psychological approaches to conflict

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Critical Assessment of the major psychological

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Masters paper on the psychological approaches to conflict

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Critical Assessment of the major psychological approaches to conflict

In partial fulfilment of the requirements for SLC 503 at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University; C.N Biyela; Reg# 21534932

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Introduction

2. The contribution of Freudian Psychoanalytic thinking

3. Social conflict is an expression of the innate aggressiveness of Mankind

4. Frustration-aggression theory

5. Basic Human Needs Theory

6. Conflict as the result of misperception and miscalculation

7. Conclusion

8. References

1. Introduction

Social conflict has resulted in some of mankinds greatest woes. On the contrary social conflict has been a productive agent of change. Political science theories have been used on a macro-level to study conflict. The source of conflict at a group level (macro-level) is the individual. Thus it is worthwhile to discuss the psychological approaches to the study conflict.There are several psychological approaches to the contemporary conceptualization of human social conflict. These approaches are essentially considerations influenced by the notion of conflict and aggression as an intrinsically human trait. The nature versus nurture debate propels academic discourse even in the field of conflict. Psychological approaches tend to look closer into the individual. This micro-theoretical approach to assessing conflict is not without rationale. Social approaches will tend to look at the interaction between societies, institutions and groups. Thus psychological approaches are to social approaches, what atoms are to molecules. The individual is the basic building block to conflict. Social conflict may begin within the individual in several instances but it does not manifest in a vacuum, but through human interaction. The quintessential question that the psychological approaches addresses ask: is it prudent to contemplate on social conflict without considering the individual psychological drama involved?

In this work we look at how social conflict is viewed as an expression of the innate aggressiveness of mankind. We will also assess the frustration-aggression theory on social conflict. Thirdly, we will look into the basic human needs theory on aggression. Finally, we discuss how conflict may be viewed as a result of misperception and miscalculation. While it is the intention of the author to focus exclusively on the psychological approaches to social conflict, it is unavoidable that the biological aspects will be pondered upon. This should be expected. After all, the human mind (the software), exists within the human brain (hardware/wetware).

2. The contribution of Freudian Psychoanalytic thinking

It is nearly impractical to discuss psychological issues without considering the profound contribution of Sigmund Freud to the field of Psychology. When discussing peace, one inevitably discusses conflict, that is, the presence or absence of war. Freud contributed in catalysing the debate on human conflict when he postulated an intrinsically human aggression drive (the Thanatos), that was supposedly held in check by the peace drive (the Eros). Salient in this postulation was the notion that, aggression may in fact, be innately human. Conflict was thus being described by Freud as concurring with the nature side of the debate as opposed to a focus on environmental nurturing.

The Eros and Thanatos are just some of the important drives that relate to human aggression. Guilt, fear and anxiety are some of the drives that may result not only in pathological behaviour but aggression as well. The concepts of fear and anxiety are often used interchangeably, but in the technical sense differ in meaning. Schellenberg (1996: 42), distinguishes between fear and anxiety, Fear, then, is an expectation of external danger or misfortune, while anxiety is an expectation that one would not be able to control his fearsit is an expectation of damage to ones conception of ones self.

Most psychoanalysts concur that conflicts between fear or guilt can manifest as pathology (and potentially lead to aggression) if these drives are cut off from the remainder of the personality. If fear or guilt drives are cut-off from the remainder of the personality, they remain unchanged as the rest of the personality matures. Separating drives from the rest of the personality implies that these drives are denied periodic gratification Schellenberg (1996: 41).

Freudian psychoanalysis was an early attempt to provide an explanation for social conflict. Freud posited that conflict was the manifestation a death instinct which he called the Thanatos. This Thanatos reflected a biologically programmed desire to self destruct. In many ways this line of thinking is difficult to refute. Careful observation of reality of being human indicates a universal principle where the old makes way for the new. Even in exclusion of a mind that inevitably embraces self destruction; biological tissues seem to be pre-programmed to self destruct, to become cancerous and to age over a period of time. The Thanatos to also alludes to the notion that as we age our minds become death orientated such that we die, we wither, and make way for future and younger generations.

A drive that is denied periodical gratification will indirectly discharge, displacing its energy to any other impulse that is associatively connected with it. This substitute impulse is a derivative of both the drive and associated defence mechanisms that would have been used to discharge it. It is a substitute impulse because, it arises as an attempt to obtain some indirect gratification by evading or circumventing the drive discharging process (Schellenberg, 1996: 42).

The death drive does not operate unhindered. To attain equilibrium, there is an opposing instinct called the aggressive instinct (the Thanatos), called the Eros, which is in essence a life instinct representing creativity and life-preserving drives. It is of course important to note that Freud attributed life and death instincts to psychosexual energy that he called the libido. According to Schellenberg (1996: 42), psychic conflict elicits anxiety when a defeat of one or another of the competing intrapsychic tendencies would lead to a damaging change to ones self concept.

According to Freudian psychoanalytic approaches; the Thanatos in the form of aggression, is in essence, an innate human drive towards disintegration/death he believed was directed toward the self. For psychoanalysts, peace may occur in instances where the Eros dominates over the Thanatos. In this instance, such a phenomenon may be described as a win-win intrapsychic conflict.

An example of a win-lose intrapsychic conflict was the conflict experienced by then US Vice President Dick Cheney who appealed to millions of conservative republican voters, yet had just learnt the media was profiling his openly bisexual daughter. This was a clear case of conflict as then President George W. Bush was clear in that he did not support gay marriages. A large proportion of his electoral constituency was opposed to the cause of the homosexual community. If Cheney adhered to his partys oppositional position on gay marriages and rejected his daughter for being openly lesbian, his view of himself as a supportive father and family man would be impaired. On the other hand, if he conforms to his view of himself as a family orientated father as first and foremost, he would forfeit the gratification he had been enjoying of being known as a strictly Christian and conservative custodian of crucial republican values.

A win-lose intrapsychic conflict may lead to all the usual manifestations of the competitive process of conflict resolution as one intrapsychic tendency tries to defeat the other. The process of intrapsychic communication may be hampered and distorted. One such form of the distortion of communication is unconscious conflict. Self-deception becomes paradoxical in the sense that at certain instances the deceiver and the deceived may be the same person. This reality manifests more specifically in societies where the self is a discrete, self-contained and highly unified entity (Schellenberg, 1996: 42).

It is by no means necessary to conceive of the self as a monolithic entity rather than as an organisation with many parts or subsystems. This is well articulated very well in the African traditional worldview, where an individual can be said to be composite of conflicting ancestral spirits from his maternal and paternal origins. In the context of this worldview, violent behaviour from an individual is very oft described as the result of conflicting ancestral spirits interacting with each other and with the spirit of the individual. In the words of Schellenberg (1996:43), Either side of a conflicted self may attempt to deny the existence of the other side, misrepresent the other side, deny its own existence, or misrepresent itself.

The inner conflict between the different aspects of a personality may be as intense as conflict between two people in the overt world. The self and other deception is expressed by what psychoanalysts describe as defence mechanisms. For example, by being culturally conservative, the process of reaction formation could help a man conceal his genuine sexual desire to engage in activities with a sexually overt woman. Schellenberg (1996:44), is of the opinion that the term defence mechanisms may be too confining and asks, Are we not dealing with mechanisms or tactics of conflict that include both aggressive and defensive forms of deception?

Self deception may lead to what society would deem abnormal behaviour when it prevents the realisation that the initial source of conflict is no longer present or necessary. For example, in rejecting gay marriages to show affiliation with conservative voters, Dick Cheney could have failed to change his position even when it would have been acceptable to do so, because of an initial commitment to refute gay marriages. A major psychological investment may have been made in the denial, and he may have developed a life to support his denial (Schellenberg 1996:43).

The psychoanalytic approach accounts for conflict as a manifestation of an intrinsic aggression through a process of displacement. The displacement phenomenon occurs when the human redirects negative and destructive energies outward, as a means of avoiding anger towards himself. Thus any eagerness and inclination towards engaging in conflict is an effect of the aggression drive, the Thanatos instinct. This Thanatos drive is imbedded in political, social and economic contexts.

The psychoanalytic approach does provide a framework for transforming and managing destructive social conflict. Freud was of the contention that the Eros instinct could be escalated to oppose the Thanatos, the life instinct would overthrow the death instinct. Activity that involves sharing and communication between individuals and groups would produce a peaceful sense of community.

The psychotherapeutic approach postulated by Freud encouraged the emergence of several other theorists, who all trace the origin of social conflict to within man. In fact, some thinkers argue that not only are we prone to violence aggression by nature but that it is necessary for our continued existence as Homo sapiens to be aggressive.

The idea that aggression and conflict are an excellent mechanism that propagates human survival did not go unchallenged. The ensuing point of departure considers if modern environmental realities provide an avenue where man can be aggressive out of necessity as prehistoric man often found himself. Instinctual aggression is purely reactive and instrumental. Instinctual aggression is postulated as benign and positively functional on the other hand. There are scholars who refute the very notion that aggression may be a necessary evil. Some completely refute that we have to be aggressive to exist as a race. Could it be that we are peaceful by nature and are in our element when living in complete harmony?

3. Social conflict is an expression of the innate aggressiveness of Mankind

There has been considerable discussion of the physiological bases for human social conflict based on evolutionary theory and sociobiology. A large part of the academic work on the biological foundation for aggressive behaviour concerns the reliability and validity of evolutionary explanations for social conflict. There are theorists who argue that homo sapiens is biologically predisposed to experience frustration, anger and, thus, are biologically predisposed towards aggressive behaviour.

There are biological explanations as for aggressions that locate aggression in the brain, through the hormones and as a result of genetics. Through advances in neuroimaging technologies, researchers have been able to localize aggression in the amygdale and hypothalamus. Through experimentation it was determined that specific forms of aggression occur only under certain stimulus conditions. It has been established in the scientific community that certain hormones are related to aggression. Testosterone is a hormone found mainly in man that is associated with aggression. Genetic research and theory posits that man could be programmed for aggression.

Evidence indicates that humans are biologically equipped to engage in aggressive behaviour; otherwise aggression would not be so common among people of all ages. More fascinating is the role of physiology in the individual differences in irritability, frustration inclination and the underlying neuro-physiological processes that may play a role in responses to social conflict situations.

One explanation of social conflict, emanating from the biological and psychological fields, is based on theories of human aggressiveness. According to Corning, the inner principles by which human life are organised cannot be understood without an understanding of the evolutionary and genetic aspects of behaviour (Dougherty and Pfaltzgraf, 1990: 275). Emanating from the fields of ethology or the study of animal behaviour, psychology and behavioural physiology, there are numerous variations on the theme of human aggressiveness (Dougherty and Pfaltzgraf, 1990: 276 - 281, Wehr, 1979: 1, 2).

The contribution of genetics to the individual differences in responding to social conflict has been investigated using twin studies. There is a related rationale in how conclusions are reached in most twin studies. If the researchers determine that the correlation between scores on individual response to conflict situations is higher for identical twins than for fraternal twins, the difference will be attributed to genetic effects. An underlying assumption will be that there has been a largely similar environmental experience for the two sets of twins.

The brain itself is can be described as irreducibly complex. Every part that forms the brain play an important in influencing human behaviour. The brain is, however, very resilient. The frontal lobe of the brain may be linked with how we handle emotions, how we respond to conflict situations and most importantly our ability to formulate strategies to resolve conflict.

If our behaviour and personality can change due to structural change to the organ containing the mind, the brain, then logic dictates that social conflict is indeed an expression of the innate aggressiveness of mankind. In a classic study, a patient of Ackerly and Benton (1948: 479-504) had sustained bilateral frontal lobe damage with all likelihood during the prenatal period. At the age of 20, neurosurgery indicated a cystic degeneration of the left frontal lobe and an absence of the right lobe. These researchers learned that throughout childhood and adolescence, this patient had a history of severe behavioural problems.

The same challenges as in the above example have been identified in our closest biological relatives, the primates. Butter and his colleagues (1970:132-144), observed that monkeys with orbital ablations showed marked and long-lasting changes in emotional behaviour that seemed to be related to an increase in aversive reactions and a concomitant decrease in aggressive reactions.

Although there is much controversy over the localization of brain function, the scope of evidence is difficult to ignore. There is definitely much danger in mistreating the human body, as this can translate to how we treat each other. The biological changes that occur to people heavily intoxicated with alcohol, has time and time again resulted in some of the ugliest consequences human social conflict. Damasio and his colleagues (1990: 287-296) found that subjects with bilateral ventromedial frontal lobe lesions had abnormal autonomic responses to socially meaningful stimuli, despite normal autonomic responses to elementary and unconditioned stimuli. Justifiably, Damasio and his colleagues hypothesised that the main goal of the frontal lobes is to select the responses that are most advantageous for an organism in a complex social environment (1990: 296).

Although it is a widely supported approach, there has been much scholarly criticism of this view, particularly that emanating from Fromm, based on his interpretation of the work of anthropologists Benedict and Mead (Dougherty and Pfaltzgraf, 1990: 281 -282). Wehr also presents the arguments of another anthropologist, Leakey, to suggest that primitive man was, on the whole a peaceful being (Wehr, 1979: 2). A large proportion of literature on the subject indicates that in as much as it would be overly simplistic to attribute social conflict to instinctive human aggression, however, it would be unreasonable to disregard the existence of aggressive instinctual inclination in humanity.

4. Frustration-aggression theory

Through his work on psychoanalysis, Freud was the earliest scholar to highlight the link between unvented frustration and the inevitable aggression. Through psychoanalytic therapeutic practice, Freud found that when he got patients to talk freely about the unexpressed needs and frustrations, a peaceful state he called Catharsis, could be reached by a participant.

The Yale University team of researchers led by Dollard used the research findings and hypothesis to develop a new approach, which they termed the Frustration-Aggression Theory or the Dollard-Doob hypothesis. The Dollard-Doob hypothesis (Dollard et al: 1939) argued that, Aggressive behaviour always presupposes the existence of frustrated goals and vice versa

The Frustration-aggression theory locates aggression as arising to some or other form of frustration. Research findings from work by Dollard and his colleagues at Yale University indicated that individuals become more aggressive if some goal-directed behaviour was interfered with. The inclination would be for the person interfered with to want to attack whoever was an apparent obstruction to the anticipated behavioural outcome. It was found that the expectation of punishment would prevent the aggressive response, but would be experienced as a further instance of frustration, which would have the effect of building the pressure for eventual aggression (Dougherty and Pfaltzgraf, 1990: 282 - 284). The trigger factor does not have to be a specific behaviour or event that can be generally deemed provocative, but any stimuli that the specific individual can attach significance to as provocative.

The intensity and nature of the frustration indicates the means and goal options available to the individuals and groups. According to Ho-Won Jeong (2008: 48), the more unrealistic it is to achieve a desired end state, the deeper frustration might be felt. Clearly the more difficult it is for groups to attain their desired goals, the greater the frustration. For example; the apparent impossibility of the attainment of a sovereign Palestinian State with the recent re-election of an Israeli President opposed to the Two-State Solution, implies that greater frustration may be observed from Palestinian political activists.

Undesirable environmental stimuli and inner conflict may cause great frustration to an individual. Thus the frustrations within the individual can be compared to air being pumped into a balloon. As more and more frustrations are being pumped into the individual, it begins to become apparent that the individual has a certain limit to the amount of frustration he can internalize unexpressed. At this stage violence and aggression becomes eminent and all that is required for a violent outbreak is one more frustration or one more provocative external stimuli.

Frustrated individuals are more prone to violence towards the instigator; with the overt level of violence, in direct proportion to the inherent level of frustration. Clearly, the intrapsychic workings of the mind and the intrinsic propensity to violence are factors that cannot be ignored as they are the logical fuel that propels any apparent violent confrontation, be it at an individual or collective level.

The frustration-aggression approach has been supported by a great cloud of experimental research findings and has been used successfully to delineate conflict phenomena; it is not however, without shortcomings. Its simplistic frustration-therefore-aggression approach to conflict aetiology and analysis leaves much to be desired. Clearly conflict does not occur only where frustration is involved. In reality, aggression does not always consistently manifests specifically upon the source of frustration. Dougherty and Pfaltzgraf (1990: 284) are of the contention that there are several less simplistic factors such as the displacement of aggression, or the disguise thereof, which have to be taken into consideration.

The frustration-aggression theory was developed from analysing individual psychological drama and deciphering the behavioural patterns with the hope of applying the same principles where an entire population is viewed as having individual behavioural patterns. Such a line of thinking has been harshly criticized. For example, the frustration-aggression theory may attempt to explain the violent legacy of South African apartheid as the consequence of the unvented frustration experienced by the Afrikaners during British Imperialism which then manifested as aggression towards the blacks who triggered the anger by resisting giving up fertile ground during the Great Trek. This explanation fails dismally to acknowledge the role that the teaching and behavioural modelling of significant others, can play in shaping behavioural patterns towards different social groupings from childhood to adulthood (Dougherty and Pfaltzgraf, 1990: 286).

5. Basic Human Needs Theory

Burton (1997) distinguishes between human rights and human needs. According to Burton (1997), rights have a cultural connotation usually associated with a particular system of government. He makes the example of how the US will promote the right to protest, the right of assembly, of expression and of choice. On the other hand China will promote rights that the US never considered espousing, such as, the right of a job, the right to have a living, or the right not to suffer discriminations (Burton, 1997). This is a brilliant example by John Burton, and relates to the point alluded earlier in this work, that two opposing groups are in essence mirroring each other without realising their similarities within their hostilities.

Another psychological approach to understanding social conflict is the Basic Human Needs Theory. According to this approach, there are several psychological and biological human needs that are not being met during any conflict situation. Clearly, this theory responds to certain shortcomings of Maslows theory on the hierarchy of needs. It is important to note that magnificently as Maslows theory is constructed, yet it fails to explain instances where a person will sacrifice physical needs for the attainment of self-actualization. For example, the curious case of how a Muslim fundamentalist can decide to become a suicide bomber, with the hope that through his death, the cause for the liberation of Palestinian Muslims might be augmented.

The uniquely human phenomenon where we create social institutions and policies that as a consequence of their leadership impose restrictions of individuals within communities may result in what Burton (1997) called structural violence. An example of acts of structural violence includes economic sanctions, and denials of job opportunities. Structural violence in essence, therefore, refers amongst other dimensions to the coercive power of governments, companies and other institutions. For example, a traffic officer is a representative of the coercive power of the State to dictate and force its citizens into compliance.Burton (1997) does not see wisdom in institutions that are inclined into relying indiscriminately on their coercive strength during crises. Even the most powerful of countries is under great threat of destruction, if its laws and policies obstruct and frustrate individuals desirous of fulfilling the fundamental drives.

If there are fundamental drives that the individual and identity group cannot voluntarily contain, then it cannot be assumed that law and order can be enforced except in conditions in which protest behaviours are physically impossible-as in slavery (Burton 1997)

The Basic Human Needs Theory has some similarities with the frustration-aggression theory. According to this approach, the longer the needs that the individuals hold dear, the greater the frustration, and consequently the more impossible it becomes to resolve the conflict. Prominent conflict resolution thinkers and writers such as Burton refer to such conflicts as intractable conflicts. Essentially, its proponents, following the ideas of Maslow, postulate the existence of psycho-biological needs as a universal human characteristic (Sandole, 1990: 60 - 89).

The human needs approach is wonderfully constructed and has leading scholars including South African Gavin Bradshaw and Australian diplomat John Burton, that have contributed to its body of knowledge. However, it seems vague on exactly and precisely what these fundamental human needs are. Needs theorists do not seem to have reached consensus on the quantity of the fundamental human needs and their interrelatedness dynamics.

Prominent needs theorist, Davies (1988: 26 cited in Bradshaw 2008: 48) presents the following four categories of needs: the physical needs, the social-affectional needs, the self-esteem, dignity or equality needs and the self-actualisation needs. There is beauty in that this theorist does not claim that the hierarchy of these needs will be circumstantially rigid. Davies (1988: 30 cited in Bradshaw 2008: 48), goes on to show that although there is a priority underlying needs fulfilment, in that human beings will normally satisfy the physical needs before being able to satisfy the others, sometimes this order may be reversed, as in the case of a martyr who forfeits security and other needs in the course of fulfilling self-actualisation needs.

Some of the needs postulated by some scholars are denied by others as not being primary human needs. They may be secondary needs, derived by the urge to satisfy the primary needs. In this way, Davies distinguishes between substantive needs and instrumental needs (1988: 26 cited in Bradshaw 2008: 48).

Although there is no absolute agreement as to exactly what these needs are, they generally include the need for identity, the need for security, a need for control and a need to be perceived as rational (Burton, 1984).

Although the needs are not directly observable, there is sufficient evidence, resulting from the observation of human behaviour, to indicate that they do, in fact exist. These scholars proceed to postulate that social conflict is normally the result of frustrated human needs, as human beings have no choice but to pursue the fulfilment of their needs in the long term. In the interaction of the individual with his institutional environment, it is the individual that should take precedence. When social institutions frustrate the individual's attempts at fulfilling his needs, it is those institutions that need to be transformed, because the individual will continue to pursue his needs regardless.

According Bradshaw (2008:49 citing Burton 1988:53), the relationship between societal norms and human needs:...but if the norms of society inhibit and frustrate to the degree that he decides they are no longer useful, then subject to values he attaches to social relationships, he will employ methods outside the norms, outside the codes he would in other circumstances wish to apply to his behaviour. And regarding human needs, Threat of punishment, punishment itself, isolation from society will not control his behaviour: already there has been a loss of identity, of a sense of control and of other needs that led to the deviance and further loss will not constrain (Burton, 1988: 53 cited in Bradshaw 2008:49).

This approach views conflict as having both objective and subjective dimensions. It takes a "wider", rather than a "narrower" view of conflict. Most seriously for conflict management, it implies that conscious agreements arrived at through processes of negotiation will continue to break down if they continually frustrate basic human needs.

6. Conflict as the result of misperception and miscalculation

Numerous academics point the manifestation of social conflict to poor communication, miscalculation, or misperception among the parties involved. There is considerable literature, for example, at the level of international conflict, predominantly that dealing with international crises, that provides much consideration to the decision-making practices of elites under pressure. The removal of Thabo Mbeki from the ANC presidency is a case in point...

How the did the National Executive Committee of the ANC decide to recall a sitting President? Also of interests is the thinking processes reflected in how they had been uncompromising in their joint resolve that anybody but Mbeki would be their choice for President. Several researchers would concur that, the decision-making process amongst elites under pressure is deceptively a rational process. Intelligent individuals that are expected to be independent minded leaders in their own right will tend to conform to "groupthink", confining their individuality to the prevalent ideas of the group, and not producing progressive clarifications of the actions of their opponents. Under these conditions, any action by the opponent is spontaneously construed as antagonistic. The situation of support those days for Zuma got to a point where then President of the ANC Youth League, Julius Malema, metaphorically declared, We are prepared to die for Zuma.We are prepared to take up arms and fight for Zuma (Feinstein, 2007).Conflicting groups often harbour negative images of each other, which upon close examination, turn out to be mirror images. The human mind has a tendency to favour consistency, to make sense of phenomena. Consequently the mind will consistently only assimilate information that reinforces the negative image of the enemy. According to Burton: There are many features of our psychological make-up which distort our thinking and observations. Some people do tend to have favourable images of others. More frequently this is not so (Burton, 1972: 76). One can in fact philosophise that very often during conflict situations, it is not just the actions of others that produce an antagonistic inclinations. Perhaps our underlying inner hostilities and previous negative experiences play a much larger role in the level and duration of conflict. Our negative expectations of each other that we come with to the relationship may end up becoming a self fulfilling prophecy that may lead to conflict.

The consequence is that conflicting parties, by and large, end up having very comparable, similarly negative images of each other. A case in point is the view that the capitalists had of the communists and vice versa. We are unaware that we are predominantly reflections of each other. Any action by one party then is immediately interpreted in terms of its aggressive intent towards one's own party. The conflict-generating potential of such a process should be immediately evident.

7. Conclusion

In this work we looked at how social conflict is viewed as an expression of the innate aggressiveness of mankind. We also assessed the frustration-aggression theory on social conflict. Thirdly, we looked into the basic human needs theory on aggression. Finally, we discussed how conflict may be viewed as a result of misperception and miscalculation. While it was the intention of the author to focus exclusively on the psychological approaches to social conflict, it was unavoidable that the biological aspects would be pondered upon. The literature on psychological approaches identifies the challenge that humanity very oft experiences. The challenge of our constant failure at times to control ourselves. The intractable conflict in the Middle East. Are we winning the battle against the vices of being human and the oppressive institutions we hold so dear?It emerged from studying the literature on Burtonian approaches to the Human Needs Theory and the Dollard-Doob hypothesis that very often; intensely conflicting parties have similarities they are unaware of. It also emerged from close scrutiny of the Psychoanalytic approaches that a lot of the overt conflict that occurs between two individuals has origins in the inner conflict that individuals already had prior to the interaction with the other. The literature on psychological approaches to conflict also spoke to the author and hopefully to the reader. Any avid scholar on conflict should learn to appreciate and not glorify feelings and impulses. We should all strive to be rational and good in our undertakings. We should favour intellectual progress in South Africa and globally. In essence, through understanding psychological approaches to conflict one has the opportunity to alleviate human suffering. The psychology behind social conflict is a call for all of us to treat one another with dignity and respect.

8. Reference

Ackerly, S.S., and Benton, A. L. (1948). Report of a case of bilateral frontal lobe defect. Res Publ. Assoc. Res. Nerv. Ment. Dis. 27:479-504 Bradshaw, G.J., 2008, Conflict Management for South African Students: Theory and Practice, New Voices Publishing, Cape Town Burton, J. W., 1984, Global Conflict, The domestic sources of International Crisis, Wheatsheaf, Brighton Burton, J.W.,1997, Violence Explained, Manchester, Manchester University Press Butter, C.M., Snyder, D.R., and McDonald, J.A. (1970). Effects of orbital frontal lesions on aversive and aggressive behaviours in rhesus monkeys. J. Comp. Physiol. Psychol. 72: 132-144 Damasio, A.R. (1990). Synchronous activation in multiple cortical regions: a mechanism for recall. Semin. Neurosci 2: 287-296 Dougherty,J.E., and Pfaltzgraf, R.L., 1990, Contending theories of International Relations, New York, Harper Collins Publishers Feinstein, A. (2007). After the Party. Jeppestown: Jonathan Ball Publishers Sandole, D., The Biological basis of Needs in World Society, in Burton, J.W., 1990, Conflict: Human Needs Theory Schellenberg, James A. Conflict Resolution: Theory, Research, and Practice. Albany, N.Y. : State University of New York Press, 1996 Wehr, P., 1979, Conflict Regulation, Boulder, Westview Press