plant hallucinogens and the religion of the mochica: an ancient peruvian people

8/13/2019 Plant Hallucinogens and the Religion of the Mochica: An Ancient Peruvian People

1/16

Plant Hallucinogens and the Religion of the Mochica: An Ancient Peruvian PeopleAuthor(s): Marlene Dobkin de RiosSource: Economic Botany, Vol. 31, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1977), pp. 189-203Published by: Springeron behalf of New York Botanical Garden PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4253832.

Accessed: 25/08/2013 10:24

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at.http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

New York Botanical Garden Pressand Springerare collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend

access toEconomic Botany.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 71.172.226.247 on Sun, 25 Aug 2013 10:24:22 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=springerhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=nybghttp://www.jstor.org/stable/4253832?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/4253832?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=nybghttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=springer


2/16

Plant Hallucinogens and the Religion of theMochica-an Ancient Peruvian People1MARLENE DOBKIN DE RiOS2

On the north coast of Peru, an ancientcivilization-the Mochica-is renowned forits art, especially painted and modelledceramics. During the summer of 1967, I con-ducted field work on traditional folk healingin this region, where hallucinogenic plantswere an integral part of treatment of disease.Publications resulting from this research canbe found in Dobkin de Rios 1968a, 1968b,1971, 1973. In extending my analysis frompopulations currently using plant hallucino-gens to prehistoric ones of the same regionand their archaeological remains, I was sur-prised at the disinterest and superficial utili-zation made by a variety of scholars con-cerned with the Mochica, especially in termsof examining the role, if any, that such planthallucinogens may have played in Mochicareligion. Archaeologists and art historiansgenerally have not shown an inclination todeal directly with the effects of psychoactivesubstances on the belief systems of prehis-toric, non-Western societies (see Dobkin deRios, 1974). This is a pattern one encounters,despite a large scientific literature drawnfrom the fields of psychiatry, neurology,psychopharmacology, history of religions,mythology, botany and cultural anthropol-ogy.In this paper, I shall reverse priorities byconsidering what I believe to be pivotal intraditional Mochica life-namely, the use ofvarious plant hallucinogens to achieve con-tact with supernatural realms and to permitthe magical manipulation of supernaturalforces by religious hierophants to serve socialgoals.While I do not intend to argue that planthallucinogens are thefons et origo of all reli-gious systems, I would, nonetheless, insist on

1 Submitted for publication March 26, 1975;acceptedfor publication April 12, 1975.2 Department of Anthropology, California State Uni-versity, Fullerton.

the admissibility of evidence linking theirpresence and probability of use in a givenprehistoric context. Further, I would arguethat prehistorians must be flexible in permit-ting the testing of propositions derived fromtraditional societies, where plant hallucino-gens are part of culture, since cross-culturalstudies have demonstrated the influence ofsuch drug effects on belief systems (see Dob-kin de Rios, 1973). As Taylor (1970) pointsout in a critique of Furst's grandiose recon-struction of West Mexican tomb art, onemust be careful not to insist upon explicitreligious beliefs or themes (e.g., the God ofthe Mountain) which may be inappropriateat a level of specificity when little if any his-torical documentation exists. Nonetheless, Ibelieve that a replicable method can be de-vised to interpret the general impact of planthallucinogens on the religion of various NewWorld peoples.In some areas of the world, such as theWestern hemisphere, we are fortunate inhaving available ethnographic evidence forongoing plant hallucinogenic use which may,on occasion, have roots in antiquity. Testa-ble propositionsderived from a cross-culturalanalysis of such data can be used to interpretprehistoric art forms. Strategies for such amethod are complex and entail a combina-tion of methods. The extrapolation from con-temporary drug-using populations is impor-tant, since one can argue for the persistenceof core elements in culture, especially in therealm of religion. Moreover, since LSD-likedrugs effect the central nervous system ofman in patterned ways, there is a finitenumber of symbols which seem to recurcross-culturally. If contemporary drug use islacking in an area, or if known drug use nolonger exists, we can turn to the art as ameans of recording belief systems of extinctcultures. Botanical evidence can be crucial ininitiating such a study. The best way to beginsuch an endeavor is to examine a region ofthe world where mind-altering plants are

ECONOMIC BOTANY 31: 189-203. April-June 1977. 189

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


3/16

found. Once this is established, we have anoption as to a variety of ways to proceed. Wecan turn to art forms such as sculpture, metalwork, ceramics, writing (when available),and textiles to see if actual drug plants ap-pear with any frequency in the art. Problemscan occur here, however, in that artists oftenshare conventions of stylization, and it maybecome difficult to identify a psychotropicplant merely by examination. This techniqueof plant identification, however difficult thepitfalls, can also be quite superficial if theanalysis merely ends at this point. Cross-cultural themes recurring among drug-usingsocieties of the world (as reported in my re-cent study for the National Commission onMarihuana and Drug Abuse, 1973) must betaken into consideration, especially as theyare represented in the plastic arts. Anotherapproach to examining the influence of planthallucinogens on prehistoric religion is toexamine current mythological beliefs andcultural values from the region's ethnog-raphy, even when explicit drug use is lack-ing, so as to aid in reconstructing the possibleplant hallucinogenic linked beliefs of now ex-tinct peoples.In addition, particular attention must begiven to regional variations in drug use (seeLa Barre, 1970). While Old World prehis-toric societies based on agriculture quicklyeradicated and suppressed shamanistic be-liefs of earlier hunters and gatherers in theirmidst, New World traditional societies seemto have had a different response to the reli-gion of the hunters. One could indeed arguefor the perseverence of basic New Worldshamanistic core elements persisting in thereligions of prehistoric civilizations, such asthe Mochica to be discussed in this paper.Campbell (1964) argues that in Old Worldsocieties, mythologies and beliefs of the hun-ters were reduced in influence once agricul-ture arrived on the scene. Wallace, however,in his anthropological study of religion(1966), has argued that once new culturalforms arise, they generally overlay alreadyexisting religious elements.These remarks serve as an introduction tothe study of one ancient Peruvian people: theMochica of northern Peru. In 1967, duringmy study of San Pedro (Trichocereus pa-chanoi) use in folk healing sessions, I was

intrigued by the possible prehistoricroots forplant hallucinogenic use. This interest re-mained dormant, however, until recently,when several publications on Mochica lifeappeared (Benson, 1972; Benson, 1974;Sha-ron and Donan, 1974), attempting to inter-pret the large corpus of ceramics left byMochica craftsmen. Benson (1972), in par-ticular, should be commended for the finejob that she has done in assembling in oneplace much of the known materials on theMochica. However, despite the existence ofa literature on contemporary hallucinogenicplant use on the north coast of Peru (e.g.,Friedberg, 1959; Friedberg, 1960; Gillen,1947; Sharon, 1972a; Sharon, 1972b), Ben-son has not fully integrated such materialsinto her studies of the prehistoric art. Shementions only occasionally the possibility ofplant hallucinogenic use, or when discussingcertain ceramics, she treats hallucinationsin far too disembodied a fashion.

As I have tried to show elsewhere, for fartoo long, anthropologistsand other social sci-entists have neglected the role that mind-altering plants have had on primitive soci-ety. Wasson, in his monumental study ofpsychotropic mushrooms (1957), has writtenabout the disinclination of European andAmerican scholars to realize the potency ofAmanita muscaria. Indeed, he has an impor-tant appendix in which ethnographic reportsare presented in detail that link hallucino-genic mushroom ingestion to traditional Si-berian shamanistic trances.In this paper, I would like to argue thatMochica art can best be interpreted as aninterplay of complex shamanistic notions ofgood and evil, power and its manipulationand expression, and the magical control overnature by religious hierophants in servingtheir clients and community. To explorethese themes in more detail, the plan of pro-cedure is as follows: first, I would like tosummarize features of contemporary planthallucinogenic use on the Peruvian northcoast, the home of the Mochica, and docu-ment the hallucinogenic plants available tothat group. Then, I would like to examinethe rendering of the botanical materials intheir art. Hallucinogen-linked themes, doc-umented for other New World prehistoric

190 ECONOMIC BOTANY



4/16

Fig. 1. Tambos of differing strata of Mochica society. Probable San Pedro sessions in each. After Kutscher,1967:120.populations will be discussed as they occur inMochica art.

CONTEMPORARY HALLUCINOGENICUSE IN NORTHERN PERU

The Peruvian north coast is a dry, ariddesert, occasionally watered by rivers flow-ing from east to west. Today, agriculturalvillages dot the landscape, some of whichlike Valleseco (a pseudonym), have becomefamous throughout all of Peru because theyare areas where specialized healers, calledmaestros, treat disease with the use of planthallucinogens. The most commonly used isSan Pedro (Trichocereuspachanoi), contain-ing 1.29 g of mescaline in a given sample of2.2 lbs of fresh material. The cactus is cutinto small pieces, boiled several hours withadditives such as misha (Datura arborea),condorillo (Lycopodium sp.), and hornamo(unidentified) added to the brew. In addition,tobacco mixed with water is used as a snuffand drawn into the healer's lungs to enhancethe drug's effect (see Janiger and Dobkin deRios, 1975).Since the 16th Century Spanish conquest,many Roman Catholic beliefs have been syn-cretized with traditional use of the plant. Themajor use of San Pedro at present is to treatillness believed to be caused by witchcraft.As with other hallucinogenic plants, SanPedro is used as a revelatory agent to makeknown the source of bewitchment deemedresponsible for illness and misfortune (seeDobkin de Rios, 1972). Healing sessions take

place at night, in tambos which are wall-lessshelters generally in fields some distancefrom houses (see Figs. 1, 2, 3 and Dobkin deRios, n.d.2). A healer, his assistant and sev-eral patients assemble around a cloth laid onthe ground, called a mesa. A large number ofritual items, including polished shields andstaffs are set up as defenses against the evilmachinations of witches, with other magicalelements placed on the mesa. In interviewswith healers in 1967, I elicited statementsthat polished stones are believed to assumethe form of persons and animals who attackenemies. During the session, the maestrosings and whistles to invoke spirit forces de-sired to ensure healing and to aid in the rec-ognition of disease etiology. The healersclaim that visions from the cactus enablethem to learn the magical illness afflictingtheir patients (see also Sharon, 1972a fordocumentation of another mesa).

A RECREATION OF MOCHICA RELIGIONThe pre-Incaic civilization, Mochica,flourished in the north coastal area of Perufrom 100 B. C.-700 A. D. The Mochica werea state society with subsistence based on in-tensive agriculture and the use of irrigation,enabling large populations to exploit bothmaritime and farming areas. As Willey hasexpressed it, - the Mochica built castle-like

fortifications over a hundred feet high, out ofthousands or millions of adobe bricks. Theyran stone and adobe defensive walls for milesacross the desert and built great aqueducts of

DOBKIN DE RIOS: PLANT HALLUCINOGENS 191



5/16

-~~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~- IFig. 2. Again two tambos, with sea demon and probable shamanic figure in control of the familiar. AfterKutscher, 1967:119.

equal length (personal communication).Mochica society was probably theocraticallyorganized. There was a complex division oflabor, with specializations of occupationsand crafts. From the pottery, often inter-preted as realistic, we find data on the re-gional foods, costumes and animal speciesknown. Lanning (1967:122) has written thatMochica potters portrayed at least 35 differ-ent species of birds, 16 of mammals, 16 offish, as well as other animals. Fishing was amajor activity, in one-man canoes made oftotora rushes. Throughout the ceramic repre-sentations, we see the Mochica warrior,weaver, beggar and the shaman/priest.Mochica society was highly stratified, a pat-tern reflected in dress, ornament and templeform. Professions were symbolized by detailsof dress and ornament, and variations inarchitecture indicate cult centers. Someceramics are devoted to surgical and medicalpractices, while shamanistic sessions, verymuch like those described by myself andothers in present-day regional healing, arefound in the pottery. Bennett (1946:104) hasdescribed medicine men performing cures bymassaging patients and sucking the effectedpart of a body to remove a foreign substance,reminiscent of present-day practices. Stylizeddecorative motifs on Mochica pottery de-scribed by the ethnobotanist, Friedberg andinterpreted to her by the late Dr. Larco of theLarco Herrera Museum in Lima, depict what

seems to be Mochica sorcerers carryingstumps of cacti in their hands. Friedbergsuggests that one such representation showeda remarkable likeness to San Pedro, whichwas easily recognized by the plant's lack ofthorns (1960:42). She has also describedMochica pottery showing individuals trans-formed into animals, in association with athornless cactus, a theme which will be dis-cussed shortly. Supernatural forces of a mag-ical nature are represented in the art, in-cluding various animals which probablycorrespond to the nagual, or animal familiar,as well as what Lavallee (1970:110) has calledanimal, vegetable and object demons.Although another valuable source of dataavailable to us comes from the Conquestchroniclers'discussion of botanical materials,many of these data, unfortunately, are basedon vernacular usage and are not alwaysfaithful enough for rigorous botanical deter-mination. Cobo (1956), for example, has de-scribed San Pedro's use under the name ofachuma. As long as folk healers did not bringthe Devil into their healing rites, Franciscanpriests maintained some sort of modus viv-endi and folk healers were admitted to theChurch.

MOCHICA PLANT USEBefore discussing Mochica religion, it isimportant to reiterate the evidence forMochica hallucinogenic plant use. As men-

192 ECONOMIC BOTANY



6/16

Fig. 3. A shaman figure seated within a tambo; felines in ascending spiral, probably representing shamanicvoyage to nether worlds. After Benson, 1972a:41.




7/16

tioned above, various uprooted cacti are rep-resented in the art, including San Pedro.Towle (1961) has written that cereus cacti arefound frequently among the art of this re-gion. Schultes (1967, 1972b) has referred toan ancient drink, called Cimora on the Peru-vian north coast, which includes the cactusNeoraimondia macrostibas. Coca (Erythrox-ylon coca). a plant stimulant, played an im-portant economic role in Mochica civiliza-tion. A Peruvian anthropologist, Palomillo,has observed highland coca ingestion in so-cially deemed excessive doses, used by sha-mans to induce divinatory states in theirtreatment of magical disease (personal com-munication). It is quite possible that cocamay have been used by the Mochica, as at-tested to in numerous ceramics. Disselhoff(1967:51) has reproduced a ceramic of a mandrinking chica, a fermented corn drink, withhis hand in his coca pouch. Multiple druguse, moreover, was not infrequent, and cocamay have been ingested along with other hal-lucinogenic plants. The effects of mixing hal-lucinogenic plants remains an uncharteredarea (Schultes, 1972b). The possibility of hal-lucinogenic snuffs must be mentioned, espe-cially since ongoing San Pedro ingestion isfound with liquid tobacco nasal snuff. This,however, is yet to be documented for theMochica.

THEMES IN MOCHICA ARTIn this section, I argue that Mochica arteminently represented a combative sha-manistic ethos, which was reflected in theexpansionist militaristic activities of thesepeople. Combative elements in shamanistic

beliefs have been reported to me for two dis-tinctive contemporary Peruvian drug-usingregions, by Furst for West Mexico (1965) andCastaneda (1972). Despite themes of peaceand love reflected in runaway Americanyouth drug use, we must not be ethnocentricin this analysis and extend the ethos of onesubculture to that of another people. Much ofnuclear American hallucinogenic plant use,in fact, co-occurs in societies with overridingmartial activity: to wit, the Aztec and theInca. The use of hallucinogenic plants as ameans of making the supernatural realm ac-cessible, can be concordant with any numberof different world views. Certainly, an Amer-

icanist commonplace of the last fifty years,reiterated by La Barre (1970), is that sha-manistic beliefs, particularlydirect revelationof the supernatural, is a dominant motif ofmany New World Indian populations.In his classic study of shamanism, the his-torian of religions, Eliade (1958) has dis-cussed the vital role of the shaman aspsychopomp-spiritual guardian of hiscommunity, who is obliged to confront andcombat his group'sadversaries. A major partof his activity includes healing disease andneutralizing misfortunes that have occurredto members of the community through themachinations of enemies. In Mochica life,shamans probably had an important role asprotector of seafaring activities as well (seeFig. 2). This was witnessed by a recent stu-dent of San Pedro use, who observed a SanPedro healer in Trujillo, Peru, called uponby fishermen to bless a forthcoming expedi-tion with the cactus drink (Douglas Sharon,personal communication). Shamans are fa-mous for their ability to transform them-selves into powerful animal figures-famil-iars or naguals whom they send to do theirbidding, to rectify evil orredress harm causedtheir clients. Amazonian shaman healersoften boasted to me of their apprenticeshipperiod when they obtained magical powersover their allies, a long, arduous and oftenlethal task. When the shaman emergestriumphant, he indeed is believed to be pos-sessed of impressive power. The shamanoften descends to nether worlds to consultwith ancestral spirits, found in Mochicaceramics (see Fig. 3) or travels to celestialrealms, where he returns with special chantsand auguries of future happenings.These general comments concerning sha-manism are important in my reconstruc-tion of Mochica religion. While we can neverhope to plumb the depths of metaphor, anal-ogy and myth that characterize all traditionalreligions, I think we can make a convincingargument to link the effects of plant hal-lucinogens to Mochica belief systems.

THE SHAMAN AS WARRIORAs we can see from Fig. 4, what has beentraditionally called the warrior of Mochicaculture, may also be interpretedas shamanis-tic battles against adversaries. The armor,

194 ECONOMIC BOTANY



8/16

0001110 90

0

0 0-W . omm

0

Fig. 4. Shamanic battle-the combative motif. After Larco Hoyle, 1939:49.

maces, trophy heads and various weaponsfound on the ceramics may not be only theordinary paraphernalia of war and victory,but shamanistic protection against evil forcesand their vanquishment as well. Peruviangold objects often include war materiel suchas maces, which may have alternate magicalor symbolic meanings. Many of the ceramicsshow battle scenes between two individuals,with the figure to the left often subdued bythe one on the right. The relationship of leftand right to good and evil has been discussedby Furst (1965:60) in global shamanisticactivities. Hieratic ranking relating toshamanistic activity is shown in much ofMochica pottery, by use of details of dressand headgear, as well as step motifs andelaborate buildings where religious activityprobably took place. The tambo, for exam-ple, represented in Figs. 1, 2, 3, 1 , arefound both on the Peruvian coast and rainforest, and are structures under which planthallucinogens are ingested. I personally ob-served several drug sessions in tambos on thecoast in 1967.

THE SHAMAN AS HEALERA large number of Mochica pots presentedby Benson (1972) illustrate the vital role ofthe shaman as healer. In many of her illustra-

tions, figures drink from chalice-like cups inpublic places, although Benson does not linkfolk healing to many of the scenes portrayedin the pottery. Benson has erred when shemisses the significance of the tambo. Figure 1shows an interesting variety of tambos,linked probably to hieratic ranking of reli-gious practitioners within this segmented so-ciety, from the folk healer in his simple shel-ter to the powerful priest in a more elegantedifice. It is interesting to note in this contextthat it rarely rains in the north coast region,due to the Humboldt current, so that expla-nations of tambos as protection against theelements are not readily admissible as alter-nate explanations.A point of contention in interpretingMochica pottery concerns the role of thenude male, often with hair awry, who is ledto a stylized tambo, shown under the controlof another figure, or else is seated alone (seeFigs. 1, 5, 6). These nude figures, likened toother such individuals found in other areas ofMesoamerican art, where militaristic con-quest characterized social life, are often be-lieved by art historians to be victims of war-fare, about to be sacrified. Although this,once again, is a pan-American trait, the fig-ures' nakedness is cited as a sign that thenude male is being humiliated, perhaps prior




9/16

Fig. 5. Probable San Pedro and other Cimora cacti representations. After Sawyer, 1966:51.

196 ECONOMICBOTANY



10/16

Fig. 6. Probable defeated shamanic adversaries, led by victors. After Kutscher, 1950:179.

to his sacrifice. My initial response to such amotif was that the nudity and the presence ofa coiled rope around the prisoners necksmight better be viewed as severely disor-dered patients of folk healers or priests. Thelatter group may have been administeringbrews of Trichocereuspachanoi, Datura ar-borea, or other plants to calm hyperactive,maniacal individuals. The clothing andweapons of the nude individuals in Fig. 6 aretied to the mace of the individual leadingthem. The special haircut associated withthese individuals could have been to repre-sent the mark of the insane; the ravaged faces

might have attested to mental illness, then,rather than fear at being sacrificed. In thisconnection, ethnohistorical data from theAztec indicate that, when war prisoners weresent to their death, they were generally givenhallucinogenic mushrooms to make them gayand happy before the sacrifice.After visiting the Mochica archive assem-bled by Dr. Donan at the University ofCalifornia, Los Angeles, still another expla-nation is possible and is drawn from a keymotif available in the archive. In one ceramicmotif, a figure seated under a tambo struc-ture looks at a large pot which is similar to




11/16

sle h /11/ g Ih.fteFig. 7. Possible highland curing scene, with shaman and patient. After Benson, 1972a:28.

those used to hold the boiled potions of theSan Pedro and other hallucinogenic brews.Around the neck of the pot, a coiled ropeextends horizontally in the air, becoming adouble-headed snake. I argue that the ropefound throughout Mochica pottery, oftenaround the neck of an alleged prisoner, maybe a metaphoric abbreviation for thedouble-headed serpent, pointing without a

doubt to a victorious shaman's animal famil-iar, nd his success in subduing his sorcerer'sadversary.One of the major reasons to suspect thatMochica pottery has religious themes com-plementing more secular ones has to do withthe important role of music and musicians inthe incised pots. Individuals are portrayedwith special costumes and instruments and

198 ECONOMIC BOTANY



12/16

7I

I~~~~I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Fig. . Musiciansnpageant,ithnimalamiliarsepresented.f/terenson,2a:12.

Fig. 8. Musicians in pageant, with an'imal familiars represented. After Benson, 1972a:112.

rattles of one type or other are often shown inthe ceramics (see Fig. 8). The role of music inbridging realms of consciousness made avail-able by hallucinogenic drugs has beenanalyzed by Katz and myself (1971, 1975).Generally speaking, among drug-using so-cieties, music is an important adjunct tohallucinogenic drug use (see also Dobkin deRios, 1973:178). The vast majority ofMochica pots are of the stirrup type, whichcan be made to whistle. In the tropical rainforest, I elicited information from drug-usinghealers that their whistling incantationsevoked spirit forces (Dobkin de Rios,1972:132).Mochica ceramics are well known in artcircles for their erotic themes (see LarcoHoyle, 1969), showing individuals incopulatory positions as well as practicingsodomy and bestiality. The presence of sex-ual themes in the ceramics may have shownmore than a mere lusty interest in life,namely a link to shamanistic activity (see

Fig. 11). There is an interesting relationshipbetween sex and death in Mochica pottery,which may have to do with expected socialroles of the shaman in ensuring the fertility ofhis community's women, as well as dealingwith the anxiety generated by the reproduc-tive process in general. During my own fieldwork in Peru in 1968-1969, I observed apregnant woman in her seventh month takeayahuasca to discover the cause of her hus-band's illness. In my observations of con-temporary plant hallucinogenic use on thePeruvian north coast, I interviewed healerswho used San Pedro and spoke of their pow-ers in treating a woman's barrenness or per-forming love magic. Johnston (1973) hasdocumented the use of Daturafatuosa in theNorthern Transvaal among the Shagana-Tsonga for purposes of ensuring fertilityamong girls in puberty initiation schools.A common theme which is presentthroughout Mochica pottery may also indi-cate some link with ideas of death and re-




13/16

a0 00000000 0 00

Fig 9.Bea samaic amiia, pssily aluciogeic Afeoayr 16:0.

birth prominent in general among drug-usingsocieties, perhaps tied in to Benson's sugges-tions of male initiation drug use (1974).THE SHAMAN AS SPIRITUAL VOYAGER

AND DIVINERSeveral Mochica ceramics are circular spi-ral pots which may illustrate the classicalshamanistic voyage to nether regions, forpurposes of communication with the dead orthe ancestors, to bring back divinatory mes-

sages, or to seek the cause of illness or misfor-tune. Benson argues that death haunts all ofMochica art (1972:152), and indeed thistheme may be better interpreted as the com-mon hallucinogen-linked theme of death andrebirth. In a study of over 2,000 patients towhom he administered LSD in psycho-therapy, Grof found this subjective effecta frequent one (1972:51), especially in itsspiritual aspects.Standard interpretations of Mochica pot-tery turn to the figure of the bean warriorin looking for clues to divination. Occasion-ally, beans are associated with messengers(Sawyer, 1966:50). Although botanical iden-tification is still lacking, a plant known asCamalonga is used as an hallucinogen in thePeruvian tropical rain forest. The bean istriangular in shape. Throughout the primi-tive world, the association of hallucinogenicplant use and paranormal phenomena are byno means rare, although explanations withina scientific paradigm, to date, are lacking.Figures 9 and 10 indicate a theme that willbe discussed shortly, linked to shamanisticmetamorphosis into animal or more rarely,

plant familiars. This may be a better inter-pretation of the role of the bean in Mochicaart, rather than for divinatory purposes.THE SHAMAN AND METAMORPHOSIS

INTO ANIMAL FAMILIARSThe metamorphosis of human beings intoanimals or less frequently into plants, is acommon drug-linked motif and a pan-American theme in general. These resultant

metamorphoses are known as spirit famil-iars. In Mochica art, they never appear inbattle scenes, but only associated with humanbeings. A recent study by Pitt-Rivers (1970)on spiritual power in Central America can begeneralized to interpret beliefs linked to hal-lucinogenic plant use. The author speaks ofthe term nagual (animal familiar) as a pro-totype, illustrating a type of relationship be-tween an individual man and an animalspecies. The nagual in Chiapas and parts ofMexico has been shown by Pitt-Rivers to belinked to the spiritual power of an individu-al. Just as there are differences among nagu-als in strength, activity and power in theworld of nature, so too do the naguals repre-sent a spiritual hierarchy of individual men(1970:187). For example, the jaguar or tigeris more powerful than the dog, who is morecunning than the raccoon. The animal famil-iar has an analogous function in makingexplicit the relative spiritual power of theshaman. In many Mochica pots, animal fa-miliars are represented in great number andinclude snakes, numerous felines, foxes, etc.Lavallee's study of Mochica animal repre-

200 ECONOMICBOTANY



14/16

Fig. 10. Metamorphosis of shamanic figure into plant familiar. After Kutscher, 1950:181.

sentations from museums and private collec-tions cites 44 pieces of a frog/toad motif. Thehallucinogenic properties of the toad havebeen discussed (Erspamer et al., 1967; Dalyand Witkop, 1971) and seem to have beenwell known by shamans all throughout nu-clear America. They have been cited by mefor the Maya (1974) and by Furst (1972) forIndian America in general.The hummingbird, another frequentmotif, may represent once again in ananalogous sense, the aerial voyage linked tohallucinogenic drug use and shamanistic ac-tivity, when the shaman's animal familiartravels through time and space to effect hismaster's bidding (see Dobkin de Rios, 1974,n.d.1). Sharon and Donan (1974) have alsosuggested that the sucking of the hum-mingbird may metaphorically relate to theanimal familiar of a shaman who throughout

all of Indian America, commonly treats ill-

ness by sucking at afflicted parts of a pa-tient's body (p. 54).The jaguar and eagle as predators whenshown in their nagual function may credittheir owners with maleficient intentions,while vegetarian animals might not. Thenagual could also indicate the way in whichan individual uses power. Certainly the par-allel between the shamanistic animal familiarand the shaman's warrior nature is not sur-prising (cf. Benson, 1972). Pitt-Rivers, in hisexcellent summary article, points out thatdangerous animals and high-flying birds inCentral America are usually reserved for themature individual-in particular, curers. Inmany parts of the New World, there is a be-lief that disease and misfortune are the out-come of a combat between shamanisticnaguals. In curing, a shaman must combathis opponent's nagual at the same time thathe is working on the corporeal presence of his

Fig. 11. Tambo scene, linkage with fecundity rituals, probable hallucinogenic drinks, and animal familiars.After Benson, 1972a:134-135.




15/16

Fig. 12. Various cacti found in Mochica pottery. After Sawyer, 1966:51.

patient, by sucking, blowing tobacco smokeand other techniques.Shamans or witches can transform them-selves into the shape of a given animal toperform evil, including the jaguar. Lavalleecites the widespread myth in South Americathat shamans can metamorphize into jaguars(1970:105). Several Mochica pots photo-graphed by Benson show the process ofmetamorphosis or transformation (see Fig.11).Benson's recent study of the feline motif inMochica art (1974:9) discusses instances ofthe portrayal of a trancelike state. The headof the feline is often prominent in theMochica trophy head, and the paws andhead of the feline are always somewhere nearthe man's head. She suggests among otheralternatives a shaman's state of exhilarationor intoxication while hallucinating the felineor undergoing initiatory wounding. Cama-longa, San Pedro, Coca, Datura are all can-didates for a shamanistic transformation fol-lowing the use of such plants. It is interestingto note in Mochica art that beans are theonly vegetable appearing truly anthropomor-phized, with a head, arms and legs. Benson,among others, has suggested that this plantwas a representation of a warrior or mes-senger (1972:81), but the beans are not ren-dered in a naturalistic fashion; in fact, theyfloat in the air in various ritual scenes.When an individual transforms into hisnagual-,he demonstrates possession of a par-ticularly powerful spiritual nature repre-sented by the animal (Pitt-Rivers 1972:199).The nagual, then, is part of an analogy sys-tem in which the specific animal species de-fines the social personality of the man vis-a-vis other members of his community. The

plant hallucinogens, in this case, serve al-ways as a vehicle of transformationand con-trol.CONCLUSION

This article has attempted to reinterpret anow extinct prehistoric people, the Mochicaof Peru, in light of our knowledge of con-temporary regional hallucinogenic use. Ananalysis of Mochica pottery motifs suggeststhe use of a variety of plant hallucinogenswhich may have permitted access to super-natural realms. I have argued that studiessuch as this of prehistoric peoples show thecentral role that hallucinogenic plants havehad throughout time and present a new pathto the understanding of prehistoric religions.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTThanks are due to Mrs. Elizabeth Hartzellfor her ink drawings of Mochica motifs.

LITERATURE CITEDBennett, W. C., and J. B. Bird. 1946. The archaeologyof the Central Andes. In Handbook of South Ameri-

can indians, Vol. 2. The Andean civilizations. JulianSteward, ed. Bulletin 143. Smithsonian Institution,Washington, D.C.Benson, E. P. 1972. The Mochica. Praeger, NewYork.1974. A man and a feline in Mochica art. Dum-barton Oaks Studies in Pre-Columbian Art and Ar-chaeology No. 14. Washington, D.C.Campbell, J. 1964. Masks of God. Primitivemythologies. Viking Press, New York.Castaneda, C. 1972. Journey to Ixtlan. The lessons ofDon Juan. Simon and Schuster, New York.Cobo, B. 1956. Obras de Padre B. Cobo. Tomo 1.Madrid.Daly, J. W., and B. Witkop. 1971. Chemistry andpharmacology of frog venoms. In Venomous animalsand their venoms 2:497-519.Disselhoff, H. D. 1967. Daily life in ancient Peru.Trans. A. Jaffa. McGraw Hill, New York.

202 ECONOMIC BOTANY



16/16

Dobkin de Rios, M. 1968a. Folk curing with apsychedelic cactus in northern Peru. Internat. J. ofSocial Psychiatry 15:23-32.* 1968b. Trichocereus pachanoi-a MescalineCactus use in folk healing in northern Peru. Econ.Bot. 22:191-194.1971. Peruvian hallucinogenic healing: an over-view. Proceedings, 5th World Congress of Psychiatry.Mexico, Excerpta Medica.1972. Visionary vine: psychedelic healing in thePeruvian Amazon. Chandler, San Francisco.. 1973. The non-Western use of hallucinatoryagents. In Second Report of the National Commissionon Marihuana and Drug Abuse, Appendix, Vol. II.Washington, D.C.. 1974. The influence of psychotropic flora andfauna on Maya religion. Current Anthropology15(2)147-164.. n.d.1 Suggestive hallucinogenic-derived motifsfrom New World monumental earthworks. Paperread at conference, Nov. 19, 1975, Institute of Reli-gious Studies, Santa Barbara, in honor of MirceaEliade.n.d. 2 The distribution of Tambostructuresin theart of nuclear America and its implication for planthallucinogenic ingestion., and F. Katz. 1975. Some relationships betweenmusic and hallucinogenic ritual: the jungle gym inconsciousness. Ethos 3:64-76.Eliade, M. 1958. Shamanism: archaic techniques ofecstasy. Trans. William Trask. Pantheon, New York.Erspamer, V. T., et al. 1967. 5-methoxy- and 5-hy-droxyindoles in the skin of Bufo Alvarius. Bio-chemical Pharmacology 14:1149-1164.Friedberg, C. 1959. Rapport sur une Mission auPerou-Description deu Materiel Recueilli, Expose,Sommaire des Recherches Enterprises. Travaux del'Institut Francais d'Etudes Andines VII:65-94.. 1960. Utilisation d'un Cactus a Mescaline auNord du Perou (Trichocereuspachanoi Brit. et Rose).Proceedings 6th International Congress of An-thropological and Ethnological Sciences 2:21-26.Furst, P. T. 1965. West Mexican tomb sculpture asevidence for shamanism in prehispanic Mesoamerica.Antropol6gica 15:29-80.1972. Symbolism and psychopharmacology:thetoad as earth mother in Indian America. In Religionen Mesoamerica XII, Mesa Redonda, SociedadMexicana de Antropologia, Mexico.Gillen, J. 1947. The Moche: a Peruvian coastal com-munity. Publications of the Institute of Social An-thropology, Smithsonian Institution III, Washington,D.C.Grof, S. 1972. Transpersonal experiences: observa-tions from LSD psychotherapy. J. of TranspersonalPsychology 4:45-80.Janiger, O., and M. Dobkin de Rios. 1975. Nicotianaan hallucinogen? Econ. Bot. 30:149-151.Johnston, T. F. 1972. Datura use in a Tsonga Girls'Puberty School. Econ. Bot. 26:340-351.

Katz, F., and M. Dobkin de Rios. 1971. Hal-lucinogenic music: an analysis of the role of whistlingin Peruvian Ayahuasca healing sessions. J. of Ameri-can Folklore 84:320-327.Kutscher, G. 1950. Chimu. Eine AltindianischeHochkulture. Mann.1967. Iconographic studies as an aid in the re-construction of early Chimu civilization. In PeruvianArchaeology. Selected Readings. John H. Rowe andDorothy Menzel (eds.). Peak, Palo Alto, Calif.La Barre, W. 1970. Old and New World narcotics: astatistical question and an ethnological reply. Econ.Bot. 24:73-80.Lanning, E. 1967. Peru before the Incas. PrenticeHall, Englewood Cliffs, N.J.Larco Hoyle, R. 1939. Los Mochicas. 2 Vols. Lima.1969. Checcan. Nagel Press, New York.Lavallee, D. 1970. Les RepresentationsAnimales dansLa Ceramique Mochica. Memoires de l'Institutd'Ethnologie IV. Musee de l'Homme, Paris.Pitt-Rivers, J. 1970. Spiritual power in CentralAmerica. The Naguals of Chiapas. In Witchcraft con-fessions and accusations, Mary Douglas (ed.). Tavis-tock Publications, New York.Sawyer, A. R. 1966. Ancient Peruvian ceramics: theNathan Cummings Collection. Metropolitan Museumof Art. Greenwich, Conn. N.Y. Graphic Society.Schultes, R. E. 1967. The place of ethnobotany in theethnopharmacologic search for psychotomimeticdrugs. In Ethnopharmacologic search for psychoac-tive drugs, D. Efron (ed.), Public Health Service Pub-lication 1645. Washington, D.C. Pp. 33-58.. 1972a. An overview of hallucinogens in thewestern hemisphere. In Flesh of the Gods, the ritualuse of hallucinogens. Peter T. Furst (ed.). Praeger,New York. Pp. 3-54.. 1972b. The ethnotoxicological significance ofadditives to New World hallucinogens. Plant ScienceBulletin 18:34-40.Sharon, D. 1972a. Eduardo the Healer. Natural His-tory 81:32-47.. 1972b. The San Pedro cactus in Peruvian folkhealing. In Peter Furst, (ed.), Flesh of the Gods: theritual use of hallucinogens. Praeger, New York.., and C. Donan. 1974. Shamanism in Mocheiconography. In Ethnoarchaeology. Monograph IV,Institute of Archaeology, Univ. of California, LosAngeles.Taylor, R. E. 1970. The shaft tombs of WesternMexico: problems in the interpretation of religiousfunction in non-historic archaeological contexts.American Antiquity 35(2)160-169.Towle, M. 1961. The ethno-botany of pre-ColumbianPeru. Viking Fund Publication in Anthropology 30.New York.Wallace, A. F. C. 1966. Religion, an anthropologicalview. Random House, New York.Wasson, R. G., and V. P. Wasson. 1957. Russia,mushrooms and history. 2 Vols. Pantheon, NewYork.


plant hallucinogens and the religion of the mochica: an ancient peruvian people

Documents