. As such, the

ritual plays a crucial role in preventing bad luck and misfortune and protecting household

members. This ritual is performed at least a year after the relative´s death and requires a

gathering of all other living relatives. The family of the deceased brews beer and they hire a

traditional healer to perform the ceremony. On the day of the ceremony, the traditional

healer evokes the spirit of the deceased to tell the family the cause of his/her death and

notify them of his/her wishes including the care of his family and property. The family elders

also request the spirit of the deceased to take care of the family, meaning providing

protection against disease, bad lack, confirm good luck to the living relatives of the

deceased person e.g, success in career, (children and wife). They pour some beer on the

ground. The ceremony is concluded when the traditional healer sprinkles traditional herbs

in the house.

When Nsembe is not performed, the spirit´s pain and anguish can bring bad luck and cause

the family´s personal and professional affairs to fail. For example, girls may not find a

husband and boys may struggle to find an occupation or job. It is important to note that

according to community beliefs, not performing Nsembe has negative consequences as

people feel under the permanent threat of misfortune. No matter where they are they will

endure emotional and social consequences if the ritual is not performed.

Nsembe appears to be conducive to children´s psychological and social wellbeing and could

potentially build their resilience. By participating in this ceremony, children feel freed from

misfortune, thus enabling them to re-establish social relations. However a negative

outcome can also be traced to Nsembe, if this cannot be carried out, it has the potential of

reinforcing one’s feeling of being pursued by bad luck and thus the victim will be affected

emotionally and socially.

7.3.8. Pitakufa (Caia district, Sofala province, Central Region Mozambique)

Pitakufa is a purification ceremony performed after the death of a loved one, specifically,

after the loss of a father. This ceremony is practiced in Caia but is also known to exist in

Southern Mozambique, mainly in Gaza province. It’s performed immediately after the

period of grieving is over, approximately a week following the father’s death.

Formerly Pitakufa was meant to both purify the bereaved family after the loss of the father

and to celebrate the inheritance of the widow by the late father´s youngest brother. The

purification used to include the widow having to engage in sexual intercourse with her late

husband´s youngest brother. The process of widow inheritance is known locally as Kucoia

Mbumba. It should be noted that in all instances, this ritual does not favour the widow who

loses something in the process. Nowadays, pitakufa focuses more on the purification of the

family from the misfortune caused by the father’s death.

Changing social dynamics, the spread of HIV & AIDS, and an increased recognition of

women´s and children´s rights have altered the way Pitakufa is performed. Sexual

intercourse in some areas has been substituted by other ways of performing Pitakufa. For

example, in Caia, the research team observed that the widow or dually orphaned children

can actually pay, using money or goods, a couple to perform Pitakufa on their behalf. In

other circumstances, the traditional leader and his wife perform Pitakufa on behalf of the

bereaved family. This variation is mainly practiced upon the death of both parents in a

family, and it entails the leader inheriting the assets and children.

During the course of the research we learned that until Pitakufa is performed, children in

affected households are considered filthy and are banned from joining other community

members. This situation can contribute to children´s isolation and since the situation does

not favour the rights of the widow, sometimes it takes a while for Pitakufa to be performed.

At a psychosocial level, the performance of Pitakufa can contribute to children´s social

connectedness with other community members, as the rite purifies them and they are again

welcomed into community life. This can contribute to their psychological and emotional

stability. There may be a negative side to this ceremony when its performance involves the

payment of a couple, given that in the absence of payment, the couple in question can

demand to be given the assets that belonged to the person that passed away. Equally

important is that children do not participate in deciding where or with whom they should

live. Finally, it is important to emphasize that when Pitakufa is not performed, children are

not only affected by isolation but also become susceptible to psychosocial problems, as they

themselves feel they are unclean and recognize the importance of the ritual for their

freedom from the negative spell of death.

7.3.9 Storytelling (Ancuabe district, Northern Mozambique)

Storytelling used to be a common practice throughout the country; we learned about it in

Ancuabe. It consists of adults telling children stories, sitting around a fire. Stories are loaded

with references to acts of heroism, tenacity, resilience and moral education. These stories

help children develop references and role models to guide them through life. The stories

can involve real people, fictitious characters or animals. The advent of television has,

however, made storytelling a secondary activity in certain parts of the country. Children’s

heroes come from characters that are not local but more global having less potential to help

children build their resilience and sometimes influencing them to adopt some tenants of the

global culture different from their own and increasing the chance for conflict with adults,

resulting in potential isolation. During the focus groups adults related rejection of one’s

children to children’s lack of respect after being exposed through television to foreign

culture.

7.3.10 Kubhassissa (Chibuto district, South of Mozambique)

Kubhassissa ceremony is performed following a funeral with the aim of purifying the

bereaved family. In this community, the ceremony is usually performed by the Zion Church.

Other religious congregations practice swikongoto, which are comforting or purification

prayers. The ritual also has the function of "cleansing" the household from bad spirits and

guaranteeing the household’s safety as well as providing spiritual and psychological

protection to the orphaned children and their relatives. Respondents explained that they

attributed the onset of illnesses such as tuberculosis on the bereaved to the purification

rites not being performed. This was said to be common with migrant workers who return to

the community after working in South Africa and become sick with tuberculosis. The

community believed this happened due to the lack of kubhasissa.

8. Community Perceptions on Vulnerability and Isolation

In this study we learned that children and adults understand the causes of social isolation

differently.

According to adult community members, vulnerability results from several factors including

poverty, orphan hood, and illness, especially when these affect parents, carers and the

children themselves.

In addition, as we say above, we have learnt that there are different perceptions between

adults and children about the sources of isolation. In this regard, we have realised that one

of the perception held by adults is that isolation experienced by children or adolescents is

the result of bad behaviour. According to them, children who disobey their parents or

surrogate families are eventually abandoned or neglected:

"Children suffer (become isolated) as a result of their behaviour. They end up

committing acts of robbery and do not listen to their mother´s advice. Mothers end

up getting tired of their children behaving badly" (Carer 1 in Ancuabe).

Adults believed that a child who is respectful, educated, humble and obedient will

not feel isolated

The second view held by this groups, meaning adults, is that which acknowledges the fact

that sometimes that relatives could, for no apparent reason, deliberately provide

differentiated treatment to orphan children in their care or even one of their own biological

child, causing him/her to be at least socially isolated.. .

“Instances exists that parents or caregivers, just don’t like a given child, treating the child

differently and excluding him for most of processes within the household, even if that child is

humble, obedient and respectful of others. I cannot say why this happens, but it does

happen. Sometimes it’s necessary an external interventions or other relatives to rescue the

child” (an older women from Chibuto)

Respondents also blamed transformation brought about several factors, like women

awareness on their and children’s rights as well as globalization as additional factors leading

to children´s isolation. Specifically, they felt that a reduction in certain traditional practices

that protected and contributed to the effective integration of orphans and vulnerable

children, led to their isolation and marginalisation. Polygamy constitutes a good example of

this. In the past the norms within a polygamous household were that children were under

the responsibility of all the wives in that same household. As such, if a wife died, her

children would be under the overall protection of the other wives. This was true even in the

event of the husband passing away. However, polygamous households do not currently

conform to this pattern. Instead rivalry among co-wives is common, to the point that they

can even seek revenge through the children as it was mentioned during focus group

discussions in Chibuto.

“ in the past, children use to believe and accept what they were told to do or believe, these

days children insult us and they do not accept advice given by the elders, they say its

democracy and the time of the elders is gone. (A leader, from Chibuto).

“Today things are different, children do not accept teaching from the adults, there is the television

and children do not have time to listen to their parents” ( a leader, Chibuto).

However, when children were asked how their peers could become socially isolated, they

unanimously stated that it was as a result of adults treating them badly, pushing them into

disobedience and self-isolation. These children felt strongly that social isolation was the

result of an unhealthy home environment which eventually became unbearable for the child

and caused them to act out – either through disobedience or turning inward and becoming

socially isolated.

“I feel worthless and not loved at home; I lived with my uncle but came to realize that

the situation was changing without understanding why. His wife insulted me often so

I went to live with my mother." (Child 1, Ancuabe).

“ people use to humiliate me telling me I have no parents, most of the time I feel

isolated without any support , my friends run away from me.”

Like adults, they also indicated instances when family members just decide to isolate or

treat them differently for no apparent reason.

9. Matrilineal vs. Matrilineal Care among Orphaned Children

In matrilineal communities in Northern Mozambique children belong to the mother and her

family after her death. Our results noted that when both parents die children in these

matrilineal communities have much less contact with their father´s side of the family. This

phenomenon was also observed in the South of Mozambique, where most double orphans

remained in the care of the deceased mother’s relatives. While in Northern Mozambique,

this phenomenon is attributed to the matrilineal marriage system, in the South, the focus on

the maternal side of the family is a result of a number of changes to traditional systems of

marriage. Firstly, respondents cited the decrease in the tradition of a woman being

presented to her potential future husband’s family (this situation was cited in both the

north and south of Mozambique). A second reason for a matrilineal focus was attributed to

the future husband’s parents being unable to provide a bride price (called “lobola”) to the

woman’s family. In Southern Mozambique, the lack of lobola seems to be a primary reason

for children being abandoned by their paternal family.

Additionally, there is a feeling that if a maternal relative assumes the care of a child without

involving the child´s paternal relatives, the child will in turn focus their contribution

exclusively on the mother’s relatives when they become adults. This stance can be to the

detriment of the child when, for example, the mother’s relatives are unable to pay for

school fees and the father’s relatives have funds to pay for them. At times, the mother’s

side will still refuse the offer because it’s coming from the father’s side, resulting in the child

not attending school.

Finally, adult respondents also indicated that when both parents pass away it is common for

the linkages with the father’s side of the family to be neglected. Once the father’s relatives

are no longer present in the children´s lives, they generally do not show interest in the

children´s fate. They also do not approach the mother´s side of the family to jointly assess

and decide how to best look after the orphaned children. This was a common finding across

the three sites.

10. Objective vs. Subjective Isolation

In a previous research phase attention was given to the different types of isolation that

can be experienced. Objective isolation is when a person is physically isolated from

others. For example, they live in a house by themselves at the edge of a village.

Subjective isolation happens when someone perceives that they are isolated even when

they are living with others. For example, they are not included in decision making in

their family. Previous research found that historically, while objective isolation was

common, there was speculation that people might now be experiencing more subjective

isolation.

In this study, we confirmed that there are very few cases of objective isolation among

children. Instead, what we found were children reporting within household discrimination,

when a child is treated differently from other children in the same household. This

reinforces their feeling of social isolation, and particularly if they are newcomers to that

household (e.g have moved to that household following a parent’s death). In addition, many

children expressed concern with being treated in a hostile way by a member of the

household, and the negative impact this had on them even when they could report a

significant relationship with one or more people in the household. This finding was

consistent in all three regions of the country.

11. Impact of Government and organizational engagement Vs Community

care – the Clan System

It was noted that there are hardly any child headed households in Ancuabe (Northern

Mozambique), demonstrating the effectiveness of the traditional clan based system in

absorbing orphans and vulnerable children. During interviews and focus group discussions,

the role of clan leader in absorbing or deciding the future of a vulnerable or orphaned child

was emphasized in Ancuabe Northern Mozambique. Also, in the home visits that followed

the interviews we did not notice any household headed by a child in this same area.

Interviews and home visits in Caia, Central Mozambique, did not also establish the presence

of Child Headed Households. This might also be linked with the ability of strong traditional

systems, (Responsibility over the local leaders) to oversee, absorbed or decide about the

destiny of orphans children. However, in Chibuto, Southern Mozambique the researchers

easily spotted the existence of a quite good number of households (5 out of 9 Visited)

where children were living by themselves. Please note that in this area, there was no

mention of the prevalence of any clan system that is responsible for taking care of the

orphaned and vulnerable children, and in some instances it was found that care were

partially done by organizations and government, though the Department of Social Action.

11. Local Terminology Used to Refer to Isolation

A common challenge found across all research sites was the absence of a local term to refer

to isolation that conveys the same meaning as in English and Portuguese. For example, in

Shangaan, an isolated person or child is designated by the concept "nwa muyetse",

suggesting that he/she who choose to or like to isolate himselve or herself. The term

emphasizes the onus of isolation coming from the isolated person him/herself. The

consequence of this conception of the cause of isolation as streaming from the victim by the

community, it might lead the community members to involve themselves from helping or

supporting those who are isolated. Other terms used in Shangaan to describe isolation is

"Xisiwana" or "Nwana wa xisiwana". However, these two terms refer to both a child who is

poor and a child who is socially isolated. This understanding of isolation is also problematic,

because it suggests that all poor is isolated, which is not true. Some poor community, like in

Ancuabe in North Mozambique, has shown more cohesiveness, that those in Chibute were

poverty is relatively less severe. Also, we have realized that the term “xisiwana” has an

expanded meaning beyond material poverty. An orphan child, even if she/he is well

economically can be considered “xisiwana.” This also suggests that communities are aware

that orphan and vulnerable children might be affected by other sorts of poverty beyond

material needs, and that this “poverty” could be reduced through meaningful social

connections.

The term “mwa muyetse” focuses specifically on social isolation. But the challenge is that

the use of this term in some instances suggests that the person chose to isolate

himself/herself which is not always true. This also absolves family and community members

of responsibility in the process of one being isolated.

12. Final Considerations

“This study engaged with caregivers of orphans and orphans themselves to explore how

vulnerability and isolation is defined and to see if indigenous mechanisms that could

potentially support the psychosocial wellbeing of vulnerable children exist.”

A number of findings emerged from this study that should prove useful to the continued

understanding of how local endogenous practices can be nurtured to foster improved

psychosocial well being among vulnerable children. The following points summarize our key

findings:

- Local communities have endogenous practices that seem to support children´s

development and growth, and could contribute to a child’s improved psychosocial

well being. Local community practices can be divided into i) those supporting

children´s overall development; ii) rites that mark the transition from one stage of

life to another; and, iii) purification rites performed after the loss of a loved one or

birth of a child. However, a close look at some of these practices and rites, do also

suggest that they might have a potential to cause some degree of harm on children

and youth. For example, graduating children early in their age to feel themselves as

adults can lead to early sexual engagement and or early marriages.

- Community notions of vulnerability and poverty stretch beyond individual economic

wellbeing (asset ownership) and include the number and quality of social

interactions. For example, even an economically wealthy person can be considered

poor and vulnerable if he/ she does not know how to approach and live with others.

Or, the community can label you ‘poor’ on the premise that you are an orphan.

- Equally important, by speaking directly to children, we learned that they hold a

different view on the causes of isolation to the views of adults. Children lay the

blame squarely at the feet of adults who allow within household discrimination. In

contrast, adults claim that isolation is due to external global factors that have

transformed local practices and culture, such as the proclamation of child rights,

globalization, which has facilitated access by the younger ones to new means of

communications, which broadcast norms and cultures different to those of the local

social context. Besides these factors, it was realized that children do live in

inappropriate environment within the households, what leads them to isolation or

self isolation,

This study, while limited in scope and size, provides a solid platform from which to

explore more deeply the effectiveness of the endogenous practices outlined here. In

the same line, the studies provides some avenues that call for reflection around the

use of new approaches that enhance and stress local knowledge and practices when

working with communities.

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