1

FINAL REPORT UGC MINOR RESEARCH PROJECT

on

LIFE AND ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING BALLALA III (1291-1342 A.D)

Submitted by DR.N.SAVITHRI

Associate Professor Department of History

Mallamma Marimallappa Women’s Arts and Commerce College,

Mysore-24

Submitted to UNIVERSITY GRANTS COMMISSION

South Western Regional Office P.K.Block, Gandhinagar,

Bangalore-560009

2017

2

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

First of all, I would like to Express My Gratitude and

Indebtedness to University Grants Commission, New Delhi for

awarding Minor Research Project in History.

My Sincere thanks are due to Sri.Paramashivaiah.S, President

of Marimallappa Educational Institutions. I am Grateful to

Prof.Panchaksharaswamy.K.N, Honorary Secretary of Marimallappa

Educational Institutions. I owe special thanks to Principal

Sri.Dhananjaya.Y.D., Vice Principal Prapulla Chandra Kumar.S.,

Dr.Saraswathi.N., Sri Purushothama.K, Teaching and Non-Teaching

Staff, members of Mallamma Marimallappa Women’s College, Mysore.

I also thank K.B.Communications, Mysore has taken a lot of strain in

computerszing my project work.

I am Thankful to the Authorizes of the libraries in Karnataka for

giving me permission to consult the necessary documents and books,

pertaining to my project work. I thank all the temple guides and

curators of minor Hoysala temples like Belur, Halebidu.

Somanathapura, Thalkad, Melkote, Hosaholalu, kikkeri, Govindahalli,

Nuggehalli, ext….

Several individuals and institution have helped me during the

course of this study by generously sharing documents and other

reference materials. I am thankful to all of them.

Dr.N.Savithri Place: Date:

3

CERTIFICATE

I Dr.N. Savithri Certify that the project entitled “LIFE AND

ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING BALLALA iii (1299-1342 A.D)”

sponsored by University Grants Commission New Delhi under Minor

Research Project is successfully completed by me. This work has not

been published anywhere before this in any University.

Dr.N.Savithri

Place:

Date:

4

PART-A 1 Broad Subject : History

2 Duration : 2 years

3 Principal Investigator : Dr.N.Savithri

Sex : Female

Date of Birth : 5/5/1957

Qualification : M.A., Ph.D

Designation : Associate Professor

Address

College : Mallamma Marimallappa Women’s

Arts and Commerce College, Mysore

Residential : #33, 2nd Cross, ‘G’ Block,

Ramakrishna-nagara, Mysore-22

Contact Number : 9845032761

Email ID : Savithri_pv@yahoo.com

Name of Institution where the project will be undertaken

a) Department : History

b) University : University of Mysore

c) Teaching Experience : 32 years

d) Research Experience : 18 years

e) Year of Award of

Doctoral Degree

: March 1996

f) Title of Thesis of

Doctoral Degree

: “Ruling and Rural Elites in the

Maiden Regional of the Hoysalas”

g) Publications

Papers published : 10

Papers unpublished : 06

Books published : 02

5

PART-B PROPOSED RESEARCH WORK

Final Report

“LIFE AND ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING BALLALA III (1291-1342 A.D)

CONTENTS CHAPTER I

1.0 Introduction

1.1 Historical Background

1.2 Geographical Background

1.3 Sources

1.4 Review of Literature

1.5 Scope of the Study

1.6 Objectives

1.7 Methodology

CHAPTER 2

2.1 Accession of Ballala III

2.2 Reunification of the Empire

2.3 Conflict with the Sevunas and Action against refractory

feudatories

2.4 Malik Kafur’s attack on Dorasamudra

CHAPTER III

3.1 Ballala III and his role in Civil War of Pandyas of Madurai

3.2 War against Kampiladeva

3.3 Ballala’s increase of sphere of influence in Tamil Country

3.4 Second Invasion on Dorasamudra during Qutb-ud-din

Mubarak Shah

3.5 Third Invasion during the Reign of Muhammad-bin-Tughlaq

3.5.1 The Revolt of Bahauddin Gurshasp

3.5.2 The Destruction of Kampili Kingdom

6

3.5.3 Ballala III and Gurshasp’s Revolt

3.6 Ballala’s Concentration of Southern Frontier

3.7 Battle of Kannanur and Koppam

3.7.1 Victory of Ballala III

3.7.2 Victory turned into a defeat and the tragic end of

Ballala III

3.8 Ballala III and Vijayanagara

CHAPTER IV

Administration during Ballala III

CHAPTER V

Social Life during Ballala III

CHAPTER VI

Economic Life during Ballala III

CHAPTER VII

Religious Life during Ballala III

CHAPTER VIII

Education and Literature during Ballala III

CHAPTER XI

Inferences

Appendices

Maps

Genealogy

Bibliography

Photos

7

CHAPTER-I LIFE AND ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING

BALLALA III (1291-1342 A.D)

INTRODUCTION

The Hoysalas have a dominant role in the political and cultural

history; not only of Karnataka but also of south India. Their

contribution in political history, administration, religion, literature

and art and architecture are varied and interesting. Unfortunately not

much work has been done on this dynasty. The Hoysala dynasty had

the good fortune of having some very illustrious kings like

Vishnuvardhana, Ballala II, Somesvara, Narasimha III and Ballala III

who made their dynasty politically and culturally great. The Hoysalas

ruled from 1000-1346 A.D. They nearly ruled for 350 years.

a) Sources

Our knowledge of the History of Karnataka has remarkably

increased since the beginning of the twentieth century. Many

archaeological remains and literary works have been brought to light

sources of information for the purpose of study of the History of

Karnataka in general and in the History of the Hoysalas in particular.

For this purpose much credit should be given to the eminent

scholars and epigraphists of the West like Cunningham, J.F. Fleet and

B.L. Rice. Dr. Fleet started the systematic collection and publication of

the numerous inscriptions in the northern Karnataka areas of then

the Bombay province1. The publication of twelve volumes of

Epigraphia Carnatica by B.L.Rice and another four (Volumes 14-17)

from the Department of Archaeology, Government of Mysore came into

being with translations and notes. In addition to it, the text part of

inscriptions along with transliterations and references have been

published. They added extra information to the historicity of towns

and temples of the Hoysala period.

8

Now the University of Mysore has taken the work of revising and

reediting the inscriptions of Epigraphia Carnatica and Mysore

Archaeological Reports and brought out the nine volumes. Besides,

Epigraphia Indica, Indian Antiquary, South Indian Inscriptions and

Hyderabad Archaeological series have published number of Hoysala

epigraphs.2 The Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar contains a few

inscriptions, belonging to Bombay Karnataka regions.

Epigraphical Sources

The subject under study possessed enough of Hoysala

epigraphs. In total, there are about 2000 inscriptions. Majority of the

inscriptions are found in the districts of Hassan, Mysore, Mandya and

Bangalore. But some of them are defaced and fragmentary. Only a

very few of them are completely spoiled. The inscriptions are purely

poetic in style. They were composed in different metres like Kanda,

Vritta, Champu etc. They are engraved both on copper plates and

stone. The script is in Kannada, Sanskrit and Tamil.

Outwardly the inscriptions register gifts for all sorts of

charitable purposes but a thorough and careful study of them reveal

the activities of the state in the overall development and progress of

society. From the inscriptions we get information as to the number of

different portfolios of the administrative machinery, the concept of

danas, social structure based on the system of Chaturvarna and their

mobility, eighteen samayas and so on. For example, kings were

engaged in making great gifts of the four Vedas.3 The Neralige copper

plate of Hoysala Ballala II aims at the settlement of Brahmins and the

promotion of learning.4 Custom of offering Annadana and Santarpana

was the main feature of this period.5

Thus the study of Hoysala inscriptions to a great extent serves

our purpose in enlightening the above aspects. The inscriptional

evidences to an extent supply the concept of different terms like

9

Kutumba (family) Vamsa, Vivaha (marriage) and Harihara cult etc.

they are adequate to undertake a critical study of state activities in

relation to the progress of the Hoysala society.

b) Geographical Background

The physical geography consists of natural vegetation, soils and

rivers, Karnataka is bounded by Maharashtra in the north, Kerala and

Tamilnadu in the South, Andhra Pradesh in the east and Arabian sea

in the west. Topographically the state is divided into four parts.

1. Coastal region

2. Northern Maidan

3. Malnad

4. Southern Maidan

Coastal Region

The low lying tract between Western Ghats and the Arabian sea

is a picturesque region of great beauty. It is full of rivers, isolated

peaks and detached range of hills and receives heavy and assured

rainfall between June and August, measuring about 254cms to

279cms. The soils are lateritic except in isolated stretches near the

seaside where alluvium is found. It has dense forest followed by

coconut and arecanut gardens. Besides there are many kinds of trees

of great size and of much economic value, such as bamboo, teak and

rosewood. Western coastal line contains good harbours. Through

these harbours contact was maintained with distant countries from

earliest times. This region consists of the western portion of North

Kanara and South kanara districts.

Northern Maidan

The Northern Maidan consists of Belgaum, Bidar, Bijapur,

Gadag, Gulbarga, Raichur and Bellary districts. As the western

districts of Belgaum, Bijapur and Dharwar are on the edge of Western

10

Ghats, they are thickly wooded and enjoy a better water supply than

the arid Deccan plains, which are in the adjacent Maharashtra. It is

dominated by black soils. The important tanks are found constructed

in Malaprabha basin, southern areas of Tungabhadra valley and the

lower Bhima region. The main crops are jowar, wheat and cotton.

Malnad Region

The Malnad is separated from the coastal region by the steep

wall of the Ghats and in the east it gradually merges with the

southern maidan. It is a land of forests and mountains. Malnad

covers Shimoga, Chitradurga, Chikmagalur and Hassan districts. The

climate is generally hot and wet. It receives heavy and assured

rainfall decreasing from 100” to 40”. Here the soils are red, black and

brown. The major crop is paddy followed by coffee, areca and coconut

plantations.

Southern Maidan

Southern Maidan consists of Bangalore, Kolar, Mandya,

Tumkur and eastern portions of Mysore district. The soils are

predominantly red, often referred to as lateritic. In the east

particularly in the northern side there is an extension of the black

soils of the northern maidan, with the result mixed red and black soils

occur. As there are over 16,000 tanks in this region, it is known as

tank country of Karnataka. The major crops raised are rice, ragi

followed by jowar, sugarcane, coconut and arecanut plantations.

Rivers

The chief river systems of Karnataka are the Krishna and

Kaveri. They originate in the Western Ghats and flow eastward to join

Bay of Bengal. The tributaries of Krishna are Bhima, Ghataprabha,

Malaprabha, Tungabhadra and Vedavathi. They flow in the north,

whereas the tributaries of Kaveri such as Hemavathi, Shimsa,

11

Arkavati, Lakshmanathirtha and Kabini flow in the south and have

helped agriculture. The mental make up of the people towards the

river was philosophical. Moreover as the cultivable land being less

during those days, the waters of the rivers were utilized to a limited

extent. References to Krishna (Maisolas), Kaveri (Khaberos) and

Bhima (Banda) are seen in early Indian literature. Inscriptions of the

period also refer to river Tungabhadra, Godavari, Kaveri and Kabini.

Objectives

• The main objective is to know about the accession of Vira

Ballala III and the reunification of the Empire.

• The relations with the Sevunas and the attempts made by Vira

Ballala III to check their incursions into the Hoysala Empire.

• Attack of Delhi Sultans on South Indian Kingdoms.

• Malik Kafu’s attack on Dorasamudra and Ballala’s helplessness.

• The acceptance of the demands of Malik Kafur.

• Ballala III’s encouragement to Harihara and Bukka, the

founders of Vijayanagara Empire.

Methodology

Inscriptions issued during the period of Ballala III and literary

works during his reign will be studied. Historical method its tools will

be applied for the present study.

Significance of the Study

This study is going to be a contribution to the Medieval

Karnataka History. It helps to understand the role of Hoysala King

Ballala III. It is hoped that the research work would contribute to

some extent to our knowledge of the past.

c) Review of Literature

The works relating to the Hoysalas can be divided into four

categories:

12

The first one is the general histories of either India, South India

or Karnataka in which the Hoysala dynasty finds a place, obviously in

a short way.

The second category includes books written exclusively on the

Hoysalas. Here again the works may concentrate on the political

history, administration, art, religion either singly or in combination.

The third category includes important research papers

published in learned journals on various aspects of Hoysala history.

Finally, the recent trend in Karnataka is to write books and

articles in Kannada. This has encouraged many young researchers to

write books and articles in Kannada and there is a bulk of such

literature on this topic too. To understand the study undertaken

here, it is proposed to review critically all the above relevant material.

The first work in the first category is the famous work of

J.F.Fleet entitled “Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay

Presidency” published long ago in 1896. Actually it was an article

written by the learned scholar for the Bombay Gazetteer. Its value lies

in the fact that it can easily be considered as the first or the inaugural

attempt to write a history of a region which included Karnataka.

Based meticulously on epigraphical source, Fleet made it a highly

useful book with necessary details. But the thrust was on political

history. Naturally a chapter in this work on the Hoysalas is a useful

attempt to give a connected political history of that dynasty. Though

the account has become outdated because of the discovery of

hundreds of new inscriptions, the basic structure of the dynasty

seems to be stable. This is the greatness of this work and any

research student can not ignore this work for a basic study.

Another similar work was by Bhandarkar entitled “Early History

of the Dekkan” published in the year 1957. Though it is not as

13

detailed as the work of Fleet, more interpretation marks this

important work. In that way it can easily be called as an improvement

over the former. However, this work lacks the indepth knowledge of

the epigraphs which is a unique feature of the work of Fleet.

Bhandarkar has not given a continuous and connected account of the

political or cultural history of the Hoysalas. However, while dealing

with the Chalukyas of Kalyana and the Sevunas of Devagiri, he has

referred to main political events of the Hoysalas as far as they relate to

these two dynasties mentioned above.

The Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay has published a series of

volumes on Indian history written by various authors. As it is

claimed, it is the history written by her own people and naturally is

expected to contain material fully understood and interpreted by the

scholarly contributors. The volume five in the series entitled “The

struggle for Empire” has a chapter (ninth) under the caption ‘The

Hoysalas’ written by S.Krishnaswami Iyengar. The latest epigraphs

have been made use of in writing this chapter. But the chapter is so

short that it does not make any appreciable impact on the reader.

One would be disappointed if one wants to know about the Hoysala

dynasty. The same remarks hold good regarding the chapter on

architecture and sculpture. Other aspects of culture have not been

exclusively studied here. Thus this work is useful for a general

understanding of the subject but not for an indepth study of the

various cultural aspects of the Hoysala dynasty.

Another work which more or less falls in the above category is

the work “Karnataka through the Ages” edited by Dr.R.R.Diwakar. It

was compiled to glorify the Karnataka culture in all its aspects. It is a

very useful work and though written by many scholars, presents a

bird’s eye view of the political history, administration, society, religion,

literature, education, art and sculpture in a satisfactory way. Each of

these contributors is a good scholar in his own field and this has

14

made this work prestigious and scholarly. Realising the importance

and usefulness of this work, the publishers got a Kannada version of

this volume in two sections, called “Karnataka Parampare”. This has

also seen a second edition, which means the book is warmly welcomed

by historians. This work contains a section on political history of the

Hoysalas and has sections followed by administration, society, religion

and art. Though the political history can be termed independent, the

other aspects are not so; and secondly the accounts are very short to

make any detailed impression on the reader. From the point of view of

a researcher, there are many deficiencies which are normally inherent

in a work of this type. Secondly, being contributed by various

contributors, the absence of a single thread of view point is easily

seen. This work has a chapter dealing with the Hoysala political

history written by B.S.Krishnaswamy Iyengar. Though short, it has

taken all the published material into consideration with thoroughness.

Besides political history, it has a well written short account of

religious conditions including Srivaishnavism, Jainism and Saivism.

In fact it has a detailed account of the philosophy of Ramanuja also.

The other cultural aspects that are covered here are education and

science, Kannada literature, Sanskrit literature, Prakrit literature and

finally art and architecture. Thus most of the cultural aspects are

covered here. The basic defect here is that it generally summarises

the events without going into the details with original sources. And

finally there is no attempt to synthesise the various materials and this

gives the impression of independent articles on Hoysalas rather than a

connected account. However, its value for a beginner can not be

overestimated.

K.A.Nilakantha Sasti’s famous and popular work “A History of

South India” has been many editions and impressions. This work

deals with South India including the Hoysalas. Prof.Sastri has a

unique way of narrating the political events as they were happening

simultaneously in different parts of South India. Thus it gives a clear

15

picture of the Hoysala political history in this way. Though it has

sections on administration, society, religion, literature etc., it is

difficult to separate the contribution made by the Hoysalas as the

treatment gives more importance to the holistic approach as far as

South India is concerned. Thus a student or a general reader

interested in knowing the cultural contributions of the Hoysalas or

any other dynasty for that matter will be lost in details furnished by

the learned author. However, things are slightly better when the

author takes up the chapter on art and architecture wherein each

section deals exclusively with the main characters and contribution of

each dynasty including the Hoysalas. Thus this popular work cannot

be appreciated by a student interested in any particular dynasty and

its contributions. However, the admirable synthesis attempted by

Nilakanta Sastri is extremely useful as a background for

understanding the cultural achievements of the Hoysala period. Thus

it is a highly useful book.

There are many works on the history of Karnataka written by

various authors. Many of them serve the students as text books. But

the most important of them all is by P.B.Desai (with others). This is a

useful work based upon the latest epigraphs. The chapter on

Hoysalas is not only detailed but also contains references to

inscriptions thereby making the narration authentic and

authoritative. This is true as far as the political history of the

Hoysalas is considered. The cultural history is summarized in three

or four pages highlighting the main trends of the period. This does

not satisfy the curiosity of a student of cultural history of the

Hoysalas. But it inspires any genuine student to take up the cultural

history in a detailed way. That is the real usefulness of this book.

This work also has been reprinted.

We cannot forget the volumes of ‘Mysore Gazetteer’ compiled by

Hayavadana Rao. Though written more than fifty years ago, it has a

16

unique value to the historian of Karnataka as a good base. In one of

the volumes, the Hoysala history along with cultural aspects has been

explained in a fairly detailed way. It not only contains political events,

but also touches on the importance of different aspects of religion,

education, architecture and sculpture, including coinage. It also

comments on the ministers and generals. Though it is highly

informative, the main thread of history is rarely seen in the narrative

and hence it is characterized as a good gazetteer but not a satisfactory

history. This in no way diminishes the value of this great work which

has stood the test of time. However, this chapter cannot be a

substitute for a connected and comprehensive work on the Hoysalas.

Another significant study is by Dr.Choodamani. Her main

concern in her thesis is music and dance. She has approached the

subject from three angles of epigraphy, literature and sculpture. The

material mentioned in epigraphs regarding music and dance, musical

instruments together with the same collected from Kannada and

Sanskrit literary texts have been compared to visually seen sculptural

representations.

Now, we may take up the works exclusively written on the

Hoysala dynasty. First and foremost is the book ‘Hoysalavamsa’

written by William Coelho. Perhaps it is the first monograph on the

Hoysalas. The main thrust of this book is political history. Chapters

are divided on the basis of ruling kings. Then the remaining chapters

though very small take care of the cultural aspects such as

administration, society, religion etc. by the nature of these chapters,

they are too short to make any impact on the reader and thus do not

bring out the contribution of the Hoysalas in an appreciable way. It

occupies an important place as the first independent work on the

Hoysalas.

Another important work on this subject is by Duncan Derrett.

It is entitled “The Hoysalas”. As the author himself states it is an

17

essay on Hoysala inscriptions, and their interpretation. The greatness

of Derrett is that he visualizes the political events of the Hoysalas in a

vivid way through the hundreds of inscriptions. He explains as if he

was a witness to what was happening in the Hoysala political scene.

His synthesis and interpretation of Hoysala inscriptions is admirable.

Thus he has been able to produce a highly interesting and authentic

account of the political history of the Hoysala period. Perhaps there is

no other better and more authentic political history of the Hoysalas

than this work of Derrett. Unfortunately this work does not contain

any material regarding the cultural history. In an appendix, Derrett

has given a short account of administration with special reference to

taxation. No other aspect such as society, economy, religion,

literature, art and sculpture have been studied here.

Reconstructing the social and cultural life of the Hoysala people

through their sculptures has attracted the attention of recent

scholars. Dayananda Patel’s work ‘Kesava temple at Somanathpur – A

cultural study’ is a useful work from this point of view. He has

examined all the sculptures of the Kesava temple at Somanathpur in a

minute way and has culled out dress, ornaments, domestic utensils,

chariots, animals, weapons, houses, furniture etc. and has

synthesized and interpreted them to reconstruct the life during the

Hoysala age. He has also used the literary evidences to collate and

corroborate his findings.

Another similar work is by K.Padmanabha. His book is entitled

‘Hoysala sculptures – A Cultural Study’. He has taken to his best

advantage the entire Hoysala sculpture to reconstruct the social and

cultural life of the period. He has shown more typology of vessels,

utensils, chariots, animals, houses, furniture etc than the work of

Patel mentioned above. His comparative study of the Hoysala material

with those of the earlier schools of sculpture is extremely useful in

properly analyzing the Hoysala contribution. He has practically

18

touched all aspects of social and cultural life through the sculptural

representations. As he has selected his material from different

temples far apart geographically as well as chronologically, he has

been able to show the possible evolution as well as different styles of

life in far flung areas as far as details are concerned. This indeed is a

strong point of this study. The entire study is supported by line

drawings and photographs.

The contribution of the Hoysalas to the temple architecture and

sculpture has been stupenduous and hence this aspect has attracted

a large number of historians. Perhaps the best book on Hoysala art

written in recent years is by S.Setter, entitled ‘The Hoysala Temples’.

This is a comprehensive work on the subject. Right from the beginning

of political history, he has made use of religious and social conditions

as a background for the temple construction activity. He has also

dealt with the names of the Hoysala sculptors and their background.

The characteristic features of Hoysala temples have been examined

with regard to select temples. Thus for a proper understanding of the

Hoysala temples, this book is of great help. His chronological

considerations are generally acceptable as he has based them on

genuine epigraphs. The same author has another work on Hoysala

sculptures found in the Copenhagen Museum.

Another work exclusively meant for the Hoysala artists and their

work is written by Kelleson Collyer. The learned author has taken up

the study of the Hoysala artists and on the basis of the characters of

these sculptures, she has analysed other sculptures and has tried to

identify the schools and styles. The study is highly technical and has

been undertaken meticulously with the help of short labels. Her main

concern is the Hoysala artists and their work, their background, their

sociological connections etc. Thus at times she turns to the method of

sociology in understanding styles of the sculptors. Without any

contradiction, it may be stated that this is the most authentic and

19

authoritative study of the Hoysala artists begun by R.Narasimhachar

many decades ago and pursued by M.H.Krishna, M.Sheshadri and

others. Incidentally it may be said that this author does not give great

importance to epigraphy and its ramifications to understand the

details of the artists.

The three monographs written by R.Narasimhachar on Belur,

Somanathapur and Doddagaddavalli deserve special mention.

Epigraphical source has been made use of effectively by him in giving

the history of the three temples mentioned above.

The University of Mysore conducted a seminar on the Hoysala

dynasty in the Year 1970. Its proceedings have been edited by

B.Sheikh Ali. This work also contains many research papers on

political history besides some on other aspects of culture. Our interest

lies with the papers the themes of which rest on cultural aspects. The

three major religions of the Hoysala period, namely Saivism,

Vaishnavism and Jainism have been examined in three independent

papers. These three papers have made use of the epigraphs of the

period. There is also article on the coinage of the Hoysala period. This

takes into consideration the actual specimens of the coins and some

epigraphical data also in understanding the coinage of the period.

Important Hoysala temples have been examined by different scholars.

Dr. Chidananda Murthy has tried to locate the home town of the

Hoysala artist Mallitamma. Salabhanjikas of the Hoysala temples have

been examined in detail by Dr. S.Settar. There is a useful article on

the identity of Vidya Chakravartins, the poets by Dr. Janaki. Thus

there is a conglomeration of articles on different aspects of the

Hoysala cultural history written by different scholars. As there is no

single motivation for this book as the authors have different view

points, the book does not present the cultural achievements of the

Hoysalas in proper perspective. Of course this is the drawback of any

collection of papers. Still it has to be stated that this is the best

20

available book on the subject of the Hoysalas treating both political

and cultural aspects together. This book is useful in understanding

and identifying the problems of the cultural history of the Hoysalas

and to that extent this work is useful for any student of Hoysala

history.

In this category we should include B.R.Gopal's monograph ‘Sri

Ramanuja in Karnataka.’ As the name itself signifies, it discusses the

circumstances under which Ramanuja left the Chola country and his

sojourn to Karnataka, his various acts, preachings etc. In doing so,

Hoysala Vishnuvardahna's role in patronising this great Srivaishnava

saint and other connected problems are examined with the help of

epigraphs found here. Thus it is a useful work to understand the part

of Ramanuja in Hoysala kingdom. The usefulness of this work is

enhanced by the compiled list of inscriptions which have a bearing on

the problem of Ramanuja.

Another important publication having a direct bearing on the

Hoysalas is R.Vasantha's monograph on the 'Narayanaswami temple

at Melkote'. It is not merely a study in art and architecture but a

socio-economic study of the temple. As Melkote had intimate

relations with Ramanujacharya and Hoysala Vishnuvardhana, the

religious background has been competently examined with the help of

all available epigraphs and literature. It also provides a list of

epigraphs found at Melkote and particularly the epigraph of Hoysala

period dated twelfth century A.D which is very important. Thus this

work is highly useful for understanding the religious conditions of the

Hoysala period.

Research articles published in various learned Journals related

to Hoysalas are not as prolific as of other dynasties like the Cholas

and the Pallavas or Vijayanagara kings. The Epigraphia Carnatica

volumes and the Mysore Archaeological Department Annual Reports

21

provided the required space for most of the research material and this

explains the small number of research papers published in other

Journals. Among them the majority of the papers are published in the

pages of the Quarterly journal of the Mythic society, published

regularly from Banglore. S.Srikantaiya published atleast four papers;

two on the Hoysala empire; one on the life in the Hoysala period and

the fourth one on the topography of Halebid. The thrust of these

papers is to highlight the social and economic life of the period

including administration. The last paper gives an excellent

topographical framework for Halebid.

H.Krishna Sastri has a paper on the Hoysalas in and beyond

Mysore. Actually it reviews the Hoysala political activity in Tamilnad

when the empire was partitioned. Another notable paper was by

Krishna lyengar on Vaishnavism. Actually it concentrates on the

activity of Ramanuja in Karnataka and the work done by him here.

C.K.Nagaraja Rao's paper is highly interesting as it deals with the

number of children of Vishnuvardhana and their identification.

T.Narasimha lyengar has tried to solve the date of the death of

Vishnuvardhana on the basis of available epigraphs. It is of interest to

the students of political history.

Two very important papers were contributed by the famous

scholar A.Venkatasubbaiah. The first one relates to the Rajaguru

Kriyasakti, the famous Kalamukha teacher. He was in the Hoysala

period also and the learned author traces the genealogy of this great

teacher and indirectly throws light on the Kalamukha Saivism during

the period. His array of epigraphical material is amazing. The second

article is the classic article on the Kodiya matha of the period which

has been described by him as the twelfth century University. Though

it concentrates on the Kodiya matha of Balligave, it is actually a fine

scholarly paper on educational system in ancient Karnataka.

22

Queen Santaladevi is a multifaceted lady and her personality has

attracted Seetharam to write an article on her. He also discusses her

namesake mentioned in epigraphs and identifies correctly

Santaladevi, the queen of Vishnuvardhana. R.Vasantha has examined

the problem of Srivaishnavism as against the background of the part

played by the Cholas in a detailed way. The word Hoysala itself has

been a subject of controversy and this has been examined by Joshi.

The same problem together with the origin of the Hoysalas has

attracted two or more scholars who have given different

interpretations. Almost connected to this is the problem of the

identification of Sosevur or Sasakapura and this has been examined

by M.Hanumantha Rao.

The other topic that has attracted the scholars is the Hoysala

artists. The research begun by R.Narasimhachar and M.H.Krishna

was continued by later scholars. M.Seshadri originally published a

paper entitled "Some Notable Hoysala Sculptors of Mysore' where he

examined Mallitamma, Dasoja, Chavana and others. Later he wrote a

paper on Mallitamma, one of the most important sculptors. Then after

visiting the United States, he published a paper on inscribed images

located in the Museums of Art in U.S.A. The same was published by

M.S.Nagaraja Rao also. Finally Seshadri incorporated all these and

more material in a long article. A.V.Narasimha Murthy collected many

of the label inscriptions and interpreted them to know the names of

the Hoysala artists.S.Settar also has an article on the 'Hoysala artists

and their peregrination’. That the famous sculptor Dasoja belonged to

Balligave was evidenced by a label inscription published by

H.R.Raghunatha Bhat. Chidananda Murthy tried to locate the home-

town of Mallitamma on the basis of linguistic arguments.

Srikanthika is a felicitation volume containing many research

papers. Some of them relate to Hoysala cultural history. S.Settar has

a paper on the development of Hoysala temple architecture based

23

upon epigraphs. K.V.Raman has an important paper in which he has

analysed the influence of Hoysala art on Vijayanagara art, a field

which has not been explored fully. Vasantha has contributed a paper

on Tonnur connected with Ramanuja Noted Hindi scholar

M.S.Krishna Murthy has a paper on the reference to a Hoysala prince

in a Hindi romance. K.S.Shivanna has reviewed the agrarian system

under the Hoysalas. Thus this work is important for any student of

Hoysala history from the presence of the above papers.

The Hoysala kings encouraged people from other linguistic

groups such as Tamil, Telugu and Malayalam areas. A.V.Narasimha

Murthy has published a paper on the encouragement and patronage

given to a Kerala family by the Hoysalas. The reference here is to the

famous Kunjanambi and his ancestors. T.D.Patel has published an

article on the Jewelry and ornaments of the Hoysala period, taking the

material from sculptural representations. A general article on Hoysala

architecture is published in T.V.Mahalingam commemoration volume,

entitled South Indian studies. These assorted articles have their own

value to a student of Hoysala history.

Raghunatha Bhat has brought out a collection of his articles

under the title Karnataka Sasana mattu Kale. This collection has four

papers related to Hoysala cultural history. The first one relates to the

stellate plan of the Hoysala temples. The second one is devoted to a

study of the Lakshmidevi temple at

i) Origin of the Hoysalas

The Hoysalas claimed Puranic genealogy like all royal families of

South India in the 10th and 11th centuries A.D. They traced descent

to the moon as belonging to the Yaduvamsha. They rose to power

gradually and took advantage of the political confusion in the 11th

century to found their political power. They had settled in the

24

Western Ghats and by subduing the hill tribes known as Malepas,

assumed the title of Maleparaleganda (Lord among the Malepas).

Advancing from the Ghats, they slowly extended their territory in the

east and about the beginning of the 11th century, acquired some

terriotory. The title ‘Maleparoleganda’ is commonly found in all the

inscriptions which describe the achievements of Vishnuvardhana.

Early in the 11th century, the Colas under Rajendra Chola advanced

upon the Gangas who were ruling in Mysore and subdued them. The

Gangas were compelled to seek protection of the Hoysalas. The

Cholas and the Hoysalas had to contend for supremacy and ultimately

the Hoysalas expelled the Cholas from Mysore in the beginning of the

12th century. But for more than a hundred years after their rise to

power, they preferred to be feudatories of the Western Chalukyas. The

Hoysala inscriptions from Vinayaditya to Vira Ballala II acknowledge

their allegiance to the Chalukyas. Vinayaditya, Vishnuvardhana and

Narasimha I were rulers of ‘Gangavadi Ninety-six-thousand’ under

them and Ereyanga was also a general in the Western Chalukya army.

They rendred yeoman service to the Western Chalukyas in their wars

against the Cholas early in the 11th century. It was only under Vira

Ballala that the Hoysalas threw off the shadowy allegiance which they

owed to the Chalukyas. Vira Ballala was the first king to be styled

‘Emperor of the South’. They exhibited their political insight by

gradually extending their power and by remaining in the background

until they were able to set up their independence.

The traditional account of their origin is very familiar from the

inscriptions. They claimed Sosevur or Sosavur – Sasakapura of

Sanskrit writers as their birth-place. This place has been identified

with Angadi in the South of Mudigere taluk of the Kadur (now

Chickmagalur) district, formerly included in the Manjarabad country

(Ep. C.VI, Mg.9, 15, 16 and 18), Mg.15 of C.1164A.D. refers to

Sosevurupattana-swami. Mg.16 of C. 1060 A.D. refers to a monument

of Lokajita, (one) of the merchants of Sosevur, erected by the company

25

of townsmen. Lines 15-16 of Mg. 18 of C. 1040 A.D. mention Sosavur

where Vajrapanibratisvara ended his life. Bl.112 of C.1220 of C. 1220

A.D. menions that Sasakapura was founded by Sala of the Yadukula

and the Chief deity was the Goddess beloved of Vasantha.

The identification of Sosavur with Angadi in the Mudigere taluk

is made clear by an inscription of Achuta Raya (of Vijayanagar)

(Bl.197). Dr.S.K.Aiyangar observes, “In the far off recesses of the

Western Ghats, there is a place called Angadi (mart) in the Mudigere

taluk of the Kadur district. Its situation, where the road over the

ghats from Mangalore meets two others leading to Saklespur in the

south-west and Belur in the south-east, must have been the cause of

the name. This place has the honour of having been the cradle of this

dynasty of rulers of Mysore” (Ancient India, 1911, p.228).

Sosavur became the scene of the incident between Sala and

tiger, which led to his becoming the founder of the Poysala or Hoysala

line of kings (Ep. C.VI, Ck.20 and 137). Cm.20 states that when Sala,

an ornament of the Yaduvamsha, was worshipping (the Goddess)

Vasantika of Sasankapura with sandal, flowers and incense, a tiger

sprang out o the forest; on which the holy Jinamuni gave him his Fan

(kuncha) saying Poysala (strike, Sala!) from which time forth the name

of Poysala was the designation of the Yadu kings. We learn from

Cm.137 of 1130 A.D. that when Sala was passing through the forest,

an ascetic, terrified at the appearance of a tiger called out hoysala

(strike, Sala) on which he at once at the Muni’s explanation slew the

tiger, and it become his crest, and Hoysala his name. “Verily thou

shalt become a celebrated man, shalt be the founder of a family and

be as renowned as the enemy of Mura (Krishna) – thus by the power of

his penance did he (the muni), proficient in the Agama predict; from

which he (Sala) gained double glory.”

The temple of Vasantikadevi at which it occurred is still

represented by the present Vasantamma temple, which enjoys a great

26

local reputation. There are other temples in ruins, containing some

fine carving, which attest the former importance of the place. We

learn from Sb. 28 that the name of the muni who, on the appearance

of the tiger called out Poysala (the earlier form of Hoysala) was

Sudatta. It was he who brought the Goddess Padmavati into his

power, and obtained from her a kingdom for his rescuer Sala. Ng.39

and 38 say of Sala, the founder of the line that the muni at whose

bidding he slew the tiger which had pushed upon them, was one

whom he had sent from some other part (Orva Siddha munipane tare

bandan), and on his arrival had established in the abode, i.e., the

temple of Vasanti in the prosperous Sasapura. It was while he was

giving valuable instructions to Sala that the tiger sprang out of the

forest. There are other versions of this story. Bl.171 says that when

Sala was hunting along the slopes of the Sahya mountains (or

Western Ghats), he was astonished to see a hare pursuing a tiger.

Coming alone, saying to himself, this is heroic soil, a holy rishi in his

fear of the tiger called out as above, and before it could step a span

(gen), Sala slew it with his dagger (gen). This is in accordance with the

Hoysala crest. It is after this incident that the Yaduvamsha came to

be known as Poysala-Vamsha, and that place became Sasakapura.

Hn.65 (E.C.V, Part II) gives substantially the same account, and says

that the muni wanted to test Sala’s bravery. Ak.71 says that Sala was

prostrating himself to the holy Yogindra, who was an adept at

incantations, and pleased with Sala he resolved to give him an empire.

For this purpose he was performing the necessary rites to bring the

goddess Vasantika of Sasakapura into his power, when in order by

any means to break the spell, she sprang forth in the form of a tiger;

on which the Yogi uttered the explanation and Sala killed it with his

cane (betta). Bl.112 is to the same effect, but calls it a cane-rod

(bettada sale). Ak.108 calls it Kunchadasele, the rod of the Yogin’s fan

or whisk, which is properly a bunch of peacock’s feathers. It also

adds that he had uttered a spell into it- soiled bamboo-rod of an

ascetic, at the top of which in the case of a Jain the Kuncha or bunch

27

of peacock’s feathers might be tied. The only other variation is Bl.74

which calls it a salaki, properly an iron-rod, which is not admissible

for a Jain; but it may also mean a pointed-stick. The seals of some of

the copper plates give the crest as the tiger and the rod, and this also

appears on the coins. According to Bl.112 of C.1220 A.D. deity was

the Goddess beloved of Vasantha.

5. Sri dayitam yadukuladala

6. gadam Salanemba norva nrpananrpa nindadudu Sasakapura

madarkkadadhi

7. daivam Vasantavallabheyambol

from Bl.199 of 1101 A.D. we learn that Ballala, eldest son of Ereyanga

visisted Sosavur, the brith-place of the Hoysalas. Tn.191 f C. 1173

A.D. sketches the genealogy of the Hoysalas upto Ballala II. The

reference to Sala killing the tiger is made in that inscription.

8. Khyateshu teshu nripatih katitah kadachit

9. Kaschid vane munivarena salah karalam

10. Sardulakam prati hi possala ityatobhut

11. Tasyapidha munivacho va chamuralakshmah

Though the traditional account of the origin of the Hoysalas

reads like a story, Sala killing a tiger by the favour of a muni - we

cannot, in any way, dismiss it as cock-and-bull story. The fact that

almost all the inscriptions refer to this incident indicates that it must

have been a historic event in their dynasty. Though direct

epigraphical evidence of Sala and his rule is not found, the later kings

of this dynasty took pride in praising Sala and his brilliant deed. It is

evident that the Hoysalas were a family of hill chiefs residing in the

extreme west of Mysore near the Ghats, at Angadi in the Mudigere

taluk. Their Puranic genealogy, as Prof. William Coelho observes,

meant nothing more than a proof of royalty. “If the Hoysalas had

come from the north, as the Halebid kaiffiyat says, their language

could not have been pure Hale-Kannada which is a Dravidian

language. The fact that there is no trace of northern influence in the

28

very early Hale-Kannada of the Hoysalas is clearly proved by the 11th

century inscriptions of Angadi” (p.10-11, The Hoysala-Vamsha-

William Coelho).

There is nothing strange in the story of Sala slaying a tiger by

the blessing of a saint. Just as Rome was founded by Romulus,

Vijayangar by Harihara and Bukka with the help of Sringeri gurus,

Sala founded his dynasty by a heroic deed. Almost all great dynasties

trace their origin to some remarkable event.

The story, as such cannot be lightly treated. It is repeated in all

the accounts of the origin of the dynasty and their crest on temples

exhibits a free standing group of Sala stabbing the tiger, while the seal

of copper plate grants shows a dead tiger and the rod. Dr.Derrett and

Prof.Coelho do not attach much importance to this story. Dr.Derrett

observes, “we should regretfully pass with a smile over the charming

myth which was invented in Vishnuvardhana’s day to account for the

odd name; nevertheless the Hoysala badge, namely the representation

of Sala absent-mindedly killing a wide-eyed tiger, which appears to-

day high up on the roof or architrave of many of the temples

constructed by the Hoysala kings or their ministers in many quarters

of the plateau, requires a brief mention. The tale ran how a Jaina

teacher bade his princely pupil slay the tiger with his wand (or a steel-

rod versions vary) saying “Hoy Sala”, “Hit it, Sala”. In fact, Hoysala

from the old Kannada root hoy (originally poy) signifies ‘the Smiter’,

and the terse cognomen indicates without ambiguity the type of role

which the family first played in Karnataka history. They started their

career as successful brigand-chiefs” (p.15, The Hoysalas, O.U.P).

What is of importance is the location of their original habitat

somewhere in the neighbourhood of Halebid or Dorasamudra. At

Hullekere, a village near Halebid, a shrine dedicated to Vasantikadevi

is found. This Goddess is popularly known as Chaudesvari. She has

29

four hands, holding a cup, sword, trident and drum. Thus, the

Goddess is Saiva, though she is called Vasantikadevi, a Jaina

Goddess. The Pushpagiri Hill nearby, is known for tigers and the

Mallikarjunaswamy Temple was originally a Jaina basti converted into

a Saiva shrine. It is possible that Sala was a native of Hullekere or

Hulikere; he was in the service of the local Rashtrakuta chief Dora,

after whom the tank derived its name. The traditional account of Sala

slaying a tiger very well fits into this tiger-infested region. Minor

Rashtrakuta chieftains seem to have spread in various parts of the

country as evidenced by some temples found in Varuna near Mysore,

Halebid and Mudigere. From the architectural point of view, Hoysala

friezes may be derived from Rashtrakuta friezes. If Angadi in

Mudigere taluk was the birth-place of the Hoysalas, it must have been

the capital of the kingdom at least in the beginning. But the earliest

inscriptions of the Hoysalas are found in Halebid and other parts of

Hassan district. Sasakapara need not be identified with Sosavur, the

so-called birth-place of the Hoysalas.

In the Sangam age the northern frontier of the Tamil country

was indicated by a single place name Venkatam, i.e., Tirupati in the

north-east of the Tamil-speaking region. This frontier itself was but

linguistic and not strictly political and so was deep and irregular but

constant over long periods of time. It was perhaps this very

vagueness of the frontier which persuaded the ancient Tamils to

refrain from defining the northern limit at any point other than

Venkatam. In the central sector of the northern boundary the

persistence of Tamil names for localities6 shows that the present

Mysore State was well within the linguistic borderland between Tamil

and Kannada- speaking areas.

One such place name was Tuvarai (or Torai), meaning pulses.

Tuvaraiyur became Tuvarapati and later was confused with Dvaraka7

and associated with Krishna; finally it became Dvarasamudram8

30

(Dorasamudram). But still the medieval Hindu dynasty of the

Hoysalas could not dissociate themselves from Dvaraka or the Puranic

Yadavas of that place and so ascribed to themselves a Yadava

ancestry.9 But the origin of the word Dvarasaudram as we have

traced it, will leave us in no doubt as to the spuriousness of this

ascription.

Usually Halebid is assumed to be a later designation for

Dorasamudram, which is regarded as the creation of the

Rashtrakutas in the 9th century A.D. These assumptions are not

absolutely substantiated but compelled by the need to somehow

explain their origin. There can be little doubt that if a Dvarasamudram

was built at all in the 9th century, it was but a case of rebuilding,

retaining the old name but just adding a ‘Samudram’ to it.

Tuvarai was associated with the ‘ancient Velir’,10 an order of

Tamil feudatory chieftains whose Valour and generosity was, if

anything, superior to those of the three crowned monarchs of

Tamilaham. The Velir were an ancient tribe11 and their name meant

‘the beloved ones’ and is a fair Tamil equivalent of Priyadarshin.7 Pari

of Paramby, Adihaiman of Tagadur, and Pehan of Ay and Nannan

Venman belonged to that stock; and Velavikkoman Paduman

mentioned in Padirrupattu was deemed important enough to give his

daughter in marriage to a Chera ruler.12 These Velir were often

spoken of in conjunction with the crowned monarchs13 and place

names associated with them are practically legion in the lower Deccan

and the Tamil country.14

Nachchinarkkiniyar, the noted medieval commentator on the

Tolkappiyam15 repeats the legend which had reached him about

Agastiyar importing into the Tamil country eighteen varieties (families)

of the Velir;16 having obtained them from the Nedumudi Annal (Sri

Krishna) of Tuvarapati (i.e., Tuvarai, the modern Dvarasamudram).

31

Very clearly this legend relates to the advent of Agastiyar (whoever he

was) into the Tamil country and the fashionable and persistent belief

that he introduced many fresh elements into Tamil polity, society,

literature and fine arts. Of these, according to the belief, the

introduction of the Velir group was one. But the single historical

element in this legend seems to be that the Velir who belonged to the

region of Tuvarai (which even Nachchinarkkiniyar could not help

confusing with Dvaraka or the Yadava Capital of Sri Krishna) fanned

out and spread southwards into Tamilaham proper at some remote

point in the history of the Tamils. But as according to common

superstition every line in Tamil antiquity conveniently converged on

Agastiyar, this event was also ascribed to him. The Velir were

associated with Dvaraka of Sri Krishna on account of the anxiety to

trace Velir ancestry to a ‘respectable origin’; and once a migration

from the distant Dvaraka was imagined, it was perfectly natural that

Agastiyar the patron Saint of treks and migrations should be

connected with the movement too. Fleet who probably considered the

Dvaraka association credible, said that the Hoysalas belonged to the

lineage of Yadu.17 The association of Velir with Dvarasamudram is

attested by the mention in Purananuru of Irunko Vel as a chieftain of

that region.

If this background of ancient Tamilian association with

Tuvarapati is borne in mind, it would be repaying to enquire into the

origin of the Hoysalas who in mediaeval times were connected with

Dvarasamudram.

The origin of the Hoysala dynasty is considered by many

scholars who are all univocal on its absolute obscurity; but all of them

dutifully repeat, as I am going to do soon, an absurd story which is

supposed to enlighten this problem. This story has many versions but

basically there is a standard version which will do for our purpose

here; the story is: “There was once in the South Mysore forests an

32

ascetic engaged in his penance; a tiger which came that way prepared

to pounee on the ascetic; but then a king called Sala who also

happened to come that way was directed by the Rishi to smite the

tiger dead; and in so directing he exclaimed, “Hoy! Sala!” that is,

“Smite! Oh Sala!” The king did so and became the founder of the

Hoysala line of rulers.” ‘Sala’ is an unusual and meaningless

designation; and the story itself is on the face of it incredible. But it is

said that medieval epigraphy and literature stand solidy by this

fiction; and some scholars whose faith in epigraphic prasati tales

about origins of dynasties borders on the religious somehow bring

themselves to believe this; and when an alternative and saner theory

of Hoysala origin is not put forth, this fable is just mentioned and

slurred over.

Dr.Derrett who has made a fine study of the Hoysala dynasty

reluctantly repeats this fantastic and clumsy story but politely calls it

‘charming’ while dismissing it as useless for he is of opinion that the

‘myth’ was invented in Vishnuvardhana’s days to account for the odd

name. He says, “The tale ran how a Jaina teacher bade his princely

pupil slay the tiger with his wand, or a steel-rod-(versions vary) saying

‘Hoy, Sala’! In fact Hoysala, from the old Kannada root ‘Hoys’

(originally Poys), signifies ‘the smiter”.18

It is, however, noticeable that all the concerned inscriptions

agree on the point that one Sala was the progenitor of the dynasty;

but they differ in details in regard to the myth surrounding the origin.

In Kadur No.318 of 1174 A.D. it was “Sakala” and not “Sala” who

killed the tiger and he was a Yadava King. Another inscription Sorale

No.28 of 1208 A.D.: “A Jain monk Sudattachariyar (some call him

Vardhamana) called upon the Goddess Padmavati with a view

tojoining a village to the kingdom of Sala of the Yadava race. But the

Goddess appeared as a tiger and the monk called upon the king to

smite it. Padmavati granted the boon and disappeared.” Mr.B.R.Joshi

33

draws our attention to “Hoysala Sculptures, besides a seal of the

Hoysala kings, which wear the figures of a man and a tiger

representing Sala and his victim in an encounter as narrated in the

legend”;19 still like Dr.Derrett, Mr.Joshi dismisses the tiger slayer

myth as later medieval; but thinks that the legend was concoted so

that the dynasty would go up in the esteem of the people. There are

other but equally unedifying variations of this tale.

The term ‘Hoysala’ is not uniformly used in all the Hoysala

inscriptions; variants such as Hosana, Hoysana, Poysala, Poyisala and

Hosala are in a confused way used to denote the same word.

Now, some scholars have suggested origin to the Hoysala

dynasty, which is a worthy endeavour in so far as the legend is

rejected and something more historically credible is attempted. Rice

is unobjectionable when he says that “they were a family of hill chiefs

to start with on the western ghats.” Mr.Joshi equates them with a

community of people in North Kanara district: Hosaleru, pronounced

as Hoisaleru. Dr.Derrett says, “It is not impossible that their original

stock was racially distinct from that of the majority of their followers.

They may have descended from the founders of the megalithic

civilization which is believed to have come into being in northern

Mysore in the 3rd century B.C.; they may have been of the stock of

Aryan conquerors of the south-west Deccan long since overwhelmed

by stronger successors from amongst their own kin; it is however

useless to speculate on their racial origin.”20 Sewell says, “Originally

the Hoysalas were a family of Hills chiefs residing in the extreme west

Mysore near the ghats, at Angadi in the Mudigere taluk.”21 This again

is a speculation based on certain references in mediaeval inscriptions.

But considering all the facts so far mentioned and those to be detailed

hereafter in this paper, it would appear that it is more appropriate to

assign a non-Aryan and native origin to the Hoysalas.

34

Faced as we are with this amazing maze of reports, it is

gratifying to note that ancient Tamil literature provides certain peep-

holes which reveal the origin of the Hoysalas. The assumption of the

title Bellala (Vellala = Vel Alar – corrupted into Vallala – Val Alar) by

the later Hoysala rulers is the first indication that this mediaeval

dynasty was derived from the ancient Vels of Tuvarapati. This is

confirmed by other information that we get in the Sangam literature

wherein the theory of Hoysala descent from an ancient Tamil tribe (the

Velir community) in South Mysore areas gets confirmed.

Kapilar, the author of 201 and 202 of Purananuru, the Sangam

anthology, addresses therein the chieftain Irumkovel and those poems

provide the earliest glimpses of early Velir history. Kapilar, Brahmin

poet and the bosom friend of Pari the famous Velir chieftain of

Parambu hill in Madurai District, left the Parambu hill after Pari’s

death and taking his chief’s two accomplished daughters with him

went in search of suitable and willing bride-grooms among the Velir

chiefs. This sojourn brought him to Irumkovel whom the poet

addresses as ‘the Descendant of 49 generations of Velir who had ruled

over Tuvarai and had been begotten in the sacrificial fire of the

northern sage’22; in the next poem, the poet curses that Irumkovel for

declining to marry his wards (pari’s daughters)23 and says he would

settle them in Evvi’s ancient family of Velir. This poem also mentions

that one of Irumkovel’s ancestors had offended a port called

Kalattalaiyar who therefore had decreed the destruction of the city of

Araiyam,24 incidentally reminding that Irumkovel’s insult of Kapilar

would lead to similar dire consequences to that chief’s capital etc.

Irumkovel is called ‘Pulikadimal’ (the hero who destroyed the tiger) in

his poem. The association of Tuvarai with Irumkovel the mention of

the myth of an ascetic having something to do with the origin of the

Velir dynasty and the title of Pulikadimal for Irumkovel must be

compared with the Hoysala capital of Dvarasamudram, the persistent

story of an ascetic earning the title ‘Hoysala’ for the dynasty, and the

35

story of a tiger being smitten by the founder of that dynasty. There

will be little dicciulty now in realizing that the roots of the Hoysala

dynasty are to be traced to the Velir of Tuvarai, one of whom was a

‘Pulikadimal’ (tiger-smiter), mentioned by Kapilar of the 2nd century

A.D. and that a thousand years later ‘epigraphic mythology’ had

slightly touched up the details of the account here and there and

invented a new myth to explain the term ‘Hoysala’. But the entire

legend has to be re-interpreted.

The story of the birth of the dynasty in an ascetic’s sacrificial

fire was born of epic imagination similar to the story of the river Kaveri

flowing from Agastiyar’s sacred water flask; it shows that even in

Kapilar’s days the truth about Velir origin had become too dim and

ancient; but Nachchinarkkiniyar’s statement that Agastiyar settled the

Velir in the Tamil country, it can be seen was only another and a

prosaic way of stating that the Velir appeared out of a northern Rishi’s

(Agastiyar’s) sacrificial fire. Puram 201 seems to mean that Irumkovel

was the descendant of the 49th generation (presumably after the

founding of the line) of Velir. If that is the correct meaning of the

passage, it would mean that the Velir started as a ruling race

sometime in the 8th century B.C.25

If that is considered to be a rather improbable date, it would be

proper to read the meaning ‘branch’, or ‘division’ (of the tribe of Velir)

instead of ‘generation’ into the expression ‘Valimurai’ used by Kapilar

in Puram 201. That would mean that there were 49 families or

divisions among the Velir tribe and that they coexisted and

simultaneously functioned at the beginning; Nachchinarkkiniyar’s

statement about Agastiyar peopling the Tamil country with 18 fmailies

of Velir would only mean that he selected 18 out of the 49 and settled

them in different parts of southern Tamilaham.

The expression ‘Pulikadimal’ really has nothing to do with

smiting the tiger to save an ascetic but braving the ruler whose

36

emblem was the tiger (the Chola) that they could save themselves and

their principality; and the hostility between the Hoysalas and the

Cholas one witnesses in the 13th century seems to have been as old as

the origin of the Hoysala dynasty in early Sangam days.26 The

persistent use of the expression ‘Tolkudi’ (the ancient family or tribe)

in Tamil literature to indicate the Velir deserves notice.27 for it is that

expression which can also be rendered as ‘Palaiya Vidu’ (the ancient

family) which is the same as ‘Pale Vidu’ or in Kannada ‘Hale Bidu’ or

‘Halebid’ associated with the Hoysalas. Other suggestions for the

meaning of the word Halebid are unreliable and have to be dismissed

as later day inventions.

Now we shall enquire into the meaning of the term ‘Hoysala’

itself. The older form of the word is ‘Poysala’ which is Hale-Kannada

and therefore likely to be similar to the Tamil form of the word. The

word ‘Poy’ in Kannada is said to mean ‘smite’ or ‘kill’; no lexicon goes

into the etymology of the word deeper than that; evidently the Poy in

the sense of falsehood28 also means ‘corruption-deviation from or

destruction of the right.’ If the word is rendered as ‘Poysolar’ (those

that will shun falsehood) – the truth speakers – it easily becomes

‘Hoysala’; the form ‘Hoysaleru’ in some inscriptions suggests the other

form ‘Poysoleru’ or ‘Poysolaru’ or ‘Poysolar’ in Tamil. The temple built

by Hoysala Somesvara (1235-1254) at Kannanur (now called

Samayapuram)29 is dedicated to Poysolesvarar. In the Tiruvanaikka

temple built by Somesvara there are epigraphic references to

‘Poysolesvara’; and by a strange coincidence, Lord Siva in

Tiruvanaikka temple has been praised by Tirunavukkarasar as ‘The

Truthful One Devoid of All Falsity’ – ‘Poyyedumillada Meyyan’. This

point could be further extended and it will not be wrong to say that in

the earlier stages of their dynastic history the Poysolar were identical

with the ‘Meymmali Kosar’ or the ‘Satyaputras’ who were ubiquitous

in the region from Tulunadu to Kongunadu and included the

Adihaimans and the Kongilamkosar.30 So the Hoysalas, by another

37

name but in the same locality, existed and flourished as early as the

days of Asoka.

When the Vijayanagar Kingdom tottered and fell, different

regions of that vast territory came under different rulers and the

Mysore area came into its own when Raja Wodeyar (re-) established a

Hindu ruling power there. Really he belonged to the Hoysala stock

and the Hoysalar could be traced back to Irumkovel. Now the Kovel’s

(or the Vetkos) belonged to the tribe of ceramists and it is well-onown

that Udaiyars belong to the same professional group. It is amazing

how tenacious Hindu ruling dynasties in South India have been and

how carefully they cherish their ancient professional affiliations!

j) Brief Political History of the Hoysalas

The origin of the Hoysalas is obscure. There are many legends

about it. In their inscriptions they claimed to be the descendants of

‘Yaduvamsha’. They have called themselves as ‘Dwaravatipura

Varadhishas’ and also as ‘Yadava Kulambaradyuman’ in some of the

inscriptions. Some scholars are of the opinion that the Dwaravathi is

the ‘Dwaraka’ (of Gujarat) created by puranic hero Lord Krishna.

Accordingly they started from Gujarat and moved towards the West

coast of Karnataka and conquered the Malepas of Western ghats. The

title ‘Maleparol Ganda’ (The Husband of Malepas) that the Hoysalas

had, substantiate this contention. Col. Mackenzis stand is also the

same in this regard. It is probable that they might have built

Dwarasamudra (Hassan District) in South in memory of their original

Northern home city viz., Dwaraka. None of the inscriptions found here

give any precise details of their origin. Except this nothing much has

been found in support of their Northern origin. However, there have

been evidences in their inscriptions to attribute to them a local origin.

They must have been Kannadigas only. For instance some of their

titles like ‘Koravara Mari’, ‘Maleparol Ganda’ etc., indicate a Kannada

38

origin. Prof. Cohelo has strongly up held the idea that their language

must have been different if they were from North.

Recently (1971) in a seminar held at Mysore Dr.N.Subrama-

nyam of Madurai University in a paper entitled ‘The Origin of

Hoysalas’ has made an attempt to establish the fact that the Hoysalas

have come from Tamilnadu. He quotes the Sangam literature in

support of his argument. Accordingly Hoysalas belonged to the valour

sect of Tamilnadu. The word ‘Hoysala’ has come from the root

‘poisollar’ (those who would not utter falsehoods). His attempt at

finding the origin of the Hoysala dynasty which began in 10-11

century A.D. in the Sangam literature, which took birth a couple of

centuries prior to it, is to be ignored.

A legend of Halebeedu (Dwarasamudra) is as follows: By the end

of 10th century, a descendant of Lord Krishna by name Madhusu-

dhana was traveling from Indraprastha to Rameshvaram. On the way

he rested at Halebeedu. The Lord Mallikarjunaswamy atop the

Pushpagiri hill nearby, appeared in his dream and according to God’s

words, he established Dwaravati city. Meanwhile, Madhusudhana died

owing to a curse of an ascetic, and the city also declined. But the

Hoysala geneology nowhere contain the name of any king of that

name. There is no doubt that this is nothing but fiction.

The idea which is currently favoured about their origin is that

the Hoysalas were the sons of the soil. The place of their origin was

Sashakapura or Soseuru of Malnad (near Angadi of Mudigere Taluk,

Chikkamagalur District). The tradition is that as per the instructions

of the Jain ascetic Sudhattamuni, Sala killed single handed a tiger

which attacked him. Same aspects of this story is found in the early

Hoysala inscription too. The story is as follows: A Jain ascetic was

praying to Goddess Vasanthika at Soseuru. All of a sudden a tiger

attacked him. The ascetic gave Sala who arrived at this juncture a

39

weapon and directed him to kill the beast with the words “Poi, Sala”

“(Strike Sala)”. Sala killed the tiger and achieved the fame as a

valorous young man. This Sala became poisala = Pois ala > Hoysala

and his dynasty became the Hoysala dynasty.

Hullur Sreenivas Jois has expressed his opinion as follows: like

Romulus of the Romans, Sala was not a legendary figure. He was a

person who secured the blessings of a great sage by killing a tiger by

his brave act. A kingdom was established in Malnad by the

combination of the Brahmanic lustre of that Jain sage and valorous

excellence of Sala. But B.R. Joshi has condemned this idea. None of

the early Hoysala kings have praised Sala. Also they do not take the

name of Vasanthikadevi. So he argues that Sala was no historic

person. C.Hayavadana Rao has also supported the contention that

Sala was just a legendary person belonging to the realm of

imagination.

Hoysala was the first of the dynasty. But no details of his regime

are available. Some inscriptions claim that Nrupakama was the first

Hoysala king. Vinayadhitya was succeeded him has been referred to in

some inscriptions as son of Sala and in some others as son of

Nrupakama. This has made some scholars like Dr. Krishnaswamy

Iyengar to hold the opinion that Sala and Nrupakama were one and

the same. As Sala’s existence is found only in traditions, there would

not be any objection to consider Nrupakama with Historical existence

as the first Hoysala king. Their emblem (insignia) has a picture of a

warrior killing a lion.

Nrupakama (1006-47)

Nrupakama, the first Hoysala king established a small kingdom

comprising the area around Soseuru. He defeated a ruler of a

principality of Malenadu (Western Ghats) belonging to the

Malepangada (hill tribes) and achieved the title ‘Maleporal Ganda’. It

40

appears that he had another title ‘Rajamalla’. In an inscription, he has

been described as ‘Rajamalla Permadiyenipa Kama Poisalum’. The

help he gave to the Gangas in their conquest of Mysore from the

Cholas was significant. In the Kadamba war against Chalukyas he

protected the Kadambas and earned fame.

Vinayadhitya (1047-98)

After Nrupakama his son Vinayadhitya ascended the throne. He

ruled for about half a century. During his period the Chalukyas of

Kalyani established matrimonial relationship with Hoysalas. The

queen of the Chalukya king Someshwara I. Hoysaladevi must have

been either Vinayadhitya’s sister or daughter. In an inscriptions he

has been described as Vikrama Ganga. This was an indication of the

sway he held over the Ganga kingdom. In the battle that ensued

between the Chalukyas and the Cholas, Vinayaditya and his son

Ereyange fought on the side of Chalukyas and were instrumental in

total defeat of the Cholas. Later in the civil war that took place

between the sons of Someshwara, Someshwara II and Vikramaditya,

he sent a big army led to his son Ereyanga to help Someshwara II. But

Vikrama’s victory spoiled Vinayadhitya’s plans.

Ereyanga (1098-1102)

After Vinayadhitya, his son Ereyanga came to the throne.

Gopanambi was the guru (preceptor) of Ereyanga. Though he

participated in the battle for the Chalukyan throne on behalf of

Someshwara, in the end he became a follower of the victorious

Vikramadhitya. Neither Vinayadhitya nor his son Ereyanga, it seems,

ever tried to become independent at all. It is probable that Belur must

have been their capital during this time. Someshwara II of Kalyani

died and Vikramadhitya VI came to the throne without any opposition.

Even then the Hoysalas continued to be the subordinates of the

Chalukyas. Brave and loyal Ereyanga was considered later as the

right hand of Emporor Vikramdhitya among his feudatories.

41

Manaveggade Kundamaraiah was the chief minister of Ereyanga. The

Jain ascetic, Ajitasena was his teacher. Chalukyan subordinate,

Paramara Dandanayaka Jagadeva raided Dwarasamudra when

Ereyanga attained old age. Dr.Derret in his book ‘The Hoysala’ has

expressed the opinion that Vikramadhitya who did not take any step

to prevent Jagadeva’s attack must have been dubious of the

increasing Hoysala might. Because of this incidence the relation

between Chalukyas and the Hoysalas during the period of Ballala I

and Vishnuvardhana, Sons of Ereyanga must have been cordial. Also

this became a reason for Hoysalas to raise the banner of freedom,

later.

Ballala I (1102-08)

Ereyanga had three sons, Ballala, Nittideva and Udayadhitya,

Ballala I, eldest of the three came to the throne in 1102 A.D. with the

help of Vikramadhitya VI he successfully attacked the Paramara king

Jagadeva and made him to retreat. Later he conquered the

Changawas (Coorg) and cleared the obstacles to the Hoysala

dominance. His guru ‘Charukirti’ was called Ballala Jeevarakshaka for

curing his disease. As he died with out male issue due to some

disease, his brother Bittiga ascended the throne.

Vishnuvardhana (Bittideva) (1108-52)

Another name of Vishnuvardhana was Bittiga or Bittideva. He

was the greatest among the Hoysala kings. He had taken part in many

wars during his brother Ballala’s regime. He gained a lot of experience

in administration as a governor of Nanjangud province. By his ability

and might he became the most powerful king in entire South India. He

had many titles. They throw light on his victories. He completely

routed the Cholas who held their sway over Gangavadi in the battle of

Talakadu in 1114 and came to have the title ‘Talakadugonda’. In

commemoration of this victory he build the Kirthinarayana temple at

Talakadu. He build the Chennakeshava temple at Belur (Velapura).

42

The coins that he issued at this period contains the title

‘Talakadugonda’. After this in a victorious march he conquered Kongu,

Namagali, Nolambavadi and Kovaturu. The Malavalli inscription tells

us that he uprooted the Cholas from yet another capital of Gangas

namely Kolar. Later he drove the Cholas upto Kanchi and earned the

title ‘Kanchi-gonda’. From there he raided Madurai and defeated

Pandyas. After conquering Panyas of Uchchangi in 1117 in the

Dumme battle he marched upto Rameshwaram. For all these victories

his general Maha Prachanda (Dandanayaka) Gangaraja was mainly

responsible. The inscriptions found at Salem, Jananathapura and

Coimbatore speak of Gangaraja’s brave deeds in those place.

Vishnuvardhana attained fame after he drove the Cholas out of

Karnataka. He later defeated Kongalvas, and the Cholas who were at

Nidugal. Thereby he established his suzerainty over Salem and

Nilgirls. The Kongalva king gave his daughter Chandaladevi in

marriage to Vishnuvardhana and became his friend. While

Vishnuvardhana was returning after the conquest of Halasige Rattas

he was opposed by Alupas of Alwakhedha (South Kanara). They were

troubling him for a long time. The Belur inscription declares that

Vishnuvardhana defeated them and took the title Maleverolganda. The

Chamarajanagara inscription of 1117 tells us that he threatened

Todas, made the Kongas to run away and hide, destroyed Poluvas and

by killing Malayalees threatened a king by name Kala. In 1130 he

invaded Honagal and conquered the Kadambas there.

Vishnuvardhana tried his best to escape from the suzerainty of

the Chalukyas. But he was surrounded by the principalities of the

Chalukyan Empire. These rulers were always trying to break the

strength of Hoysalas. They became obstacles in his attempts at raising

the banner of freedom. However, Vishnuvardhana with the help of his

brother Vinayadhitya and generals Gangaraja, Chamadeva,

Dannanayaka, was able to suppress the feudatories of the Chalukya

empire, one by one. But Achugi of Yerambaragi withstood his attacks.

43

It seems he drove the Hoysala army upto Dwarasamudra. All the

attempts of Vishnuvardhana in breaking the yoke of Chalukyan

overlordship ended in 1118 and he remained under Chalukya

suzerainty till Vikramadhitya VI was the emperor of the Chalukyan

empire. Dr.B.S.Krishnaswamy Iyengar is of the opinion that only after

Vikramadhitya’s death in 1126 Vishnuvardhana was able to declare

himself a sovereign ruler.

During the reign of Someshwara III, who succeeded

Vikramadhitya VI, Vishnuvardhana must have tried again to become

independent. Meanwhile in 1136 when he tried to re-conquer

Bankapura which was captured by the Chalukyas, he was driven back

by them. Three years after this he must have recaptured Hanagallu.

But in 1143 the Chalukyas were again after him. This time also

Vishnuvardhana returned to Dwarasamudra without any success. Till

the end of his life Vishnuvardhana was not able to accomplish his

dream of becoming a sovereign and died in 1152. The opinion of Dr.

Krishnaswamy Iyengar that Vishnuvardhana proclaimed himself as an

independent ruler immediately after Vikramadhitya’s death in 1126 is

a matter of controversy. Some inscriptions show evidence that he

remained a subordinate of the Chalukyan Empire till the end.

Vishnuvardhana had titles like ‘Mahamandaleswara’, ‘Chalukya Mani

Mandalika Chudmani’, ‘Tatpadapadmopajivin’ etc. these titles indicate

that he was under the suzerainty of the Chalukyas. After the death of

the Chalukyan emperor, Someshwara III (1139), Vishnuvardhana

invaded the north of the Tungabhadra River. Sir John Fleet remarked

that he was the most important and powerful of all the Chalukyan

feudatories.

Narasimha I (1152-73)

After Vishnuvardhana’s death, his son by his second queen

Lakshmidevi, Narasimha I came to the throne. He was a contemporary

of Basaveshwara and Bijjala. The great kingdom build by

44

Vishnuvardhana’s needed a king of the same ability. But Narasimha

was incompetent. He was a sensualist. He had neither the ability nor

the valour that a king should possess. As a result Nolambavadi,

Tungabhadra area and Banavasi slipped out of Hoysala hands. The

crown prince Ballala II could not tolerate the state of affairs. So he

usurped the throne in 1173 A.D., by removing his father from power.

Ballala II (1173-1220) “Karmatala Chakravarthi”

Ballala II had gained much experience in administration during

his father’s regime. He was as brave a king as his grandfather. His

discontent about the ways of his father at last resulted in usurping

the throne. Because of Narasimha’s weakness by the time Ballala

became a ruler many portions of his grandfather’s kingdom had

slipped out. There was trouble within the kingdom also. Ballala had to

struggle hard in order to set the things right. He began to suppress

the various rulers who had become independent during his father’s

regime, with his able commander Bettarasa. The moment he came to

power, he conquered the Kongalvas and Chengalvas of the south. The

Pandyas who were in Uchchangi of Bellary area were defeated. By

capturing Uchchangi he acquired the title ‘Giridurgamalla’. Meanwhile

the Chalukyas of Kalyani were on the decline and their feudatories

viz., Nolambas and Kalachuris had become powerful. Ballala broke

their might. Bhillama, the Sevuna king of Devagiri was trying to

become independent. Ballala II advanced his well prepared army,

against him. In the battle at Soratur near Gadag he defeated the

Sevunas. The inscription waxes eloquent and asks ‘who could be

equal to such a brave warrior’ (areasaman inthasahaya shuranol)

referring to this victory of Ballala. As a result of this victory, the

Tungabhadra area came under Hoysala domain. He had Lakkundi,

near Gadag, as the Northern capital of his kingdom. The Cholas asked

for his help. He helped Rajaraja Chola III to regain his kingdom that

had lost it and acquired the title ‘Cholarajya Pratistapanacharya’.

45

Meanwhile his queen Umadevi went with an army to quell the

revolt of Sindhas of Belaguthi. According to the inscription of Kadur,

this victory made Umadevi famous throughout the country from

Himalayas to Rameshwaram. In 1196 Ballala captured the fort of

Hanagal. As a revenge they attacked the Hoysala borders, seven years

after this event. The Tiptur inscription tells us that even in this border

trouble the Hoysalas came out successful and the river Bhimarathi

became the border of Hoysala kingdom. From Channarayapatna

inscription it is clear that Ballala who was old by then, crowned his

son Narasimha II in 1220 and later spent his last days peacefully.

Ballala had a troop of loyal body guards. They were called ‘garudas’.

Kuvaralakshma was a captain of such a troop of thousand body

guards. His wife was Suggaladevi. Inscriptions tell us that when he

heard of Ballala’s death Kuvaralakshma, his wife and the troop of

thousand men, committed suicide as a mark of affection and loyalty.

Ballala who ruled for about half a century achieved the same

grandeur as Vishnuvardhana. He enhanced the fame of the Hoysalas.

Throughout the kingdom peace was established. Many temples were

built under royal patronage. The Kedareswara temple of Halebeedu

was important among them.

Narasimha II (1220-35)

Narasimha II came to the throne after his father Ballala. By

then the Sevuna of Devagiri had became powerful and then had

checked the Hoysala expansion in the north to the Tungabhadra river.

Narasimha spent most of the fifteen years of his reign in the south

helping the Cholas. He had given his daughter in marriage to Rajaraja

III, son of Kulothunga, brother-in-law of Narasimha. A Chola

subordinate Peranjinga had became powerful enough to imprison

Rajaraja III and capture the Chola empire. Narasimha had to rush to

help his son-in-law. He killed Peranjinga and re-established Rajaraja

III on the throne. B.S. Krishna Iyengar rightly remarks, “As Cholas

and Pandyas were on the decline, Hoysala had acquired the status of

46

playing the role of arbitrators in the South Indian political affairs”.

Again Narasimha spoiled an attempt by Pandya king to take over

Chola kingdom. He marched upto Rameshwaram and erected his

victory pillar there. After Narasimha his son Someshwara came to the

throne.

Someshwara (1235-53)

Someshwara who was a crown prince during his father’s regime

had gained experience in administration by being a governor of the

southern provinces. Cannanore (re-named as Vikramapura) was his

capital then. He stayed in south even after his father’s death and he

visited Dwarasamudra once in a while. This encouraged the Sevuna’s

of Devagiri to be bold enough to become independent. Even in south,

during the regime of Rajendra III, successor of Rajaraja III, the Chola

Hoysala relationship became cordial. Someswara, instead of helping

the Cholas as usual, supported Jatavarma, the Pandya king against

the Cholas. He thus became responsible for the defeat of Rajendra in

the battle that ensured in 1252 between the Cholas and Pandyas.

Someshwara in his last days divided his kingdom into two and let his

elder son Narasimha III govern the Northern part with Dwarasamudra

as his capital and allowed his younger son Ramanatha to govern the

other portion including the Tamilnadu area (Eastern portion) from

Cannanore capital.

Narasimha III (1253-91) and Ramanatha (1253-93)

Narasimha III who came to the throne in 1253 at

Dwarasamudra had to face trouble at the hands of his younger

brother Ramanatha. The enemity between them resulted in the fall of

both. The Sevuna king Ramachandra took advantage of their internal

strife. He attacked Dwarasamudra and defeated Narasimha.

Maravarman Kulashekara Pandya who captured the Chola kingdom,

later conquered the Hoysalas of Cannanore. Many Tamil provinces

including Cannanore were captured by him. Kundini in North

47

Cannanore became his capital. As a result Ramanatha turned on his

brother’s kingdom. In 1291 Narasimha died and his son Ballala III

ascended the throne in 1295, after Ramanatha’s death his son

Visvanatha came to the throne of Eastern kingdom.

Ballala III (1291-1343)

Ballala III, son of Narasimha was the last of great Hoysala kings.

His long regime of fifty two years was an eventful chapter in the

history of Karnataka. When he came to power the Hoysala throne was

troubled greatly by enemies. Moreover, his own relatives Ramanatha

and his son Viswanatha were creating troubles. Ballala faced all these

problems with great ability. First he imprisoned Khotanayaka who

rose in revolt at Banavasi. Meanwhile he successfully withstood an

attack made by Ramanatha on Bangalore and Kunigal. Ramanatha

died in 1295 but his son continued his father’s policy. Ballala defeated

sevuna’s of Devagiri, Nolamba’s of Nolambawadi, Kalachuris and

occupied their kingdom. He extended the Hoysala kingdom in south

upto Tiruvannamalai. Meanwhile Vishwanatha died (1300) and his

death became an important event in the history of Hoysalas. Because

after his death Hoysala kingdom was unified under Ballala III.

The Muslim rulers of Delhi who destroyed many Hindu royal

families and who shook the entire North turned towards the South.

Tajuddin Malikkafur, (formerly Hindu-Gujarati Baraber) the great

general of Alludin Khilji- the Sultan of Delhi, struck Devagiri like a

whirlwind. The Sevunas and Kakatiyas were the first victims of his

attack. Later by 1311 Ballala III was also defeated by him.

Dwarasamudra fell to Malikkafur. Later when Malikkafur attacked

Pandyas of Madurai, Ballala tried to help Pandyas. But that attempt

too failed. Ballala committed a big blunder in thinking that the

invasion of Muslims was temporary. As a result he was caught

unprepared. In 1327, the Delhi Sultanate began yet another attack.

Dwarasamudra was looted in an inhuman way. Temples were ruzed to

48

ground. Some were defiled. The Hoysaleshwara temple stands as a

victim even to this day and it is a mute evidence of this attack.

Meanwhile Ballala had Tiruvannamalai as his capital. He sued for

peace, thinking that he could not do anything against the Islamic

might. Treaty was the only way by which he could save his temples

and liberate his subjects from the hardship. As a result of this treaty

he got back Dwarasamudra. On his return from Tiruvannamalai in

1329 Ballala built a new town in the North. This new township was

called Virupakshapura, Hosadurga etc., S.K. Iyengar is of the opinion

that “later this became the Vijayanagara and in 1339 Veeravirupaksha

was ruling this”. The sultan who drove Veerapandya and

Sundarapandya and captured Madurai established a Muslim kingdom

there. Ballala who was defeated helped the Sultan according to the

conditions of treaty in establishing this kingdom. But later Ballala

went on organizing the local resistance against the invading menace.

He tried to unify the waring lords against the alien rule which had

established itself in the South also. By his attempts, he was able to

organize many rulers of principalities and minor kingdoms into an

army against Ghiyasuddin, the Sultan of Madurai. Ballala died in

1343 on the battlefield. His son Veeravirupaksha of Veeraballala IV

who succeeded him died in 1345. Meanwhile, Vijayanagara Empire

which came into existence by including the Northern provinces of

Karnataka, stood for Ballala’s ideals of resistance against the Muslim

attack.

49

CHAPTER-II ACCESSION OF BALLALA III

The accession of Ballala III to the Hoysala throne at

Dorasamudra, following the death of Narasimha, paved the way for

the unification of the kingdom. Narasimha's death did not change the

attitude of Ramanatha. He seems to have even opposed Ballala Ill's

succession. Ramanatha's position in the south was becoming very

weak. Therefore he tried to claim the territories that were being ruled

by his brother. His records appear frequently in the eastern parts of

Southern Karnataka. In about 1295 A.D. his son Viswanatha

succeeded him. But he was a weak prince and could not maintain his

father's policy. He did not even rule for long. Nothing is heard of him

after 1297 A.D. Ballala III understanding the weakness of

Ramanatha's successor probably attacked him and ousted him that is

how again the Hoysala empire was reunited.

Ballala III and the Tamil Country

Ballala III ousted Viswanatha, the son of Ramanatha and united

the Hoysala kingdom. Since Ballala III was busy with his internal

problems and also in. checking the Sevuna attacks on the northern

side, he could not turn towards the Tamil territory to re-establish the

Hoysala dominance. And he could not think of immediately

conquering Kannanur from the hands of the Pandyas.

End of the rule of the Cholas and emergence of Pandyas

as a strong power in Tamil country

Since the disappearance of the Cholas as an imperial power

from the political arena, the Pandyas emerged as supreme in Tamil

country. The Chola capital Tanjore was occupied by Sundara Pandya.

This was the end of the rule of the Cholas. Rajendra III fled to

Gangaikonda Cholapura and died there. The death of Rajendra

marked the extinction of the Chola empire. Jatavarman Sundara

50

Pandya I has been praised as the greatest ruler of the Pandya dynasty.

Many attempts made by the previous Pandya ruler to overthrow the

Cholas had ended in failure. Sundara Pandya not only succeeded in

defeating the Cholas and also succeeded in freeing the Tamil country

from the clutches of the Hoysalas. He became the master of the

whole of Tamil country. He died in 1268 A.D.

Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I was succeeded by his son

Maravarman Kulashekara I. He ruled for 40 years (1268- 1308). His

long reign was marked by peace and prosperity in the Pandya

kingdom. He defeated Chera king. He also invaded Ceylon and

defeated Parakrama Bahu III and received from him many precious

things. Under Kulashekara the Pandyan kingdom was very extensive

and powerful. During his reign Ballala III did not interfere in the

affairs of Tamil country as he was busy in consolidating his position

in the kingdom. But with his death in 1308 A.D. hey days of the

Pandyas came to an end.

Ballala III and Pandya kingdom

Kannanur which was lost to the Pandyas during the rule of

Ramanatha, still remained under them. Ballala III during his rule of

first decade was busy in uniting the kingdom and also in fighting

against the Sevunas on the northern side of his kingdom. His position

at the time of his accession in 1291 A.D. was not as strong as it ought

to have been. Because he succeeded to the half of the Hoysala

kingdom. His grand father Somesvara had divided the kingdom.

Ballala Ill's foremost duty was to unite the Hoysala kingdom, which he

accomplished by 1301 A.D. Therefore it must be admitted that like his

great predecessors he did not succeed to a powerful kingdom. As a

result that he could not give any attention to the affairs in Tamil

country, despite the fact that the Hoysalas had lost many territories.

He was just waiting for an opportunity to turn towards the Tamil

country or the Pandyan kingdom.

51

Outbreak of civil war in the Pandya kingdom

Following the death of Maravarman Kulasekhara the political

developments which took place in the Pandya kingdom provided an

opportunity to Vira Ballala III to interfere with affairs of Tamil country.

Maravarman Kulasekhara had two sons, namely Jatavarman Sundara

Pandya III and Jatavarman Vira Pandya. Jatavaraman Vira Pandya

was the illegitimate son of Kulasekhara. Maravarman Kulasekhara

thought that Vira Pandya was more gifted than Sundara Pandya and

nominated him as his successor. This is indicated by the fact that he

was associated with his father in the administration and ascended the

throne in 1296 A.D. This led to a bitter hatred between the two

brothers and they fought several battles among themselves to secure

the throne. About five or six years later began the rule of Jatavarman

Sundara Pandya. According to Wassaf, the jealousy and rivalry of

these half-brothers embittered the last years of Kulasekhara, and

finally led to his murder by Sundara Pandya. This crime was followed

by a fraternal war which threw the kingdom into confusion on the eve

of the invasion of Malik Kafur. Thus after murdering his father,

Sundara Pandya ascended the throne at Madura. Vira Pandya

continued his struggle against Sundara Pandya. Amir Khusrau also

says that Malik Kafur was informed that the two Rais of Malbar, the

eldest named Bir Pandya, the youngest Sundara Pandya, who had

upto that time continued on friendly terms, had advanced against

each other with hostile intentions. Sundara Pandya is said to have

suffered defeat in the end. He is said to have sought the help of Ala-

ud-din Khilji. Marcopolo says that Sundarapandi (Sundara Pandya)

met Ala-ud-din at Delhi. This statementcannot be accepted. Because

Malik Kafur never tried to reinstate Sundara Pandya on Madura

throne.

52

Ballala's interest in the recovery of his predecessors

territories

Vira Ballala III also was waiting for an opportunity to reconquer

the territories which his predecessors had lost in Tamil country. When

the civil war broke out, he thought the conditions were more

favourable to interfere in the affairs of Tamil country. Therefore he

marched with a large army. His intention was more than anything

else, to make some territorial gains at the cost of two brothers. By this

act he could capture and occupy the fort of Kannanur.

Probably by 1311 A.D. Kulasekhara Pandya was murdered by

Sundara Pandya. After this murder he faced lot of problems in Tamil

country. Therefore he was forced to seek the aid of Ballala III, who was

in an excellent geographical position to attack the possessions of Vira

Pandya, which lay in and north of Kaveri Valley. Sundara Pandya

promised to cede Kannanur region if he should help to subdue Vira

Pandya. It is known from Amir Khusrau that Ballala had responded

favourably to this invitation and it was well known that he intended to

take advantage of the conflict on the plains at the expense of both the

brothers. According to J.D.M. Derrett this fits perfectly with what we

know of Ballala’s character, ever restless and opportunistic and the

history of the land immediately beneath the Ghats to the south of

Kundani. Amir Khusrau says in his Khazian-ul-futuh that Ballala

deva, the Rai of Dorasamudra on learning the civil war in the Pandya

country, had marched there with purpose of sacking and plundering

their two cities and their merchants. His main intention was definitely

to capture Kannanur and by involving himself on one side or the other

side he could achieve this without much struggle and hardship.

Founding of many temples and towns in Tamil country

Thus until the Muhammadan attack on the Hoysala capital,

Vira Ballala III with the able assistance of his ministers and generals

53

scored several victories, bore significant epithets, founded several

towns and cities, erected and renovated a few temples in Tamil

country. One of the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III at Perur in

Coimbatore district gives full details of achievements of this king and

his officer Kotayya Dannayaka. Another officer of his Madhava

Dannayaka boldly calls himself as the "Death to the Kongus"

'conqueror of Nilagiri' and 'founder of Dandanayakankottai'. The

presence of Vira Ballala's records in parts of salem and all over the

Nilgiris and Coimbatore as far as Manur in the Palni taluk, is an

indication of the restoration of Hoysala rule in Kongu. Ballala was

frequently at Kanchi between 1299 and 1335 A.D. Presiding over the

temple ceremonies and awarding honours to scholars of merit.

Kanchi, which was then an easy prey to invaders and adventures, was

not continuously under Ballala's direct rule. One fact however is clear

that Ballala's authority was recognised in the country round about

Kanchi and the local chiefs acknowledged his overlordship.

Malik Kafur's attack on Dorasamudra and Ballala's

return from Tamil country

Ballala III was in the Tamil country when he heard the news of

Malik Kafur's invasion of the Hoysala kingdom. He once hurriedly left

Tamil country to reach. By the time he reached Dorasamudra it had

already been surrounded by the advance guard of Malik Naib's men.

Ballala was not in a position to fight against the invader. Amir

Khusrau says that he had submitted conditionally. Isamy says that as

a result of the conference held with Malik Naib, that Ballala

submitted. From the above informations and also from the other

sources, it is clear Ballala III did not take the risk of fighting against

Malik Kafur. He knew that he was not prepared to fight such a

powerful enemy. Ballala not only surrendered all his wealth, including

horses and elephants, but also agreed to show the route to invade the

Pandyan kingdom and assist Malik Naib in all respects. It seems

Malik Naib also suggested to Ballala III that he would be profited in

54

numerous ways if he assisted him to go to Malbar, in other words the

Chola Pandya country in the plains. Ballala could lead the Muslim

army by a new route not generally used so that both Sundara and

Vira Pandya may be surprised by the attack.

Probably by the assurances given by Malik Kafur, Ballala III was

impressed very much. Therefore he readily agreed to guide and also

provide him with all necessary things. It was a fine opportunity to

recover Kannanur under these favourable conditions, as the Pandyan

kingdom was engulfed in the civil war between two brothers.

All the sources clearly state that the difference between Sundara

Pandya and Virapandya made the Pandyan country an easy prey to

aggressors, the Hoysala Vira Ballala III and Malik Kafur.

Role of Ballala III during Malik Kafur's attack on

Pandyan Brothers

It is necessary to describe the role played by Ballala III during

the expedition led against Malbar by Malik Kafur. Almost all the

accounts of chroniclers agree that Ballala III accompanied and guided

Malik Kafur during his Malbar expedition, but they do not tell clearly

about his activities there. Undoubtedly till the end of the expedition

Ballala III was with him.

From Kannanur the army marched to Madura. The army must

have taken the road from Trichinopoly by way of Kirangur to the town

of Pudukotta straight and thence to Tirumeyyam from there to

Tirupattur and from Tiruputur to Madura. Ballala and other Chola

Chieftains must have helped to plunder these places. When he

reached Madura Sundara Pandya escaped. Thus it is very difficult to

get a clear picture of the towns plundered by Malik Kafur. But from

the accounts of Muslim chroniclers it is clear that almost all the

important religious centres were plundered. After this expedition

55

Malik Kafur returned to Delhi. Ballala III accompanied Malik Kafur

upto Jalna, near Devagiri.

Ballala's interference in the civil war after the return of

Malik Kafur

Even after Malik Kafur's expedition in 1311, the civil war in the

Pandyan kingdom continued. As a result of fresh political

developments which had taken place in the Tamil country, Ballala III

was forced to interfere. Vira Pandya being pressed by both the Hoysala

and his brother Sundara, sought and obtained the aid of Tiruvadi

Kulasekhara the Kerala king, and these two attempted to hold the

Chola country. Sundara, whose headquarters had been at Madura

since 1310, sent for aid to Prataparudradeva at Warrangal. He sent an

army under Devarinayaka to the far south to help Sundara Pandya.

Ballala also joined the side of Sundara Pandya. The Kakatiya forces

together with those of the Hoysalas were victorious. Ballala fought

more than once during this campaign and received as his reward a

piece of territory which included the town of Arunasamudra which he

speedily renamed Arunasamudra Ballalapattna in the region of

Tiruvannamalai.

Relations with the Sultanate of Madura

The establishment of the Muhammadan power in Madura by

A.D. 1332 resulted in the loss of the capital to Pandyan princes. The

evidences from epigraphs, however, show clearly that even the loss of

Madura did not mean the immediate disappearance of the power of

the Pandyas from the districts of Madura, Ramnad and Tanjore. Till

about the middle of the century or even a little later, the Pandyan

rulers appear to have held sway over parts of these districts.

According to K.A. Nilakanta Sastri the Hindu subjects of

Madura never co-operated with the Turkish rulers. He says that the

56

neighbouring powers like the Hoysalas were making repeated efforts to

pull down the Mohammadan power. In fact there were constant

clashes between the Sultan of Madura and the Hoysalas along the

Kaveri - Coleroon border where wars had taken place previously

between the forces of the Hoysalas and the Pandyas. Though the

Pandyas had ceased to be a prominent power, after the occupation of

Madura, Kannanur and other places by the Muhammadans, they were

definitely carrying the resistance against the Sultanate of Madura by

guerilla warfare. At the same time Hoysala Vira Ballala III was exerting

all his power to reconquer the fort of Kannanur which commanded the

road to Madura.

In 1340 A.D. Ballala III arrived at Tiruvannamalai and settled

there. From there he was watching the activities of both Pandyas and

also Sultan of Madura. The Arunachala Puranam, a much later work,

refers to Ballala's stay at Tiruvannamalai. The seventh canto of that

work called Vallala Magarican - Carukkan, the chapter on the great

king Ballala gives the impression that the king was well established

there. The king actually crowned his son Ballala IV in the city of

Tiruvannamalai. An inscription of 1340 states that he had been

engaged in 'performing a coronation ceremony'. Ballala IV's coronation

was probably prompted as much by his father's age as by the

cumulative anxieties of Madura and Vijayanagar. Ibn Batuta tells us

that Ballala III was in his eighties; he had been on the throne for 50

years, and he had then reached what was an usually advanced age.

Even at this age he was active. But unfortunately his son Ballala IV

was not dynamic like his father. He lacked the qualities expected of

an able crown prince.

Ballala is believed to have built the third enclosure wall of the

temple and its four gopurams, and revived a yearly ceremony which

used to be conducted there in the month Tai (January -February) in

the name of Vallala-raya. Thus both Ballalas were in their look out at

57

Tiruvannamalai, perched at the edge of their dominions.

Tiruvannamalai was one of the main line of communication between

Madura and the north. Thus from 1340 he stayed at Tiruvannamalai

and made preparations to attack Sultan of Madura.

The Hoysala ruler was closely watching the situation at Madura

during the last decade and was observing constant inroads of the

Muhammadans. Ibn Batuta says that adjoining the state of Ghias-us-

din Dhamaghani was that of an infidel monarch named Ballala Dev

who was one of the principal kings of south India at that time,

Battle of Koppam - Kannanur and the death of Vira

Ballala III

Ibn Batuta has given a detailed account of the battle fought

between Ballala's army and the army of the Sultan of Madura. He

points out that this Hindu sovereign marched with a huge army

consisting of one lakh soldiers apart from 20,000 Muslim

mercenaries. Muhammadan army on the other hand consisted of

hardly six thousand men of which about half were worth nothing. The

two armies met at Kubban, which has been identified with Koppam

Kannanur near Srirangam. This place has been described as one of

the strong holds of Muhammadans.

In the battle the Muhammadan army was easily defeated. Then

Ballala ordered the Muslim to leave the town. The Hoysala king

Ballala also offered them to return to Madura under a safe conduct

and hand over the town to him. Finding it impossible to defend

themselves they asked for a truce of 14 days to obtain permission

from the sultan who was at Madura.

Ghiyas ud-din realized that if Kannanur were to be surrendered,

Madura itself would be in danger. Therefore he raised and marched

towards Kannanur. He attacked Ballala's army when it was taking

58

rest. Ballala's army was surprised by this attack. They threw the

besieging army into confusion. A general rout followed, after which

large number of Ballala's troops were killed. He told sovereign who

was about eighty years old was captured and taken to Madura. The

Sultan treated him with apparent consideration until he had exhorted

from him his wealth, horses and elephants by promising him to

release. When he had relieved him of all his possessions, he slew him

and had him skinned, the skin was stuffed with straw and hung on

the wall of Madura. Derrett has stated "so it, came about that the will

- o - the - wisp city of Kannanur, which had been the monument of an

idle fancy of Ballala II, proved fatal to his name sake and descendant.

This was the lamentable fate of the great king ot Hoysala dynasty.

End of the Hoysala rule in Tamil country

The death of Vira Ballala III was an irrepairable damage and

irretrievable loss to the Hoysalas and they did not recover from this at

all. The Hoysala kingdom practically came to an end after the death of

Vira Ballala III, though he was succeeded by his son Virupaksha

Ballala IV who ruled for a few more years. With the death of Ballala

the Hoysala rule also came to an end in Tamil country.

Conclusion

During the reign of Vira Ballala II the Hoysala dynasty emerged

as one of the powerful dynasties in the Deccan. At the same time the

Chola power was weakened in Tamil country and Pandyas were

gaining an upperhand. Sundara Pandya attacked the Chola ruler

Raja Raja III and humiliated him. During this crisis he appealed to

Vira Ballala II. He promptly sent his son Narasimha. He defeated the

Pandyas and their allies and restored the Chola authority.An army of

the Hoysalas was also stationed at Kannanur to help the Chola ruler.

When Narasimha II succeeded to the Hoysala throne, he also

continued his help towards the Cholas. The Pandyas along with the

Kadavas, attacked the Chola ruler and defeated him.Then he was

59

imprisoned. Again Narasimha II rushed to the help of the Chola ruler,

defeated the combined armies of Pandyas and Kadavas. Then the

Chola ruler Raja Raja III was released and reinstated on the Chola

throne.During the reign of Vira Somesvara the Hoysala influence in

the Tamil country reached its zenith and also witnessed a great set

back at the hands of the Pandyas. Vira Somesvara continued his

support to the Cholas and concluded a marriage alliance. Later on

there was a shift in his policy. He made alliance with the Pandyas.

Both the Hoysalas and the Pandyas became very close. This was not

tolerated by the Chola ruler he tried to free himself from the clutches

of the Hoysalas, but he was unsuccessful. After the accession of

Jatavarman Sundara Pandya to the Pandya throne, the relations

between the Hoysalas and the Pandyas were strained. Jatavarman

Sundara Pandya commenced a policy of conquest. He even attacked

the Hoysala territories in Tamil country. He waged a war against

Somesvara in which the latter was defeated. Thus ended the hey days

of the Hoysalas in Tamil country. Somesvara before his death divided

the Hoysala empire between his two sons namely Narasimha III and

Vira Ramanatha. He handed over the administration of Hoysala

territories in Tamil country to Vira Ramanatha. When Vira Ballala III

came to the throne, he succeeded in reuniting the Iloysala empire. The

Chola kingdom had grown weak and gave way for the establishment of

the Pandya dynasty. During the reign of Vira Ballala III, a civil war

occurred in the Pandya kingdom. A fight ensued between two

brothers for the throne. Ballala interfered in this civil war. When

Ballala III was busy in the Pandya kingdom, Malik Kafur attacked

Dorasamudra. Ballala III rushed back to Dorasamudra and was forced

to conclude a treaty with Malik Kafur. Then Ballala III agreed to guide

Malik Kafur to Pandyan kingdom, Ballala III rendered all kinds of

help. Even after the return of Malik Kafur the civil war in Pandya

kingdom continued. As a result the Pandya kingdom, was further

weakened. During this period a Sultanate was established at Madura.

The sultan began to attack the Hoysala territories in Tamil country. As

60

a result a battle was fought at Koppam Kannanur in 1342 A.D. Ballala

was captured and taken to Madura and was finally murdered. Thus

ended the rule of the Hoysalas in Tamil country. With his tragic end

the Hoysala rule also came to an end.

Some prominent feudatory families In the Hoysala

empire

The feudatories or samanthas as a segment of the ruling elites

acted as an important link between the people under their jurisdiction

and the paramount authority at Dorasamudra. Here we may examine

some of the important Hoysala feudatories as linkages in the Hoysala

State.

The Changalvas

The Changalvas were a family of kings who ruled in the western

portion of Mysore district and Coorg. Modern Hunsur taluk was their

original home and from there they spread to other neighbouring areas

and were a source of constant trouble of the Hoysalas. It cannot be

said with certainty when exactly the conflict between the Hoysalas

and Changal- vas began. Derrett is positive that Vinayaditya did not

attack the Changalvas. But there are some references in inscriptions

which can be taken as referring to Changalvas and Kongalvas. An

inscription from relur states that the sons of hill-kings placed their

heads at the lotus feet of 9Vinayaditya. These hill chiefs may perhaps

be identified as the Changalvas. This is further corroborated by an

inscription of A.D. 1091.These inscriptions mention certain grants

made by Chan-galva chief Nariyapergade during the rule of Vinay-

aditya.Whether Changalvas continued to be faithful subordinates

hereafter cannot be said with certainty. However, it can be said that

the wars between these two dynasties started during the time of

Vinayaditya. No conflicts between the two dynasties occured during

the reign of Hoysala king Ereyanga. The next Hoysala ruler Ballala I

61

distinguished himself by a victory over the Changalvas. The

comparative inaction of Ereyanga against them had made the

Changalvas strong enough to assume high sounding titles. Ballala

who observed this plunged into action against the Changalvas. By

about 1104 A.D., Ballala was on an expedition against

Changalvadeva. Two inscriptions from the very border of the

Changalva territories clearly show that Ballala encamped there on his

forward march. According to one of these inscriptions a battle was

fought at Hosavidu in which many brave warriors died. But this

defeat, the Changalvas, however did not become the subordinates of

Hoysalas. They were checked to a considerable extent.

But by 1116 A.D., they attracted the attention of Hoysala

Vishnuvardhana. The Hoysala king on an expedition against the

Changalvas, Kongalvas and the Tulunadu, subjugated the Changalva

ruler. But this did not prove effective and the Changalvas indulged in

anti-Hoysala activities soon after. In 1124 A.D., Vishnuvardhana's

army marched under the headship of Bokinayaka who killed Ballala

and others of the enemy camp. An inscription describes this battle in

graphic terms. Bckinayaka attacking the elephants of the Changalvas,

"treading upon the enemy like Cumin seed till disgust arose......gained

the world of gods." Another inscription clearly states that the

Changalva territory came under the sway of the Hoysalas. Another

inscription credits Vishnuvardhana with the title submarine fire to the

Changalvas. Probably, for some time the Changalvas acknowledged

the suzerainty of the Hoysalas as evidenced by an inscription of 1139

A.D. in which year certain gifts were made by the Hoysala king to a

Changalva king's officer.

Though the Changalvas vere subjugated by Vishnuvardhana,

the advantageous geographical position in hilly and impregnable tract

they had occupied encouraged them to asset their independence.

They began harassing the Hoysala ruler Narasimha I as the latter was

62

busily engaged in the northern parts of his empire. In 1145

Narasimha I sent an expedition against the Changalvas who were

again defeated. But Ballala II before becoming the emperor befriended

the Changalvas. The Changalvas thought this was a good opportunity

for them to fish in troubled waters and they readily supported the

cause of Ballala II. This must have happened in 1172 A.D. Taking

advantage of this, Changalvadeva began making preparations to

become completely independent. By that time Ballala II had assumed

full royal powers and felt secure to disregard the friendliness towards

the Changalvas. In 1174 A.D. Ballala II sent an army against

Changalva Mahadeva under the guidance of his trusted general

Bettarasa. Fearing this attack Changalvadeva retired to interior

portion of Kodagu and took refuge in the fort at Palpare. Bettarasa

fought valiantly and occupied Palpare fort. This was a complete

success for the Hoysalas and Changalva area came under the

Hoysala. This is evidenced by the presence of Hoysala inscriptions,

and the absence of Changalva inscriptions in their area. Hoysala

inscriptions begin to anpear in Coorg from 1175 A.D. Five years later

i.e., in 1180, there was a minor rebellion in the Changaivanad and

Eallala II himself aarched there and brought the rebellion under

control. For sometime there was no trouble in the Changalva area to

the Hoysalas. Many Changalva inscriptions of this period mention

Ballala II as their overlord.

But Changalvadeva's son Changalva Pamma Virappa rallied

round his forces with the help of Kodagu chiefs Badagaunda

Nandideva, Udayadityadeva and others. This combined army

marched to Palpare and drove the Hoysalas out. This must have

happened during the time of Ballala III. Finally they were

overpowered by the Hoysala rulers and they retired to Coorg. By 1245

.4.D. they built a new city called Kodagu Srirangapattana. In 1252

the Changalva kings Scmadeva and Eoppadeva were the subordinates

of the Hoysala king Somesvara. How long they remained as faithful

63

subordinates of the Hoysalas is not known. Though they survived the

Hoysalas, we have no information regarding their relationship with the

Hoysalas.

The Kongalvas

The Kongalvas, another feudatory family, ruled Kongal and

consisting of the modern Arakaigud taluk and parts of north Kodegu.

They were the subordinates of the Cholas and with their backing

harrassed the Hoysalas. The Kongalvas who were less terbulent than

the Changalvas maintained a mixed relationship with Hoysalas. The

Kongalva chief Rajendra Chola Prithvi Maharaja Kongalva felt so

strong as to invite Hoysala Nripakama to a fight. An inscription of A.D.

1022, refers to this fight and from this we can gain the impression

that Nripakama suffered a defeat. Encouraged by this, Kongalva

Maharaja came a second time against

Hoysala Nripakama. According to an inscription coming from

Honnur dated 1026 A.D., the battle was fought at Manni, and

Kongalva was victorious in this battle. But it is difficult to believe this

inscription. For a period of thirty years, we do not hear of the name of

this Kongalva king in this locality. Had it been a victory for the

Kongalva king as evidenced by the Honnur inscription cited above, it

becomes difficult to explain the absence of Konalva record in this

area (Nelamangala).

Hoysala king Vinayaditya while on his expedition against the

Changalvas, either before or after defeating them, diverted his

attention towards the Kongalvas, though the Kongalvas are not men-

tioned by name in a record, the hill chiefs referred to here may be the

Kongalvas. A large number of Vinayadityas inscriptions found in the

Kongalva area during this period is significant. During the time of

Vishnuvardhana, the Kongalvas made many minor incursions into the

Hoysala territory. Vishnuvardhana’s general Punisa who was

64

otherwise busy turned his attention towards the Kongalvas. Punisa

very ably put down the Kongalvas and because of this achievement

Vishnuvardhana assumed the title "a wild fire in burning the forest,

the Kongalva king". Derret to strengthen this point states that

Vishnuvardhana entered into a matrimonial alliance with the

Kongalvas. According to him Kongalvaraja’s daughter Chandaladevi

was given in marriage to Vishuvardhana.When Hoysala Narasimha I's

position was not comfortable the turbulent Kongalvas made an

attempt to attack the Hoysalas; During the end of Narasimha's reign

in 1171, Vira Dodda Kongalva-deva's trusted general Rudra attacked

the Hoysalas at Molateyabidu. The Kongalva inscriptions claim a

victory for themselves. The pleasure of this victory of the Kongalvas

did not last long. Ballala II as a rebel against his father Narasimha I

joined hands with the Kongalvas. The Kongalvas became a faithful

feudatory family under Ballala II. Many inscriptions of the Kongalvas

mention Ballala II as their overlord. Even Ballala's queen Padmadevi is

seen making gifts to temples in the Kongalva erritory. From that tinie

onwards in 1176 A.D. they continued to be Hoysala subordinates.

The Kadambas of Hangal

Hoysala Vishnuvardhana with a view to expand his kingdom

was exhausting all possible opportunities. Realising the importance of

the Hangal Kadambas, he was making raids into their territory as a

beginning of his plan of conquest. Though, as early as 1120 A.D.

Hanuragal appears in his prashasti it was perhaps not until 1130

A.D., Vishnuvardhana isade an attack on the Kadambas. Taila II was

the contemporary Kadamba ruler at Hangal. Hia general Taila Naga

opposed the army of- Vishnuvardhana. The mighty Hoysala army

defeated Kadamba general and proceeded to Hangal, and laid siege to

the fort there. Taila II was no match to the superior Hoysala army

and hence Taila II fell fighting. Vishnuvardhana lost no time in

assuming high sounding titles significant of this achievement.

65

After the death of Taila II, his eldest son Mayura Varman III

came to the throne. In his inscriptions he is stated to be ruling

Bansvase, Hangal and Santalige. It is doubtful whether this was just

a prashasti or a fact, because Vishnu vardhana's conquest seecs to be

almost complete. Mallikarjuna succeeded Mayuravarman III and

began to retrieve the situation for the Kadambas atleast temporarily.

He began minor incurssions against the Hoysalas to divert

Vishnuvardhana's concentration on Hangal. The Hoysala general

Gangadeva put an end to all these incursions and is stated to have

laid seige to Hangal. An inscription states that Vishnuvardhana was

ruling the kingdom from Hangal Tnus he achieved great success

against the Kadambas.

After the death or Vishnuvardhana Narasimha came to the

Hoysala throne. During the period the Kadambas seem to have

reoccupied most parts which they had lost during the previous period.

In an inscription it is said that Kadma Tailama drove the Hoysalas out

of his country. But a Hoysala inscription states that Narasimhas

generals entered the adarsba territory, defeated the Kadamba king

and returned with a large amount of booty. Kadamba Kamdeva, one of

the important rulers of his dynasty, was a contemporary of the

Hoysala Ballala II. The constant struggles among the Hoysalas,

Kalachuris, and the Chalukyas, which marked the period, were

uneventful years for the Kadambas. They suffered most in these

struggles. However, Kadamba Kamadeva was making attempts to

become independent. He even assumed the title Kadamba

Chakravarthi. Ballala II who was making himself powerful in all fronts

attacked Kamadeva many times. The evidence that is available from

inscriptions is indeed conflicting on this point. Probably, the conflict

began at the strong fort Uddhare, very near Hangal. By 1181 A.D. this

fort was under the Hoysalas evidenced by an inscription. But by 1196

A.D. this fort was under Kadamba Kamadeva. According to

inscription, Ballala's soldiers were completely defeated and Kamadeva

66

drove the Hoysalas out of. During the uddhare time of kavarasa, the

last great ruler of the Hangal Kadambas, the fortunes of the family

looked brighter, Kavarssa rendered help to Saluva Tikkama, a great

general of Sevuns Ramachandra. Tikkama marched against the

Hoysalas and even plundered Dorasarmdra. In this campaign

Tikkama re-occupied many parts of Banavasi and Hangal. Though

Tikkama was not completely successful in his attempt, he was able to

restore the Kadamba territory to Kamadeva. He ever assumed the title

establisher of the Kadamba king. By about 1300 A.D. Ballala III

made an attempt to defeat Kadamba Kavadeva. But he does not seem

to have achieved any significant success. Thus the Kadambas eluded

the Hoysala rulers. But- it has to be noted that the energies of the

Hoysala rulers were wasted by the successive attacks gainst the

kadambas of Hangal, which after all did not bring them any

permanent gains.

The santaras of Humcha

The Santaras of ancient Pomburchapura played a significant

role in the history of Karnataka. Santrara country being situated in

the fertile valley attracted the Hoysalas. Hence there were many

conflicts between the Hoysalas and the Santaras of Humcha.

Vinayaditya with a view to expand his kingdom burned towards the

Santaras. Though the exact details are not known, it is clear that the

Hoysala army under Vinayaditya defeated the Santaras. Many viragals

testify to this fact. Two inscriptions of Vira Santaradeva of 1062 A.D.

and 1068 A.D. do not help us to know the details of the conflict.

But the comparative rarity of Santara inscription in the area is a

clue to testify that they were defeated. This is further corroborated by

the fact that Vira Santar’s son married a Hoysala princess. But

however, this should not be taken to mean that the Santaras were

completely subjugated by Vinayaditya. There existed between the two

dynasties some sort of uneasy friendship.

67

Vishnuvardhana wanted to enlist the support of the Santaras to

subdue the Kadambas. Hence he first attacked them and took their

fort at Humcha. By this the Santaras became subordinates. The

Santaras allied themselves with the Hoysalas in many wars during

this period. Sonse inscriptions credit Vishnuvrdhana with a victory

over Santara king Jagadeva. However, there is every reason to believe

that it was during Hoysala Narasimha’s period that Jagadeva began

harassing the Hoysala with the help of the Kalachuris. During the

time of Ballala II, the Santaras were faithful subordinates and assisted

the Hoysala ruler in his wars. It was with the active support of the

Santaras that Ballala II was able to keep control over the neighbouring

minor powers. Thus the Santaras of Humcha helped in the

development of the Hoysala empire as feudatories.

The Santaras of Hosagunda

It is not known when exactly the Hoysagaunda Santaras

branched off from the main line. But we know that one Birarasa was

probably its leader. These Santaras were very weak and they were on

the verge of being wiped out of existence by the Sevunas Hence, these

Santaras became the feudatories of the Hoysalas, just to save

themselves from the powerful Sevunas. Even the Hoysala rulers were

very happy at this gesture of the Santaras. In 1239 A.D. Birarasa

attacked an army of the Sevunas, with the hope of getting Hoysala

support. But Birarasa's calculations proved wrong and the Sevuna

generals distinguished themselves against Birarasa. But the Santaras

were waiting for an opportunity to invade the Sevuna kingdom with

the help of Hoysalas. The opportunity presented itself when Sevuna

king Mahadeva after defeating Kadamba Kamadeva, marched against

the Santara king Bommarasa. With the aid promptly sent by the

Hoysalas, Bommarasa was able to repulse Mahadeva's attack. But

they could not play the same game for long. Saluva Tikkama, a great

Sevuna general under Ramachandra after defeating the Hoysalas and

establishing Kadamba Kamadeva on his throne, marched against the

68

Santaras of Hosagunda. The Santara chief Bommarasa could not get

any help from the Hoysalas and hence he was defeated. Bommarasa

became a Sevuna feudatory in 1267 A.D. Sometime after this, taking

advantage of the critical position of the Sevunas, the Santara chief

freed himself from the Sevunas and began ruling independently. At

this stage Ballala III intervened, defeated the Santara ruler

Bommarasa and took full possession of Hosagunda.

Vira Balla’s Conquest and Wars

Vira Ballala II one of the most prominent among the Hoysala

rulers and among the contemporary rulers placed the Hoysalas at the

zenith of their power to which height they never again reached. By the

time Vira Ballala III took the responsibility of steering the ship, the

situation was so hopeless that all he could do was to protect the

empire from the ever active enemies on all the side. That is why the

reign of vira Ballala III was full of battles and he could pay very little

attention to the welfare of his people. There was no marked

development in the field of art and architecture, education or

literature.

An inscription from chikkamagalure Taluk of A.D.1292 refers to

the coronation of vira Ballala III. This inscription states that Vira

Ballala III was ruling from Dorasamudra after his coronation when

Marakala of the house of Samudra Pandya invaded the territory of

Virapandya of the Kalasa-Karkala line who was a feudatory of Vira

Ballala III.

In fact several conflicts took place between the forces of the

Hoysala vira Ballala III and the Sevunas. Even before the days of Vira

Ballala III Ramachandra had made aggressions the Hoysalas. In A.D.

1276 he had sent a very large army under the leadership of saluva

Tikkama which had traversed the Hoysala territories and was hardly a

few miles from the imperial capital of Dorasamudra. But for the timely

69

action on the part of the Hoysalas, known through their inscriptions,

what would have been a sure collapse was postponed for some more

time. The Hoysala inscriptions claim victory to their side after creating

lot of tremor in the sevuna army. The sevuna inscriptions on the other

hand give a different picture. They claim Victory for the sevunas afte

capturing the Hoysalas capital Dorasamudra and taking tribute of all

manner of wealth, especially horses and elephants.

The sevuna ruler Ramachandra respected the powers of vira

Ballala is evident from the fact that he ordered his men to capture

that tiger cub, the sovereign of Karnataka, apparently referring to the

Hoysala Ballala III.

Kampiladeva of Kummata was a sevuna feudatory to start with

as known from the inscriptions and fought battles on their behalf and

after the disappearance of the sevunas became independent but

continued his hostilities against the Hoysalas and atleast four battles

that took place between these two are known through the inscriptions.

The Muhammadan chroniclers have given one sided version of the

muhammadan-Hoysala conflicts.

There are inscriptions to prove that it was not an unconditional

surrender but the Hoysalas really made some attempts to check the

muhammadan army. Only when they failed in doing so Vira Ballala III

surrendered. An inscription dated A.D.1310 from Dudda in the

Hassan Taluk refers to a attempt made by Bayicheya Nayaka, son of

Macheya Nayaka of Nadagove to check the muhammadan aggression.

The reconstruction of the Hoysala capital as also sending Vira Ballala

IV to the court of the Delhi Sultan and his return in A.D. 1313 are

known only through the inscriptions.

One more important feature of Vira Ballala’s administration was

that he never stayed at any particular place for longer period that

70

necessary. Inscriptions clearly show him moving from

Tiruvannamalai, the southern capital to as far north as Virupaksha

Pattana with immense speed and involving himself in the

administration of those areas.

But for the epigraphs nothing would have been known regarding

the different capitals of Vira Ballala III ofcourse except the ancestral

capital of Dorasamudra. Tiruvannamalai is know from several

inscriptions as one of his capitals where he stayed most of the time

during the later part of his reigh. Arunasamudra was perhaps another

capital different from Tiruvannamalai. Virupakasha Pattana or

Virupaksha Hosadurga became one more capital of his which is

identified with the present day Hampi by those who support the

Kannada origin of Vijayanagar.

An inscription from the Kadur Taluk of A.D. 1368 is known to

give last date of Vira Ballala III. This inscription while commemorating

the death of one Kankaya mentions that Devarakude Devatokava

Suregondanta Kankaya” which is taken to mean that kankaya died

along with Vira Ballala III while fighting against the muhammadans in

A.D. 1342 at Tiruchinapalli.

The reign of Virupaksha Ballala is known only throuhg his

inscriptions numbering to hardly four. He ruled for hardly three or

four years and with him the Hoysala Empire disappeared as a political

power in the plains.

Again it is inscriptions that come to our help regarding the

occupation of south Kanara by Vira Ballala III and that Chikkayi tayi

becoming his pattada Piriyarasi. She is known to have ruled on behalf

of her husband parts of south Kanara from Baraha Kanyapura which

strangely enough remained to be the headquarters of another branch

of the Alupa line at the same time. She ruled atleast upto A.D. 1348

71

and after the death of Vira Ballala III she came in contact with

Harihara and his brothers of the sangama lineage, either as a friend

or as a feudatory. After her death she was succeeded by her son

Kulasekhara, who, as known from the inscriptions, ruled for some

time.

The only work of historical importance in Sanskrit literature

pertaining to the period of Vira Ballala III is “Rukmini Kalyana” of

Vidya Chakravartin III, his court poet. This is a mahakavya written in

several cantos. Only first canto i.e., the introductory canto contains a

brief history of the Hoysalas from the reign of Vira Ballala II upto the

reign of Vira Ballala III and the actual kavya deals with the story of

Krishna and has nothing to do with the Hoysala history. It is is taken

by several scholars to mean that his patron Vira Ballala III is

compared with Krishna, the hero of this kavya who built the city of

Dwaraka.

Sri Vidyachakravartin, author of the Mahakavya Rukmini

Kalyana was the son of Vasudeva, a court poet of Narasimha III. His

elder brother Mahadeva was the tutor of Narasimha III’s son Vira

Ballala III. Vidyacharkravarthin learnt all the sastras under his

brother. He was one of the favourites of Vira Ballala III. Many of the

inscriptions were composed by this great poet.

His ancestors were also great scholars and served the Hoysalas.

The first known person of importance among the ancestors of Sri

Vidyachakravartin was Chakravarthin the court poet of Vira Ballala

III.

Ballala III whose court poet the author of this mahakavya, was

very intelligent, farsighted, valiant and an ornament to his race. He

established the Hoysala ruleon a firm footing like Sri Krishna. He won

72

many battles against such enemies like the kanka (Konga) Kerala,

Konkani and Kanchi).

Many of these statements are supported by the inscriptions

also. Thus vidyachakravartin in the 1st canto of Rukmini Kalyana

provides very valuable historical information. Many of his statements

are confirmed by the inscriptions while a very few are just

hyperbolical.

Guruvamsa Mahakavya of Lakshmana sastri who flourished in

the first quarter of the 18th century reveals several points of historical

interest. It also gives reference to the conflicts that took place between

Harihara I and Bukka and the Hoysala monarch Vira Ballala III.

Kannada literature also provides some information relating to

the history of Vira Ballala III. The stories of Kumararama, the worthy

son of Kampiladeva of Kummata, make reference to his conflicts with

the Hoysala Monarch. Thus this makes an indirect reference to the

activities of Vira Ballala III. The Kannada literature provides us three

works on the exploits of Kumara Viz. Paranariyarige Sahodaranem-

bantha Kathe of Nagasangayya, Paradarasodara Ramanakathe and

Kumararama sangathya of Ganga.

These three pieces of literature provide us information regarding

the battles that took place between the armies of Kumararama and

Vira Ballala III. They refer to one battle in detail and the result of this

war, according to them, was that when the forces of Kumararama had

gained the upperhand both the armies came to an understanding and

the battle thus ended. Anyway it is clear from these works that

Kumararama, son of Kampila, proved more than a match to the

Hoysala monarch. It is also known from them that Kumararama had

almost gained victory over the muhammadans whom he defeated and

73

drove back twicebut became victim in the third encounter that too as

a result of moral turpitude on the part of the muhammadans.

“Arunachala Purnam” a local legend of Tiruvannamalai refers to

some historical information relating to Vira Ballala III. But the

evidence given there is absolutely untrustworthy as some of the points

mentioned say that Vira Ballala III had no children, hence she prayed

Goddess of the place for a son to rule the and he was blessed with a

child and this was Virupaksha Hoysala empire after his own self

Ballala IV. But it is evident from inscriptions that Ballala III came into

contact with Arunasamudra somewhere around 1316-17 after

rebuilding the Hoysala capital. Naturally he must have prayed the god

for a son afterwards. But it is known through inscriptions and

Muhammadan sources that he had a son Virupaksha Ballala IV whom

he had sent to the Delhi court as a token of his submission. Hence

‘Arunachala Purana’ as a historical source is absolutely useless.

The most important among the literary sources for the

reconstructon of the Hoysala-muhammadan conflicts is writings of

some Persain travelers. Of course the muhammadan chronicles have

also erred in that they are always partial towards the muhammadans

and Ibn Batuta, the Moor traveler is some what an exception to this.

Amir Khusrau, Isami, Barani etc were almost contemporaries and

they had very intimate contacts with the kings and their courts and

naturally they were in a better position than the writers who came at a

latter date, in understanding the wars and intrigues. But as a human

instinct it is, not at all expected of true historian, they present a

picture of the Muhammadan upper hand and a sorrowful picture of

the indigenous rulers.

Among foreign writers Amir Khusrau Dihlavi stands very

prominent. His account of the sack of the sevuna capital of Devagiri

and the Hoysala Capital of Dorasamudra are of great historical value.

74

Infact he draws our attention to each and every detail of these

expeditions. It is known from his work Taikh-i-Alai or Khazain-ul-

Futuh. About the first sixteen years of Ala-ud-din’s rule, Amir

Khusrau states that Ala-ud-din personally led the Muhammadan

army into Devagiri and defeated the Sevuna ruler Ramachandra, when

his son Singhana tried to attack the returning muhammadan army,

he was also seriously punished and he had to escape the horrors by

paying a heavy purse. Within a few years after thae first expedition to

the south, Ala-ud-din sent a very large army under his able general

Mallik Kafur and this time the target was Dorasamudra, the Hoysala

capital. The Muhammadan army was supplied with arms and

ammunitions at Devagiri and he marched to Dorasamudra speedily

and within twenty two days he was at the doors of Dorasamudra. Vira

Ballala III who was busy in the Pandya country at that particular time

made a hurried march back to the capital. Amir Khusrau opines that

he surrendered without offering any resistence. He has pictured the

Hoysala monarch begging the general of the imperial army to pardon

him for having thrown a few stones from the walls of his fort which

apparently means that Vira Ballala III did try to offer some resistence

in the beginning but when it was found out that they were far superior

to his own army, Vira Ballala made peace at the cost of a very rich

purse. Amir Khusrau goes to the extent of stating that the Hoysala

moarch submitted to Mallik Kafur all his possessings including the

golden ornaments worn around his body except his sacred thread

(Junnar) which looks very hyperbolical. As a result of his submission

he had to send his son Virupaksha Ballala IV as hostage to the court

of Delhi Sultan. This statement is confirmed by an inscription from

Kudali in Shimoga District already referred to.

After sending the treasure to Delhi court Mallik kafur marched

to Mabar the country ruled by the Pandya brothers, Vira Pandya and

Sundara Pandya. It will not be out of place to mention that the

pandyans adopted the guerilla tactics and created lot of inconvenience

75

to the muhammadans. But that did not prevent the muhamadans

from sacking lot of wealth and passing on the same to Delhi.

Zia-ud-din Barani appeared on the picture after Ala-ud-Din had

made his first victory against the sevunas. In his Tarik-i-Firoz shahi

he has given really valuable information regarding the conquests of

Ala-ud-din on the sevunas and the Hoysalas. He is of the opinion that

the Muhammadan army was led by two general khwaja Haji and Malik

Kafur and Vira Ballala III fell a victim at the very first onslaught and

36 elephants were captured along with the treasures beyond what

imagination could conceive. He also says that a dispatch was sent to

Delhi and Malik Kafur further marched to Mabar.

Isami who was a contemporary of Zia-ud-din Barani wrote

Futuh-us-Salatin in A.D.1358 refers to events that took place at an

earlier date. He gives details of Alauddin’s campaigns. Regarding the

first campaign of Malik Kafur on the Hoysala empire he is of the

opinion that the Hoysala monarch surrendered to Malik Kafur as a

result of the conference between the two. Isami collected the material

for his work from the hearsays, legends and some faithful reports

made by the earlier historians like Amir Khusrau.

Ibn Batuta is perhaps very useful for the last part of Vira

Ballala’s reign. When he entered the city of Madura, Ballala III was

dead and gone and his body was hung on the walls of Madura. But he

was the eye witnesses to all the cruel deeds of his patron Ghias-ud-

din Damgani. His description of Damgahni’s out look towards the

Hindus is really touching and he declares that he himself was

horrified and disgusted at the acts of Ghias-ud-din Damghani. He also

says that the cruel Sultan of Madura had to pay penalty for this by

losing his son and wife shortly after his cruel deed and he himself

became a victim to overdosage of some medicine prescribed by a

doctor.

76

Abd Alla Shirazi wasaf wrote his Tazjiyatu-I-Amsar-Wa

Tajriyatu-I-Asar in Persian language in Persia. He relied upon the

informant residing in the southern peninsula and has provided with

very useful information. According to wasaf Vira Ballala III did not

surrender to the Muhammadan army. On the other hand he asked

Vira pandya, the Pandya ruler to send an army for his aid. But

realizing that he could not withstand the powerful Muhammadans,

submitted to them. As a result of this submission the country of

Arakanna was delivered as a token of his loyalty together with

treasure what imagination could conceive.

Thus the sources for the history of Vira Ballala III are provided

largely by the Epigraphs and literary sources and a combination of

these two in a proper fashion with certain necessary changes a

complete political career of Vira Ballala III could be brought to light.

With the above discussed source material an attempt is made in

the following pages to reconstruct the history of the Hoysalas in all its

aspects during the days of Vira Ballala III, the last ruler for all

practical purposes.

77

CHAPTER-III BALLALA’S CONQUESTS AND WARS

Ballala III, the last flicker of the Hoysala Dynasty, and the son

of Narasimha III born to his queen pattamahadevi, ascended the

Hoysala throne in A.D. 1291 and the coronation must have taken

place a little later. An inscription from the village Induvara of January

A.D.1292 mentions Vira Ballala III as ruling from Dorasamudra after

his coronation.

Ballala III was very active even before becoming the emperor.

Several inscriptions show that he was active as governer under his

father. Dr.B.A.Saletore and Dr.Derrett have included an inscription

from Mudubidre as belonging to this period. In this connection one

Mallideva Dannayaka has been identified with Ballala III and thus an

attempt has been made by scholars like Dr.Sewell that Vira Ballala III

took active part in driving the Yadava army which had shaken the

Hoysala power. It appears that this Hoysala monarch had another

name called Mallikarjuna as can be seen from an inscription of A.D.

1290. This is a mere hypothesis.

Vira Ballala III was perhaps 30 years of age at the time of

accession. It is known from the writing of Ibn Batuta that he was an

old man of 80 years whose dead body, the latter saw hanging from the

walls of the fort of Madhura.

The condition of south India as well as of the Hoysala Empire

was not at all favourable to Vira Ballala III. It was a period when the

Hoysalas were struggling hard for their mere existence. Enfeebled by

continuous wars against the neighbouring powers like the Yadavas,

the Kakatiyas, the Pandyas and a host of other minor powers, its,

economic condition was not encouraging, to be precise it was at its

lowest ebb. The empire had been exposed to danger from outside as

78

well as inside in the form of his uncle Hoysala Ramanatha. His rule

for over fifty long years epitomize his youth, middle age, senility and

death is a very remarkable way and the last efforts made to remove

from the root, the sultanate of Madura.

Ramantha, a step brother of Narasimha III was trying hard to

cut short Ballala’s III attempt to unite the empire also trying his best

to come in his way of expanding the empire. It is seen from the

inscriptions that Vira Ballala III could not give much attention to his

enemies outside the Hoysals Empire till the death of Ramantha.

Ramanatha continued his hostile activites during the early days

of his brother’s sons perhaps undermining the powers of Vira Ballala

III. He was under the impression that he could make some territorial

gains with the change of power in the Plateau. He claims to have been

ruling as an emperor in his own right.

It is known from an inscription at sahapura that a battle had

taken place between the two Hoysala armies in which two of

Ramanatha’s officers had taken part. This clearly shows that

Ramantha did not hesitate to attack Vira Ballala III immediately after

the latter’s accession at Dorasamudra. But is is evident from several

inscriptions that Vira Ballala III was more than a match for

Ramanatha who realized this quite well. Thus Ramantha’s threats

were faced bravely and his ambitions of making any territorial agins

were spolied by Vira Ballala III.

There were several changes in the political sphere of south India

with the accession of Vira Ballala III to the Hoysala throne. The

external enemies of the Hoysalas were quite several in numbers and

were a source of constant anxiety and danger. Among these enemies

the sevunas were the most powerful and it was necessary to have a

watch on their activities. Only about a decade back the sevunas were

79

on the verge of giving a lethal blow to the Hoysala Empire when saluva

Tikkama had marched the sevuna army almost to the Hoysala capital

of Dorasamudra.

The kakatiyas were still an enemy force for the Hoysala.

Ambadeva, the kayastha chief had made attempt to capture the

Hoysala territories. Some of the Hoysala feudatories had changed

their allegiance by the time the accession of Vira Ballal III. Santaras of

Hosagunda who were the feudatories of the Hoysalas only a

generation back were against the Hoysalas and carried on activities

against them. They had reached the peak of their power with the

accession of Koti Nayaka, under whose reign they had even stopped

paying tribute to the Hoysalas.

The rulers of Kapli were definitely not in good terms with the

Hoysalas at the time of Vira Ballala III’s accession and shaped to be a

very formidable enemy whom Ballala III could not at all subdue

though several encounters took place among them, till this death of

Kampila in A.D.1327.

Scholars agree regarding the date of accession of Vira Ballala III

to the Hoysala throne scholars like Coelho opine that he was crowned

on the 31st of January A.D.1292. But it is known from several

inscriptions that he was ruling the empire even as early as A.D. 1290

itself.

Ambadeva the Kayastha chief was ruling from Gandikota. He

had defeated Kakatiya Prataparudra with the aid of Sevunas and the

Hoysalas. But for some reason Ambadeva raised his sword against the

Hoysalas for an inscription of A.D.1290 claims that this Kayastha

Chieftain defeated several kings including Mallikarjuna. This is in all

probabilities none other than Vira Ballala III who after his accession.

80

The realm that Vira Ballala III inherited was very weak and in

this respect he was the most unfortunate among all the Hoysala

rulers. During the first ten years of his rule which was comparatively

uneventful he was mainly engaged in the task of reuniting the Hoysala

Empire. He had the strongest opponent in Ramanatha who stood

between Vira Ballala III and the reunion of the empire. When Vira

Ballala III ascended the Hoysala throne he made serval attempts to

thwart his power but in vain for the latter proved more than a match

for him. The attempts made by Ramanatha between the years

A.D.1292-95 were not very successful ones.

It was in these ten years that Khandeya Raya, son of Mummadi

Singaya Nayaka of Dorewadi had shifted allegiance to the sevunas.

Koti Nayaka, the Santara ruler who was ruling from Hosagunda on

behalf of Bommadevarasa, was an enemy of both the Hoysalas and

the Sevunas. Vira Ballala III could subdue him only in the early years

of the first decade of the 14th century.

It was only after A.D.1300-01 completing the task of reuniting

empire that he could turn his attention to the outside powers.

The Royal family of Kalasa were again subordinates of the

Hoysalas. But Coelho says that on the very day of Vira Ballala III’s

accession to the Hoysala throne, this family got inspired by the

change of royal head at the head quarters and made an attack on the

Hoysalas.

The most important duty of the Hoysala king after the accession

was to unite the divided empire. The purpose of the division of empire

by somesvara had evidently failed though it had been done with a view

to safeguard the interest of the empire. Ballala III understood very well

as to where this would lead the Hoysalas. The only way to stop the

downfall of the empire was to unite the divisions. This was almost a

81

marathon task as long as Ramanatha was there as an obstacle to his

way. But once Ramanatha disappeared it progressed very rapidly and

by the beginning of A.D.1300-01, this had been almost complete.

Parts of Kolar District and Bangalore District including II avanjinad,

Kaivaranad etc., which formed parts of Ramanatha’s territories. Infact

Ramanatha made efforts to throw the power of his nephew in the

years 1292, 1293 and 1295, but with very little success.

Derrett rightly states that there is no evidence to show that Vira

Ballala III invaded the territories of Ramanatha after the latter’s death

for there is no reference to prove that wars took place between the

forces of Viswanatha and Ballala III.

Anyhow by A.D.1301-02 Ballala III had become the sole

monarch of the united Hoysala Empire and on this happy event that

he granted remission of taxes on mathas and temple priests in the

Tamil districts and confirmed the old ones. Thus at this time the

hoysala empire was considerably vast consisting of a part of Mysore.

Except the southern portions of Trichnopoly and Tanjore Districts

Hoysala had not suffered much in territories.

Santaras under Koti Nayaka had reached the climax of their

political career. Though the santaras had ceased to be in friendly

terms with the Hoysalas. They were definitely not in good terms with

the sevunas for in A.D.1296 yabarapa, the sevuna general had

attacked him. Ballala III, ever agile and opportunistic that he was, did

not lose time. He made several attempts to thwart the power of Koti

Nayaka. But he could not put down the prowess of this santara chief.

Ballala III next turned his attention to the powerful kadamba

ruler Kavadeva. He marched with a large army in A.D.1300 and

encamped at Sirsi, in North Kanara District and from there attacked a

place called Kadabalahu i.e. modern Kadabal in sirsi Taluk,

82

demanding tribute from Gangeya Sahani, the mahapradhani of

Kavadeva. On the refusal to pay the tribute he over on the Banavasi

12000. Kavadeva did not keep quiet. He joined hands with the then

Chalukya ruler and put up a strong resistence. The chalukya king

who supported seems to be Vetugideva or more probably his son

Somadeva. No inscriptions throw any light on the result of this

encounter. Another inscription from sagar taluk of A.D.1303 perhaps

refer to the same encounter.

Vira ballaa III seems to have failed in his attempt to subdue the

Kadambas as the latter under Kavadeva still continued to rule with all

the imperial titles with Banavasi as his capital.

But Kavadeva did not rule for long for he disappeared from the

scene by the end of the first decade of the 14th century. It is known

from the accounts of Ferishtah that Mallik Kafur who marched from

Deogir towards sea coast was opposed by the Hindus whose countries

he had to traverse. Perhaps Kavadeva became a victim of the

Muhammadan army at this time.

The Muhammadan attack on the sevunas marks an important

milestone in the history of south Indian Politics. For nearly a century

and a half they dominated the political arena of the southern

peninisuala. No power could stand their tide. Such great powers like

the Sevunas, the Kakatiyas, and the Hoysalas were swept away in this

tide. None of them proved a match to their power. It was only the

Hoysala Vira Ballala III who stood between the Muhammadans and

the capture of the Hoysala territory till his death. But he became a

victim to their treachery and his death marked the end of the Hoysala

empire for all practical purposes. Internal dissention and mutual

jealousy added to the distruction of all the south Indian powers. Some

of the minor powers like the kadambas, the ruler of Kampili etc., were

no exception to this.

83

Ala-ud-din Khilji, the ruler of Khara District as a representative

of his uncle Jalal ud din Khilji, marched to the south with the

intention of sacking the abundant wealth for which the southern

kingdoms were well known. He launched an attack on Ramachandra

in A.D. 1294, which is, known from all sources, the first instance of

their landing in the south. Infact he showed enough to select the

correct time to attack the sevunas ruler. When the main army had

gone on war against some enemy, whose name is not mentioned by

Amir Khusrau, under the generalship of this son singhana, Alla-ud-

din made the attack. He was also tactful enough and spread a rumour

that his army was only a part of the big army coming from behind.

Ramachandra was shocked at this and hurried for a treaty and made

it at the cost of heavy riches. Unfortunately for the sevunas singhana

who returned from his southern campaign was enraged at the

shameful treaty made by his father and in a fit of rage marched

against the Muhammadan army. But he was not a match to a

displined and well trained Muhammadan soldiers. The result of this

encounter was that he was defeated and the sevunas had to sue for

peace at even a higher price. Ala-ud-din returned to his place with a

heavy booty. Instead of quenching his thirst, it made him more greedy

and once he became the sultan on the Delhi throne, made a few more

campaigns to the south and amassed unimaginable amount of

treasure.

Ramachandra was unable to realize anything from the

campaign of Ala-ud-din on his empire. Instead of safeguarding his

own territories against the greedy Muhammadan invaders he again

involved in fighting with his enemies in the peninsula and aimed at

the expansion of his empire, Hoysalas being his important target.

Hardly two years after the first Muhammadan attack he turned his

army against the santaras of Hosagunda. An inscription of A.D. 1296

his general yabbara nayaka attacked the santara chief koti Nayaka.

84

Ramachandra did not, or more likely could not turn his

attention to the Hoysalas for some time more. But at any rate he did

not keep himself aloof. By A.D.1302 he renewed his attacks on the

Hoysalas when Yabbara Nayaka, who had attacked the Santara chief

a few years back, was making attempts to encroach into the Hoysala

territories and had encamped at the Village Rattihalli. At the bidding

of the Hoysala monarch, sodala devarasa, the Santana chief and

apparently a feudatory of the former marched against the four fold

army of Yabbara Nayaka and a fierce battle ensed at salur. Many

heores died as attested by a large number of hero stones issued by

them. Rattihalli, where the Sevuna general had encamped was hardly

15 miles from the battle field of salur. The result of this was cannot be

made out. Perhaps Vira Ballala III tasted defeat in the encounter. He

on the other hand made preparations for launching on expedition over

the sevunas. Perhaps the time came somewhere in A.D. 1303 when it

is seen from an inscription that Ballala III was ruling the empire after

lodging a successful campaign over the sevunas and destroying the

fort of Nakkigundi.

Ramachandra at any rate did not keep quiet. He had very well

understood that Vira Ballala III was very busily engaged in facing

enemies and thought he could expand his empire southwards at the

cost of the Hoysalas. Ramachandra therefore tried to make the

maximum benefit out of this situation. In A.D.1303 he sent a very

large army under the generalship of his subordinate Kampila Deva the

ruler of Kampili. On hearing this news of the march of the sevunas

army to the Hoysala country, Dannayaka, the trusted mahapradhana

of Vira Ballala III who was ruling over a part of the present day

chitradurga and surrounding parts, marched with an army and met

the enemy near Holalkere, about 20 miles from his head quarters. In

the battle that ensued somaya Dannayaka lost his life. It is evident

from several inscriptions that this battle was a very fierce one for

several heroes died on the Hoysala side. Hoysala army consisted not

85

only of the imperial soldiers, but their feudatories had also taken part

in the encounter. This inscription from Jenukallu mentions that

Basavappa, brother-in law of Kandari Devarasa, who was a sub-

ordinate under Vira Ballala III died in this fight against the forces of

Kampila Deva.

Somaya Dannayaka who died in this encounter at Holalkere

was none other than the officer of that name who was a

mahapradhana under Narasimha III. Even during the days of

Narasimha III he was a prominent figure and got constructed the

Kesava temple at Somanathapura and an agrahara there.

The enmity that existed between the Hoysalas and the ruler of

Kampili is known from literary sources also. It is known from the

heroic stories of Kumara Rama that there were frequent conflicts

between the forces of kampila and Vira Ballala III. There comes a

reference to a fierce battle between the two forces. Knowing that there

were a large number of dogs of very good breed at Huliyar, Kumara

Rama sent his men to catch hold of them. But the officer of Huliyar,

who was a sub-ordinate of the Hoysalas denied this and as a result of

this Huliyar was attacked by a very well disciplined army of Kampila

and that officer of Huliyar was taken a prisoner.

When the news of the defeat of the Huliyar chief fell on the ears

of the Hoysala monarch, he got wild and collected a very huge army

which was reinforced by forces from Kongu, Kodagu, Malayala and

Tigula. This united army marched against the territories of Kampila.

Kampila did not keep quiet. Preparations were made by his men also.

His army included Caveliers from Lalas, Ariyas, Gaulas, Gurjaras,

Kannojis etc. even a strong elephant force was made ready for the

battle, with the Tuluvas and parukas for their aid. Many heroes like

Kalanji Kampa, goldsmith chikka, Naga, the fire carrier, Hadapada

Ballluga, gindiya Lakka, Vokkaliga Naganna, Bhandari Sovanna,

86

Mayideva, soyideva and a band of others came and occupied their

positions and kampila himself led the army along with Kumara Rama

the battle lasted for a whole day and large number of soldiers and

horses and elephants died on both the sides. But certainly Kampila

had gained an upper hand because of the bravery exhibited by his son

Kumara Rama. Then somaya Dandadhipa, general of Vira Ballala III

and Baicha Dannayka, officer of Kampila succeeded in bringing the

war to an end.

It can be taken for granted that soma Dandhadipa is non other

than Somaya Dannayaka. Naturally this was an encounter that must

have taken place a little earlier to the one in A.D. 1303 when Somaya

Dannayaka lost his life in the battle field against the army of Kampila.

If this piece of literature can be relied upon, the kongu, Kodugu, Tamil

country and Mabar were favourable to the Hoysalas, while the Tuluvas

fought for kampila Inscriptional sources also support this.

Ballala III captured the fort of Nakkigundi after the battle with

Kampila. This was with the Sevunas continued upto A.D. 1305 also,

when an inscription mentions the march of the Hoysala army

personally led by their monarch against Sevunas. This clearly

indicates that the Hoysala emperor did not keep quiet after capturing

the fort of Nakkigundi in A.D. 1304. Ramachandra sent an army

under able leaders to capture Vira Ballala III. The inscription says that

the sevunas emperor asked his men to capture vira Ballala and “to

bring that tiger’s cub to his front”. This evidently shows the respect

Ramachandra had for the prowess of his foe. He failed not only in

capturing the Hoysala monarch but also in defeating him.

Not content with his activities in the Northern part of the

southern Peninusula Vira Ballala III turned his attention to the

southern part. Since the disappearance of the Cholas as an imperial

power from the political area of Southern peninsula, the pandyas and

87

the Hoysalas were the only two powerful rulers left in the lower half of

the southern Peninsula. Unfortunately for themselves and other

subsidiary forces they were never in good terms during the days of

Vira Ballala III and remained in the same state when the

muhamadans made a very surprising attack on them. Thus these two

dynasties also had their own shares for the total destruction of the

whole of the southern peninsula from the hands of the turbulent

muhamadans and for the disappearance of all the four major

dynasties, the Kakatiyas, Sevunas the Pandyas and the Hoysalas.

The pandyas under Maravarman Kulasekhara were still very

powerful and were a source of trouble to the Hoysalas. Infact this

pandya soverign wrested Kannanur from Hoysala Ramanatha and it

was one of Vira Ballala III’s great ambition ever sine his accession to

recapture this fertile region and a strategically important position. He

was only waiting for a chance to pounce on his pandya opponent. This

came with the disturbance that arouse with the rivalry between the

two sons of Maravarman Kulasekhara, Vira Pandya and sundara

Pandya for the Pandya throne.

By A.D. 1295 Mahavarman Kulasekhara had associated his

illegitimate son Vira Pandya in the administration of the country

completely overlooking the claims of his legitimate son Pandya. This

led to a bitter hatred between the two brothers and they fought several

battles among themselves to secure the throne and in all probabilities

these were continued atleast up to A.D.1310-11. It was at this time

that the Pandyan army atleast if Vira Pandya was very unexpectedly

attacked by the Muhammadan army Pandya but this attack had only

a passing effect on the two/brother Vira Pandya and Sundara pandya

for the feud between these two brothers continued for some more

years. Some time before the year 1310 sundara Pandya got so wild

against his father, who had established his illegitimate son Vira

Pandya

88

Over looking the claims of sundara Pandya, that in a moment of

fury he did not hesitate to murder his own father. But this did not

resulted in creating any advantage to sundara Pandya to occupy the

pandya throne for Vira Pandya ha to taste defeats in the beginning

was succeded in stopping Sundara Pandya and ultimately gained on

upperhand. When sundara Pandya was thus hard pressed by his step

brother went to the aid of the muhammadnas.

It is quite possible that sundara pandya contacted the

Muhammadan general mallik Kafur who had then camped at Devagiri

and was making very large preparations to launch expedition against

the Hoysalas. Sundara pandya perhaps invited him to the Pandya

country to help him in bringing the situation under his control.

Marcopolo says that sundara Pandi (Sundara Pandya) met Ala-un-din

at Delhi. This is rather difficult a statement to accept.

Vira Ballala III did not waste time when there started a civil war

in the Pandya country between the two brothers. He was very alertly

watching the happenings in his surroundings and once he found it,

suitable to interfere in their affairs he entered the Tamil Country with

a very large army. His intention was, more than anything else, to

make some territorial gains at the cost of the two brothers. By this act

he could capture and occupy the fort of Kannanur. He was

unfortunate enough in not achieving his goal as the alarming news of

the attack on his capital by the Muhammadan army made him hurry

back to his own head quarters.

Amir Khusran says in his Khaain-ul-Futuh that Ballala Deo, the

Rai of Dorasamudra on learning the civil war in the Pandya country,

had marched there with purpose of sacking and plundering their two

empty cities and their merchants. This is a statement of not any great

value because it was a quite common factor during those days to

plunder the enemy cities whenever one army marched against the

89

other. There was certainly a better motivation behind this march of

Vira Balala III with a large army to the Pandya country. His main

intention was definitely to capture of Kannanur and by involving

himself on one side he could achieve this without much struggle and

hardship.

Thus until the muhammadan attack on the Hoysala Capital,

Vira Ballal III, with the able assistance of his ministers and generals

scored several victories, bore significant epithets, founded several

towns and cities, erected and removated a few temples, and had

planned to regain some of the lost territories. One of the inscriptions

of Vira Ballala III at Perur in Coimbatore District gives full details of

the epithets and achievements of this king and his officer Ketayya

Dannayaka. Another officer of his Madhava Dannayaka boldly calls

himself as the destroyer of the kongus and the Pandyas”.

The imperial army left Delhi at the end of A.D.1310 and

marched via the right bank of Yamuna to Tanku, Kanhum, gurgaon to

Deogiri and from where it reached Dorasamudra capital of the

Hoysalas. Mallik Kafur on his way camped at the Sevuna

headquarters on Thursday the 13th Ramzan. Amir Khusrau gives a

graphic description of the Hoysala capital. He says that theTurkish

army collected shooting stars i.e., spears and four feathered arrows

provided by Rayarayan (Ramachandra) for overthrowing the Hoysala

monarch and the other south Indian powers. After providing them

with necessary weapons he directed them to conquere Bir and

Dorasamudra. Accoring to Amir Khusrad, this direction by the sevuna

sovereign was to slay the huge demon of Dorasamudra, again

admitting that the Hoysala monarch was a very strong opponent. The

words of this Persian chronicler is really trust worthy as

Ramachandra who had failed to subdue and put an end to the

Hoysala dynasty made use of the turbulent muhammadan army as a

means to get his desire fulfilled.

90

Ramachandra just did not keep quiet after bringing the

attention of the eyes of the Muhammadan general on the Hoysala

empire. He personally ordered his commander-in-chief, Dalvoy

parasuram Deo to direct the Muhammadan army into the Hoysala

Head quarters. Amir Khusrau gives the route of the Muhammadan

army under Mallik Kafur reached the head quarters of Paras deo

Dalvoy in five stages and in this long tedious journey they had to

cross five big rivers. Then afterwards the Muhammadan army took five

complete days to reach Bandri which was in the territories of Paras

Deo Dalvoy who rendered all possible help to the Muhammadan

general and his army. It was from this place that Mallik Kafur sent

forward some cavaliers in succession to find out the condition of the

Hoysala capital and made deligent inquiries on all sides. They were

also ordered to find out the situation in the Mabar country. Amir

Khusrau says that the muhammadan general was informed that,

there were two rulers in Mabar country, who till then were in friendly

terms, but had changed their outlook regarding each other and were

fighting for the Pandya throne, and that the Hoysala monarch had

marched for the purpose of sacking their two empty cities.

After getting the information required, Mallik Kafur held a

council of war and it was decided that the fast moving cavalry should

be sent first as they could make sudden attack on the Hoysala capital

withour giving them much time to make preparations. Accordingly

mallik Kafur marched with one “Tuman” (a division of 10,000 soldiers)

to wards Dorasamudra. The probable route taken by mallik Kafur is

suggested by Dr.s.Krishnaswamy Aiyangar in his south India and here

Muhammadan in vaders. He says that Mallik Kafur left Bandri, i.e.

Pandarpur and reached Bijapur from where the arm marched to

harihara and Hiriyur and then crossing the main road from Arsikere

to Banavar and attacked the Hoysala capital. Amir Khusrau says that

army covered the distance with most of its soldiers, apparently

meaning that some of the soldiers died while covering the distance.

91

Mallik Kafur reached Dorasamudra with a part of the army and that is

why stayed there for sometime more even after subduing the

Hoysalas, so that the slowere moving units of the army could join him.

This very clearly indicates that Mallik Kafur marched with swift

moving units for two reasons. One was that he wanted to make a

surprising attack on the Hoysala capital and the second and the more

important reason was to capture and if possible to occupy the fort

before the Hoysala monarch could hurry back with his army from

Mabar.

Vira Ballala III was already in the Kongu country on the

Pandyan border when the alarming news of the attack of the

Muhammadan forces on his capital was conveyed to him. Once Mallik

Kafur had entered into the territories of the Hoysalas he had

devastated many villaged an towns and spread panic wherever he

marched. Ballala wasted no time. He hurried back to his capital with

all speed he could gather leaving behind the slowere moving units like

the elephant carps and foot soliers. But even with all his speed Vira

Ballala III could not protect his fort for the enemy was already there

and had covered the fort on all the four sides.

Infact Mallik Kafur’s speedy march to wards the Hoysala capital

really paid its dividend. The Hoysala sovereign, it appears from the

statements of Wasaaf that he first intended to offer resistence. Wasaf

is the only Muhammadan chronicler who says that Vira Ballala III

sent words to Vira Pandya to send an army to his aid. Surprisingly

enough it is seen that Vira Pandya really dispatched an army

consisting of cavalry and infantry, though Hoysala monarch had

exhibited his enmity towards the Pandyan brothers just earlier. It is

known from Amir Khusrau that Virs Ballala Deva sent Balak Deo

Nayak as his representative to forbid him for having raised his arms.

It is possible that if Vira Ballala III had found the enemy power to be a

92

feeble one he would have attacked them. He infact tried his might by

throwing huge stones from the fort walls but to no effect. That is why

he requested the Muhammadan commander later to forbid him for

having thrown a few stones from the fort wall. He soon realized that

fighting with an enemy like Mallik Kafur, who had brought with him a

very disciplined and a large army, meant the total destruction of

himself and his empire.

At any rate the Hoysala sovereign did not concede immediately.

One the other hand he sent one of his favourites, Kisumal to find out

the, strength and the circumstances of the Muhammadan forces.

When this person entered the Muhammadan camp, he was stunned

on seeing rows after rows of horsemen surrounding the fort and

keeping a close watch. He was also astonished to know that they

would commence the struggle from the very next morning and enter

the home of the demons in full force to establish the Khutban and

prayer, where idols had been worshipped till them.

After hearing this alarming news Vira Ballala III realized that if

the war prolonged any further, the whole country would be destroyed

along with his own self and his people, the temples of the Gods would

have been devastated. He also realized that submission to the enemy

meant only loss of wealth which could be made over if he could save

himself from the hands of his foreign enemy and keep him at a

respectable distance. He could also save him from girefs and sarrows.

Many meetings were held to decide as to what step should be

taken and what reply to be given to the Muhammadan general. Many

of the officers and nobles under Vira Ballala III opposed him for

having taken a sanely and cowardly decision. They argued that it was

better to die a heroic death in the battle field than to live with a

shameful face. They also suggested that this submission would lower

the prestige of the royal family, adding to it, that one has to die earlier

93

or later and death was enevitable to each and every one by avoiding

death now, no one could live for ever. But their master was unmoved,

he retorted at this suggestion and shouted at them pointing to the

ends met by such great powers like the Kakatiya pratapa Rudra and

Sevuna Ramachandra and the same could be the result of the

Hoysalas too had they raised their arms against the Muhammadans.

He made them realize that the welfare of his subjects should be looked

first and the remaining things stood afterwards. By submission,

though it was a shameful one, it could leave him in the undisturbed

possession of his kingdom and his subjects could escape the slashes

of the Muhammadan swords their heads. This argument convinced all

his nobles and they agreed to make peace at the cost of even all the

wealth.

It was only after coming to this agreement that Balak Deo

Nayak, who was reputed to be a clever diplomat, was sent to convey

the message to the camp of the imperial army that Vira Ballala is also

ready like Rudradeva and Ramachandra and what ever the

muhammadan general demands it will be fulfilled including horses,

elephants etc. Amir Khusrau says that he Hoysala king brought his

own personality as well as the prestige of the dynasty to a low level

humbly accepting all the desires of the Muhammadan general. When

Mallik Kafur sent the reply with Balak Deo Nayak that the condition

under which he was ordered by the sultan to offer protection to the

Hindu sovereign. The imperial sultan of Delhi, Ala-ud-din had asked

Mallik kafur to place before the subdued Hindu rulers two negatives of

oath of affirmation i.e., allusion to Wisdom and judgment. If they

failed to realize this and raise their arms, the alternative then was to

place over their necks the yoke of tribute i.e., zimmi. If this was also

not accepted, then it had been ordered to separate their necks from

they body.

This news was conveyed to the Hoysala king and as a result of

the discussions he had already made, he agreed to become a zimmi

94

and surrendered his horses, elephants, gold and everything kept

nothing for himself except his Hindu Faith and sacred thread (zannar

Janivara) which he were around his body.

On the 6th Shawwal, a Friday Vira Ballala III sent a few of his

servants including Balak Deo Nayak, Jitmal etc., to the muhammadan

camp accompanied by some elephants and sent words to Mallik Kafur

that he would not defend his fort against the attacks of the

Muhammadan army. On the next day of Mars i.e., Tuesday he sent

his horses in rows after rows to the imperial stables. On the next

Sunday he personal visited the Muhammadan camp and submitted

before the commander of the imperial army. After returning from there

he spent most of the time in the night in taking out all the valuables

he had and handed them over to the imperial treasury the very next

morning.

Mallik Kafur stayed there at Dorasamudra for twelve days till

the main army reached him. On Wednesday the 18th Shawwal the

Muhammadan army left Dorasamudra for Mabar after sending all the

treasures captured on the Hoysala capital to Delhi.

Feristah who also describes the sack of Dorasamudra differ

slightly from Amir Khusrau. According to him Mallik Kafur and

Khwaja Haji left with great army at the orders of Ala-ud-din to sack

Dorasamudra and Mabar, where, he had heard that there were

temples rich on gold and jewels.

Accorind to Feristah, Ramachandra had died by the time

muhammadans marched against his capital where as from the

statements of Amir Khurau he is known not only to have been living

but also taking active part in helping the muhammadans. Feristah

mentions that shankul Deo (Shankara Deva) had succeeded

Ramachandra to the sevuna throne. This ruler had not at all bothered

95

the Muhammadans. So leaving some officers at paiton on the

Godavari, Mallik Kafur crossed, with the remaining army the

territories of the Sevuans and began to lay waste the country,

eventually reached the sea coast after three months’ interval, during a

great part which they were opposed by several Hindu rulers whose

countries they traversed. Ballala Deva, the Hoysala soverign was on

among them whom they defeated and took as prisoner and ravaged

his territory. Large quantities of prodigious spoils such as idol of gold

adored with precious stones and other rich effects, consecrated to

Hindu worship.

Isami, one more historian of this period says that Vira Ballala

surrender to the Muhammadan general as a result of the conference

with him. In the course of this conference Mallik Naib, as h is called

by Isami, convinced the Hoysala sovereign that he would be profited in

several ways by helping muhammadan army to reach the pandyan

country by unfrequented route so that both the Pandya brothers must

be surprised. He also asked Vira Ballala to provide him with

interpreters and guides in the Tamil Country.

If the words of Isami are taken at their face value, then if must

be accepted that Vira Ballala must have quite willingly taken part with

the Muhammadan army in this Mabar expedition. By this he could get

back his cherished desire of securing Kannanur again. Added to this,

by helping the muhammadans in this enterprise he could save his

own country in this enterprise he could save his own country in case

any further incursions were made by the muhammadans in the

southern Peninsions he could achieve nothing except bringing his own

end faster.

Zia-ud-din Barani in his Tarik-E-Firoz Shahi very much

resembles feristah in his description of events connected with the

period we are very much interested. He says that Mallik Kafur with

96

Khwaja Haji marched to the south and finding the Sevuna

Ramachandra dead he marched further south. At the very first

onslaught Vira Ballala was defeated and victimized. His capital was

captured and 36 elephants with lots of treasures fell in to the

Muhammadan custody.

Abdulla wasaaf, one more historian of importance of the period

says that the Hoysala monarch surrendered to the Muhammadan

general though he tried for a contest in the earlier stages by asking

aid from the pandya ruler Vira Pandya. As a token of acknowledging

the supremacy of the Muhammadan army the country of Arakanna

(Yet to be identified) was delivered to Mallik Kafur and thus saved his

men and materials from the havoes of shall blouring, pysolatry and

idol worship.

Indeed there are a few inscriptions which support the

statements of some of the Muhammadan chroniclers atleast that there

took place a sort of clash between the army of Vira Ballala and that of

the Muhammadans to stop the aggressions of the Turkish on

Slaughers as against the statements of Feristah. An inscription from

Dudda in the Hassan District, of the cyclic yea saumy refers to a clash

between the Turukas and the Hoysalas and registeres the death of one

Baichaya Nayaka, son of Machaya Nayaka of Nadagove.

Derrett points out one inscription from Hosahalli about 70 miles

north of Dorasamudra and very near Malik Kafur’s line of approach.

This inscription according to him is dated in February A.D.1311. it

records the death of Bommaya Nayaka against the Turukas. As the

description given by Dr.Derrett is a very vague are it cannot be made

out as to which particular inscription he is referring to.

He refers to yet another inscription from belur itself dated

approximately to the 4th March of Vira Ballala a certain wittier fought

and died when the turks were there.

97

One of the officers of Ballala III, Katheri saluva Racheya Nayaka

known from a few inscriptions had the Turukayan vibhala i.e., the

destroyer of the Turukas.

All these evidences go to prove tat some attempts were really

made by the Hoysalas, though very tame ones and in vain, to stop the

Muhammadan army before actually submitting to them.

It is evident from the statements of the Muhammadan writers

that vira Ballala III had to buy peace the cost his family prestige and

unimaginable Treasure.

Mabar, the next launching spot of Mallik Kafer, consists of the

entire coastal region extending from Quilon to cape camorin. It is

known through the accounts of Isami that Ballala III marched to the

Pandya country as a guide to the mahammadan army.

As the path to Mabar is through continuous mountain ranges,

mallik Kafur had to rely on the Hoysala ruler who knew the country

very well. Ballala III’s idea was that as long as muhammadans

remained to be his allies there was no fear of attack from their side.

Very little or almost nothing is known about Vira Ballala III’s

activities in the Pandya country. Nothing can be made out from the

statements of Isami inscriptions are also of no use. Muhammadan

chroniclers only refer to the activities of Mallik Kafur.

Mallik Kafur did not spare anything at Mabar though he could

not come across the Pandyan arms face to face as they had adopted

the guerrilla tactics well suited to the hilly regions. But he was able to

capture large amount of booty there.

After being defeated by the muhammadans Ballala III seems to

have shifted the Capital to Belur while he himself shifted to Tondanur

(tonnur) near Srirangapatna according to traditions.

98

Feristah says that a second campaign was undertaken by Mallik

Kafur over southern Peninsula in A.D. 1312, Killed Sankarakdeva and

realized tribute from the rulers of Telingana and Karnataka. Coelho

rightly points out that the Hoysala ruler showed no reluctance in

paying the tribute as he was very to get rid of the muhammadans from

his territories. He accepted the suzereignty of the Delhi sultan as he

styles himself as a mahammada lesvara in one of his inscriptions

which states that several of his officers had gathered together perhaps

to discuss an important problem. Thus he had very well realized what

the Muhammadan attacks meant and naturally decided to keep the

sultan in good terms as long as it was necessary.

The Muhammadan attack on Dorasamudra had definitely

undermined the presige of the Hoysalas. In fact the period between

A.D.1311 to 1313 did not produce many inscriptions of that ruler.

None of the available inscriptions refer to him with the imperial titles.

An inscription from Hiriyur Taluk refers to him as

mahamandalesvara. Another viragal inscription from Motta in

Nanjangud Taluk refers to Vira Ballala III by the same title.

The most important task of Vira Ballala III after the first attack

of the muhammadans on his capital was to enchance the lost prestige

of the family. The enmity and quarrel between virapandya and

sundara pandya still continued and the Hoysalas monarch really

made some profit out of it. His able commander and Mahapradhana

Mdhava Dannayaka boasts with titles like “ruler of the pandya

country,” an elephant to the lotus pond, the Pandya,” clearly

indicating that the Pandyas had really suffered some defeat at the

hands of the Hoysalas.

Thus Vira Ballala III was able to put an end to the confusion

that existed in the Kongu country by subduing the and became

stronger than at any other time in the history of the dynasty itself. His

99

inscriptions extended all over the Kongu country including the district

of Coimbatore, Nilagiri and Palani Taluks.

In the mean time things had worsened at the imperial head

quarters of Delhi. Mallik Kafur had become very powerful and

treacherously he got Ala-ud-din murdered. There was confusion every

where. Gujarat rebelled, Harapala deva, who had built up a

principality over the ruins of Devagiri, expelled many Muhammadan

garrisons. Chittoor be came independent and the Kakatiya

prataparudra had stopped paying the annual tribute. Things remained

to be worse until Mubarak Shaw ascended the throne in A.B. 1318

and took the reign to his hands.

Vira Ballala III’s foremost duty was to rebuild the capital city

which had been destroyed during the first Muhammadan invasion in

A.D.1311. An inscription dated A.D.1316 states that the Hoysala was

ruling the empire in happiness from Dorasamudra after rebuilding it.

The rebuilding of Dorasamudra is, according to S.Krishnaswami

Aiyangar, a certain indication of the reviving Hoysala security and of

facing boldly enough any further possible even tualities from the

muhammadans.

It was only after the rebuilding of the capital that Vira Ballala

turned his attention to the consolidation and expansion of the Hoysala

Empire. As already stated, he had been rewarded parts in and around

Arunasamudra, perhaps identical with Tiruvannamalai. It remained to

be one of his capitals from this time onwards.

The Muhammadan invasion had posed many problems to Vira

Ballala III. He had understood that Dorasamudra could no longer be a

safer place and he had to go further south as Mubarak Khilji and

100

established at Devagiri again and was a source of danger to the very

existence of the Hoysalas.

The Situation in the Tamil country was favourable to the

Hoysalas and the capital could be shifted there. The Pandyas were

attacked by the Kerala ruler Kulasekhara and Vira Ballala did not

hesitate to make use of the situation. In fact it was now that he came

across the region of Tirupati which was under the Yadavarayas, who

became feudatories of the Hoysalas now.

While Vira Ballala III was thus very busy with the re-

establishment of the glory of the hoysalas, things were taking a

different shape at Delhi. Mubarak Shaw, son of Ala-ud-din had

brought the situation under his control. He was very liberal with his

subject and thus won their hearts.

Mubarak’s first launch was on prataparudra, the Kakatiya

ruler. He sent one of his trusted generals Khusrau to punish

Prataparudra who had stopped paying the annual tribute. Then

Mubaraks army marched against the Sevunas, killed Harapaladeva.

From here he sent Mallik Khusrau to raise tribute from the rulers of

Maber. It was at this time that coorg was captured b his men from the

hands of the Hoysala ruler this series of victories perhaps made Mallik

Khusrau tery ambitions and he got Mubarak shaw treacherously

killed and ascended the throne in A.D. 1320-21assuimng the titile

Nasir-ud-din. But he was thrown out within a short time by Ghias-

ud-din Tughlak. The accession of Ghias-ud-din Tughalk to the Delhi

throne marks the beginning of period of an orderly administration and

a reassertion of the Muhammadan hold upon the south Indian power.

He was clever and his civil measures have been praised in laudable

terms by Amir Khusrau.

Troubles in the Kakatiya headquarters attracted the attention of

Ghias-ud-din first. He sent a disciplined army under his son Ulugh

101

Khan to put down the situation. But Ulugh Khan evidently failed in

his attempt and the Muhammadan army re treated to Devagiri, where

he received communication and reinforcement from Delhi. A very big

army was marched against the fort of Warangal. Prataparudra had not

expected such an early attack from the muhammadans. Naturally he

could not withstand the Muhammadan attack. But iwt was not a easy

job for Ulugh Khan to break the fort. It took him nearly five months to

break the fort. Prataparudra and his people ran short of food and

water and they were forced to submit to Ulugh Khan. Prataparudra

was taken prisoner and sent to the imperial court. Warrangal was

named as sultanpur from this time onwards. A governor was

appointed at Telinagana.

Somewhere around A.D 1325 Ghias-ud-din died as a result of

the treachery planned by Ulugh Kan Ulugh Khan ascended the throne

under the name of Muhammad-Bin-Tughlak.

The disgrace, Vira Ballala III had sustaind at the hands of the

muhammadans had encouraged even petty chieftains to raise their

hands against him. Though Hosagunda was under his control and

Kotinayaka was loya to him he had to face insults from Alvakheda

below the ghats. Basavadeva of Chandavur had grown so powerful

that he had rebelled against the Hoysalas. Vira Ballala III despated a

tropp under saniya sahani, brother-in-law of Baichaya Dannayaka to

Chandavur. It was destroyed and the Tuluvas were utterly defeated.

This is the first known encounter between the Hoysalas and the

Alupas.

It appears tht Vira Ballala did not achieve any material benefit

from this encounter, for, the alupas did not any territory nor they

acknowledged the suzeraignty of the Hoysala ruler. It was only in the

early thirties of the 14th century that he gained complete over the

alupas.

102

This did not complete the task of Vira Ballala III on the other

hand it was only a beginning in that direction restoring the Hoysala

control in the regions south of Tungabhadra was very essential. There

was Kampiladeva who had successfully fought against the Hoysala

army in the first decade of the 14th century. After the disappearance of

the sevunas he had become independent and was difficult to tackle

with. He was ruling over the regions of Kummata, Kampila and

Dorewadi.

An attack on Kampili from the North was almost impossible as

the river was very wide one and could not be easily crossed. It was

covered in the southwest and North eastern regions by huge hill

ranges. Kummata was also on the peak of a very huge hill. Thus

kampili had an almost impregnable fort. By capturing and occupying

this region the Hoysala could have good protection against, any

further Muhammadan aggression.

Perhaps with the intention putting an end to the Kingdom of

kampili that Ballala III marched with a large army. His army was

reinforced by the armies of his feudatories like kotinayaka. The

Hoysala army first compad at Balalla then started to Dorawadi and a

fierce battle took place between the two armies in which an officer of

Koli Nayaka Kuruka Nayaka fought bravely and died. According to

Derrett the Hoysala won this battle and as a result received

Penukonda and that Mahapradhana Machaya Dannayaka to rule

there in the month of September of the same year. He continued to

rule this region till his death and late was succeded by Gangadeva

Dannayaka.

Penukonda remained to be an important strategical poin till the

end of the Hoysalas and later occupied by the Vijayanagar Rulers. It is

known from an inscription that Bukkaraya was ruling from

103

Penukonda and Dorasamudra simultaneously. From here a close

watch could be made over the Northern and North Eastern regions.

The Kadambas had regained their power gradually but were not

powerful enough to raise their arms against the Hoysalas. It is seen in

an inscription of A.D. 1320 that sagar had been again aptured by the

Hoysala Vira Ballala III. He must also have had occupied Gutti by

A.D.1324. But his activities in this direction were stopped because of

the fresh attacks from Delhi.

Ballala III appears to have defeated the rulers of Nidugal also

who were enemies of the Hoysalas from a long time. One of his officers

Holakal Ganga Nayaka was ruling from Nidugal. Another inscription

from Serejammanahali mentions that a gift of land was made at some

place in the Nidugal Rajya. When Mahapradhani Macheya Dannayaka

was watching the northern frontier, Vira Ballala himself was very busy

reinforcing his southern border from the attacks of the Pandya

brothers. Vira Pandya had asked for the support of Vira Ballala III on

one hand and on the other supported a rival claimant Udaya

Marthanda Varman to occupy the Kerala throne against Ravi

Varman Kalasekhara, the then existing ruler of Kerala who was

supporting sundara Pandya. The two armies met near srirangam in

about A.D.1318.

By the end of A.D.1322 Vira Ballala III was ruling from

Tiruvannamalai and remained there for some more time. By residing

at this place he could watch the activities in the Pandya country with

much ease and could act accordingly. From here Ballala could safely

place himself for the attack of Kannanur.

When Ballala III was thus busy in the south Kampila had

launched an attack on the Hoysalas. A Hoysala army was dispatched

immediately to the place and in the encounter Baichaya Dannayaka,

104

who commanded the cavalry force of Kampila died. The Viragal

inscription which makes a reference to this encounter syas that the

Hoysala army was led by Vira Ballala III himself. The Hoysalas did not

achieve anything as a result of this encounter.

Kampila nevr the less did not keep quiet. He was definitely

making preparations to face the Hoysala attacks. An undated

inscription from kudali in simoga district states that Vira Ballala III,

who marched with all his forces to destry the pride of Kampila,

encamped at Siruguppe in the Kernel of the Kingdom of Kampili.

Kampila met the enemy and fought as to win the praise of the whole

world. Ballala III in all probabilities tasted defeat in this as it is seen

that he is making yet another attempt to destroy the fordes of Kampila

in A.D. 1325. In this, the last encounter between the two forces,

Baichaya Dannayaka and Singaya Dannayaka, officers of Vira Ballala

III took part.

While the Hoysala was thus engaged in the expansion of his

empire, the muhammadans casted their shadows on the Hoysalas

once again. This was again much unexpected to the Hoysala and came

in the form of the episode of Bhauddin Gurshasp.

Baha-ud-din, a nephew of king Ghias –ud-din Tughalak was

ruling over sagar province in the neighbourhood of Gulbarga in

Deccan. He did not accept the friendly hand offered by his cousin and

this resulted in a war between the two. Baha-ud-din was defeated and

ran to Kampila Deva. When Kampila deva could not protect him, sent

him to Vira Ballala III, who for some reason handed him over to the

Muhammadan general.

Rice says that Vira Ballala III did not surrender immediately as

a result of which the Hoysala capital was demolished during the

105

muhammadan attack of A.D. 1326-27 inscriptions clearly show that

Vira Ballala was ruling from Dorasmudra as late as A.D.1338.

Only a few inscriptions refer to Ballala III as ruling from

Dorasamudra from this time onwards. The reason for this was that

Dorasamudra had lost it importance as head quarters and became a

halting station during Ballala’s movements. He had to be more alert

on his frontiers in the South as well as north. Thus Virupaksha

pattana, Tiruvannamalai etc. became strategic points.

Though Ballala III stayed at Tiruvannamalai most of his time,

his political activities to the south of this town are not Apart from the

region of Tiruvannamalai, no inscriptions of Ballala III have been

found to the east or south of Tiruvannamalai.

Vira Ballala III, Very unlike to his character, never turned his

attention to the reign below the ghats the Alupa territories, unless, he

was provoked.

The Muhammadan attack under Muhammad-bin-Tughlak,

troubles from the ruler of Kampili, his ambition to capture Kannanur

and several other problems kept Vira Ballala III tightly engaged and

kept him away from entering into the politics of the Tuluva country.

Once he got rid of Kampila Deva and the muhammadans dis appeared

from the scene, he turned his attention to the Tuluva country and

placed himself firmly there which resulted in the end of the Alupa

independence. They remained to be the feudatories of the Hoysalas till

their end.

Anyhow by A.D. 1333 it is seen that the inscription of Vira

Ballal III in Tuluva prove that he was recognized as a king, atleast in

some parts of Tuluva. He assumed the royal titles of the tuluvas like,

“pandya Chakravarti, Ariraya Basava Sankara etc., and placed his

106

chief queen chikkayi Tayi, who is called by other names like Kikkayi,

Bikkayi, Krsnayi Tayi, etc as his representative in Tuluva.

Derrett and Salatore are of the opinion that the Mudubidre

inscription is the earliest inscription of Vira Ballala III. But

Dr.K.V.Ramesh has conclusively proved that they have erred in this

identification and that the earliest inscription is the one from Nilavana

in Udupi Taluk of A.D.1333. This inscription refers to his chief queen

Kikkayi Tayi along with Vayijappa Dannayaka and other officers in

whose presence certain gifts of lands were made to the temple of

Durga Bhagavati by the 14 members of the Niruvana Assembly.

The Alupas realized that hostility with the powerful Hoysalas

meant their own destruction. Therefore it appears that they

compromised with the Hoysalas as proved by the alupas and chikkayi

tays in the same village at times.

Alupa soyideva’s reign ended somewhere in A.D.1335 and was

succeeded by Kulasekhara who ruled from Barahakanyapura.

Chikkayi Tayi was also ruling from the same place. Hence it may be

assumed that there developed a sort of understanding between the

Alupas and Chikkayi Tayi.

Kanchi had become a part of the Hoysala empire in the thirties

of the 14th century. Vidya chakravarin in his rukmini Kalyana

descripbes Vira Ballala’s success over the Panyas and the rulers of

Kongu (Kanka), Kerala, Konakana and kanchi.

Kanchi had become an easy target to invaders because of its

position and therefore constantly changed hands. Though it is known

from inscriptions that Vira Ballala III was in Kanchi atleast once in

A.D. 1295 and then in A.D. 1335 it was not under his rule

throughout. The Kerala ruler Ravi varman Kulasekhara was occupying

107

it upto A.D. 1315. He withdrew from Kanchi because of the constant

troubles from Virapandya who occupied it then. But the authority of

Vira Ballala III was certainly recognized in and around Kanchi and the

local chiefs acknowledged his overlordship.

Since the establishment of the Sultanate of Madura, Vira Ballala

III was residingly mostly at Tiruvannamalai which was the base of his

operations against the muhammadans. Probably it was ast this time

that b he became more acquitted with Kanchi. Perhaps trouble in the

east induced him to march to kanchi. An inscription dated to

A.D.1335 in the Arulala perumal temple says that the Hoysala

monarch was camping at Kanchi, and made liberal grants to scholars

and poets.

There are a few more inscriptions of his Hoysala ruler at Chikka

Conjivaram. All these inscriptions reveal his devoltion to the

Vaishavism. Like his predecessors, Vira Ballala III also had great

devotion for this religion.

On the left wall of the Rashigopura in the Kamakshi temple at

Kanchipuram, Chinglapet district there is an inscription which to

classified under prasastis and is famously known as Vira Ballala

prasasti. It was composed by vadya chakravartin, the court poet of

Vira Ballala. He calls his composition as Vallala gunasthhava. This

gives an account of the relation that existed betws betseen Vira

Ballala II and the other contemporary rulers of Southern Peninsula.

In an inscription of a.D. 1334 from the Malavalli Taluk

Viraballala is described as Kanchi Kanchana is a blinding mirror to

Kandhi and clari ms that he was to the Kadava family. Parts of Kongu

mandalam were also the actual god of death annexed to his territories.

Some of his inscriptions are seen in few places of Dharapuram Taluk

of Coimbatore district also. He authority and control over these areas

108

had realy a role to play in his future plans of driving away the

muhammadans from the south.

While Vira Ballala III was busy in the south, there arose

confusion in the santara country and he promptly dispatched an army

under the generalship of Kamey Nayaka. This army marched to Kuppe

and attacked the Santaras. A fight ensued on at Jiduvaligenad in

which some were dead.

Thus aetch safeguarding his southern borders and suppressing

internal dissentions, Vira Ballala had the much more difficult task of

protecting the northern frontiers of his kingdom, particularly from the

destructive nature of the Muhammadan on slaughts. He certainly

matched himself to the situation and did his best in this direction.

The muhammadans under Mubarak Khilji established garrisons

in different parts of south India Viz., Devagiri, Madhvna, Kannanur

etc. the pandyas were more incapable of stopping the Muhammadan

army and had thus brought their own downfall.

Muhammad Tughlak who ascended the throne after the death of

Ghias-ud-din Tughlak could not give sufficient attention to this far

away country because of the constant trouble in his own

surroundings. The rebellion of baha ud din gurshasp had inspired

many. Added to this the moghals were a constant threat to him on the

other hand Vira Ballala III by his occupation of Tiruvannamalai and

the surrounding territories acted as a screen between Madura and the

representatives of Delhi sultan at Devagiri.

The sultanate of Madura was established in A.D.1335 as a

result of the rebellion of Jalal-ud-din Ahsan shaw. The establishment

of the Muhammadan power in southern India was definitely going to

be a death blow to the Hoysala if he did not keep himself on the alert.

109

He was making his own preparations against the sultanate of Madura.

He joined hands with kapaya Nayaka of the Telugu kngdom of

Prataparudra and attacked the fort of Devagiri where, as already

pointed out the muhammadans had established a garrison malik

maqbul who had been stationed there was driven away by the

combined forces of the Hoysala and Kapaya Nayaka. After this they

marched together to Tondaimandal vanquished the Muhammadan

army stationed there and drove them away. It was placed under the

sambuvarayas.

It is perhaps possible as known from an inscription at

Tiruvamutthe that vira ballala and kapaya Dannayaka went to the aid

of sakala loka chakravartin venru man Konda sambuvarayar when

the latter had been attacked by the muhammadans. It appears that

the samburaraya had lost some of the territories and they were

regained with the help of the hoysala. Any how ballala’s part in the

establishment of the sambuvaraya power involved him in a series of

troubles from the muhammadans of Madura.

Hammed between two powerful enemies Vira Ballala III had to

bring all the southern powers to gather and had to pose a common

front if his own destruction had to be avoided.

The establishment of the Vijayanagara empire marks a very

important phase of the south Indian History. This empire was

destined to play a very prominent role in freeing south India from the

clutches of the muhammadans. It was the rulers of this kingdom that

completed the task which Vira Ballala had started. The subject of the

origin of Vijayanagara Empire has stood a challenge to the scholars,

who were responsible for the establishment of this empire is not

clearly known.

Anyhow it is true that the empire of Vijayanagar was closely

associated with the Hoysalas on the hand and the muhammadans on

110

the other. It is very difficult to pinpoint the exact time of Harihara’s

appearance in the political arena of south Indian history.

An inscription from chitrad urga dated A.D.1328 refers to a list

of officers in which appear the name of a kuthora hera who is

identified by some with Harihara of Vijayanagara empire. Other

officers mentioned in this inscription are Bhimaraya, simha

Raghunatha, Kalamegha, Ballappa and Singaya Dannayaka.

Feristan syas that Krishna Naig and Ballala deve decided to face

the enemy unitedly and as a result of this Ballala got constructed

Beejanuggur in the north in the name of his son Beeja. This is

generally identified with Hampi

.

The earliest inscription of the Vijayanagara rulers comes from

Bowringpet Taluk dated A.D.1336. Harihara seems to have made

several grants immediately after his coronation. As a result of the

attempts made to strengthen the northern territories of the Hoysala

empire the birth of Vijayanagar took place.

After the establishment of a city in the north Ballala could safely

turn to the activities in the south. He had already occupied places esst

of Tiruvannamalai. It is known from an inscription that he made a

successful campaign to the north somewhere in the early part of

January A.D.1337 along with a few of his Dannayakas. It was perhaps

after this that he retuned to Tiruvannamalai.

Parts of Dharapuram Taluk of Coimbatore district remained to

be under the control of Vira Ballala is proved by three of his

inscriptions parts of pollachi Taluk in the same district was also

under suzeraignty of Vira Ballala III is proved by an inscription of A.D.

1338.

Vira Ballala III payed a visit to Barakur in A.D.1338 where he

had stationed a grarrison. This was to inspect his army and when

111

Ankaya Nayaka obayed to stay there he was pleased and made a grant

to Ankaya Nayaka. He remained at Barakur for some more time. It is

known from an inscription of a stilightly later date refers to some

grant made by Ballala III for the God Kotesvara.

Ballala III next marched towards Sri Vijaya Virupakshapura Via

Dorasanmudra. He was perhaps going there with the intention of

performing the coronation cermany of his son Virupaksha Ballala IV

which he had in the next year. Another inscription of the same year

i.e., A.D. 1339 says that he was ruling the empire from Hosanadu

apparently referring to the newly established capital in the North. By

A.D.1340 he is seen again staying at Dorasamudra. It is very strange

to know that Vira Ballala III never stayed at any one place for long

interval of time particularly after the first Muhammadan attack on his

capital city. In an inscription of A.D. 1340 from Davanagere Taluk,

hardly after few months interval he is seen to be residing at a place

called Malapattana. Rice had identified this with Unnamale pattana.

The coronation ceremony must have taken place after the

activities of Ballala III mentioned above. In the latter part of the year

that the anointing ceremony was performed. The inscription reads

Rajyam gayyuttavyire Rajyabhisekavam Madi. Sri.M.V.Krishna Rao

feels that there is no evidence to state that the anointing ceremony

took place at Hampi as a few scholars state. Derrett on the other hand

behieves that this ceremony took place at Tiruvannamalai.

When things were slowly coming under Vira Ballala’s hold there

arouse trouble at Madura for the throne. Jalal-ud-din Ahsan shaw,

the king of Madura was murdered by some officer of his own in

A.D.1340 and was succeeded by Alla-ud-din Udaiji who assumed the

royal titles. In A.D 1341 he fought a successive battle against the

infidels and when he was hit by an arrow from an unknown hand.

112

According to Dr.K.A.Neelakanta Sastri the subjects of Madura

sultanate never co-operated with the Turkish rulers. He says that the

neighbouring powers like the Hoysalas were making repeated efforts to

pull down the Muhammadan power. In fact there were onstant

clashes between the sultan of Madura and the Hoysalas clashes

between the sultan of Madura and the Hoysalas along the Kaveri-

Coleroon border where there had taken place wars previously between

the forces of the Hoysalas and the Pandyas. Though the pandyas had

ceased to be a prominent power, after the occupation of Madura,

Kannanur and other places by the muhammadans, they were

definitely carrying on the resistence against the Sultanate of Madura

while the Hoysala Vira Ballala III was exerting all his power to capture

back the Fort of Kannanur which commanded the road to Madura.

The years 1340-43 mark a very important phase in the History

of south India. It was now that several changes were destined to take

place. Ballala III was busily engaged as a hornet and was making

preparations to give the ultimate blow to the sultanate of Madura. He

remained at Tiruvannamalai. Knowing that failure in the mission

against the Sultanate of Madura meant the end of the Hoysala

Empire, he never wished to take risks. He was perhaps making

preparations all the while.

An inscription of A.D.1341 from Malur Taluk mentions a new

title of Vira Ballala III called setumulajayasthambha denoting that the

Hoysala Monarch planted a pillar of victory at setu, which has been

differently identified by scholars with some place near Goa,

Ramesvara etc.

With the death of Ala-ud-din udaiji, his son-in-law Qutb-us-din

ascended the throne. But he was an inefficient ruler and ruled for only

four days. After killing him Ghias-ud-din Dhamghani succeeded to the

Madura throne. He was a son-in-law of Jalal-ud-din Ahasan shaw. It

113

was during the reign of this ruler that the Hoysala monarch attacked

kannanur. Ibn Batuta, the moor traveler stayed in the court of the

sultan Ghias-ud-din Dhamghani and has left a graphic description of

the events that took place during his stay there. He has given

importance to even the minute points and by given importance to even

the minute points and by the time he entered the city of Madura the

battle between Dhamghani and Ballala III had just been over as he

says that he saw the caricature of the last great Hoysalaruler hung on

the walls of Madura.

It can be understood from the statements of Ibn Batuta that

Ghias-ud-din Dhamghani was a very and ruler and mercilessly put to

death a large number of innocent Hidus, men and women alike Ibn

Batuta himself was horrified by this and says that for all these cruel

acts Ghias-ud-din Damghani paid penalty in the very future. He lost

his only son and then his wife affected by some unknown digease. His

own death took place a little later.

Vira Ballala III, beigg a Hindu ruler, that too one of the

strongest Hindu monarch of the days, could not tolerate the cruelties

perpetrated on the Hindus. This perhaps added to the general desire

that was in him to free the southern peninsulas from the havoes of the

sultan of Madura.

The Hoysala ruler was closely watching the situation at Madura

during the last decade and was wathcin the constant predatory

activities of the muhammadans. It was very essential for him to guard

the frontier here Ibn Batuta says that adjoining the state of Ghias-ud-

din Dhamghani was that of an infidel monarch named Ballala deo who

one of the principal kings of south India at that time. He also points

our that this Hindu sovereign marched with a very huge army

consisting of one lakh soldiers apart from 2000 mussalman soldiers

whose service he received the muhammadan army the other hand

consisted of hardly six thousand men of which about half were worth

114

nothing. The two armies met at Kobban identified with Kannanur

Koppam near Srirangam.

In the conflict that ensued, the muhammadan army was easily

routed when Ballala ordered them to vacate the fort of Kannanur they

asked 15 days true with in in which period they suddenly attacked the

unprepared Hoysala army and captured Ballala. After extracting all

wealth from him on the pretext that they would leave him and then

put him to death. Ibn Batuta saw the body hanging when he entered

Madura. This is how Vira Ballala III, one of the most prominent rulers

of the Hoysala dynasty and of the contemporary times met his end. He

had almost succeeded in his mission of driving away the

muhammadans from south India but for his treacherous murder. His

task was continued by the Vijayanagar rulers and hardly three

decades later was this completed by Vira Kampana Raya of

Vijayanagar.

Inscriptions also refer to the clashes between the Hoysalas and

the muhammadans. An inscription from Kudur Taluk dated A.D.1342

refers to a battle took place at Chirichi… Palli in which it stated that

Vira Ballalaraya lost his life along with one Kankaya for whom this

Viragal inscription was erected.

The Hoysala Empire practically came to an ent after the death of

Vira Ballala III though he was succeeded by his son virupaksha

Ballala IV who ruled for a few more years.

The death of Vira Ballala III was an irreparable damages and

irretrievable loss to the Hoysalas and they did not recover from this at

all.

Virupaksha Ballala IV who ascended the throne with the death

of his father was already man of atleast 45 or 50 years. His last

115

inscription is dated to A.D.1346. His reign was not an eventful one.

The Hoysalas had already lost as an imperial power and was giving

way to Vijayanagar which later became the very powerful empire.

Soon after the death of Vira Ballala III many of his officers

became independent and some joined Vijayanagara rulers, like

Ketayya Dannayaka, Singaya Dannayaka etc.,

Ballappa Dannayaka, who was one of the most powerful and

very influential officers during the days of Vira Ballala III was now

perhaps in a position of full fledged King maker and naturally

attracted the attention of Harihara I, the First ruler of Vijayanagara

empire. An inscription of Harihara I dated to A.D. 1349 from Sringeri

refers to Ballappa Dannayaka as Aliya Ballappa Dannayaka giving us

an idea tht he must have married a daughter of Harihara I another

inscription of the time of Harihara II dated A.D.1380 refere to the

same incidence. He is mentioned along with Harihara and his

brothers in that inscription officially. Ballappa Dannayaka must have

joined with the Sangama brothers probably after the death of

Virupaksha Ballala. Another inscription from Trinisi issued only six

months after the sringeri inscription mentions Aliya Ballappa

Dannayaka as making some grant. By the time of this inscription he

had been promoted to the rank of mahamandalesvara.

The Hoysala Empire slowly merged into the Vijayanagara

kingdom with in a very short span of time. The shifting of powrs was

bloodless one and a conclusion proof that the Vijayanagara rulers

were in friendly terms with the Hoysalas and their subjects. An

inscription from the Bangalore District refers itself to the reign of

Harihara I of Vijayanagar. It was a part of the Hoysala empire hardly a

year prior to the date of this inscription as suggested by Bn.120.

Another inscription in Tamil of the same year from Malur Taluk

recods the remission of taxes by Harihara issued uner the royal seal.

116

This further confirms that the Hoysala Empire merged with the

Vijayanagar Kingdom very speedy.

Though the death of Ballala III brought the Hoysala rule to an

and in the plains, in the Tuluva country it continued under his chief

queen chikkayi Tayi. She assumed all the imperial titles although her

reign was also not eventful. She was succeeded by her son

Kuiasekhara in A.D.1348 who is known from three inscriptions issued

by him. It is known from these inscriptions that Barakur remained to

be the capital of the Alupa Hoysalas.

117

CHAPTER-IV ADMINISTRATION DURING BALLALA III

The object of the present Chapter is to analyse briefly the ideal

of Vira Ballala III’s state organisation, the characteristics of the

Government, its aims and policies and to sketch some of the

important features of administration and the administrative systems

and to fill in detail in the light of the available Inscriptions.

Inscriptions of the Vira Ballala III by themselves may not give a

clear picture of the Hoysala administration of the times, but taking

Hoysala administration in general as the background during the reign

of this ruler.

It is already stated in the earlier chapter that the reign of the

Vira Ballala III extended to over fifty years from A.D.1292. It was

period of continuous struggle. In fact the latter part of his reign

completely engaged him in safeguarding his empire against the hostile

Muhammadan attacks. Inscriptions reveal that he had appointed his

trusted officers at different strategic points to stop the Muhammadan

forces from entering into the Kernel of the Hoysala Empire. It is

known from the inscription at Chitradurga1 of A.D.1340 that Kamaya

Dannayaka, a mahapradhana of his, was ruling over Virupaksha

Hosadurga.

The Hoysala administration in general had been based on the

ancient Hindu ideals and it was not much different from that of other

contemporary South Indian empires. They owe much to the Gangas

and the Chalukyas for the basic pattern of administration. Some of

the officers like that of Nadagauda, Nad Prabhu, Senabova and the

formation of the nad assemblies are largely due to the Gangas and the

appointing of the crowned prince and other princes reign on behalf of

the rulers and the division of the empire rule over different into

118

different provinces were largely due to the influence of the Chalukya

administration.

Vira Ballala III definitely introduced many innovations to the

administrative machinery which will be discussed in detail later.

These changes were largely because; the Hoysala Empire had reached

the climax in extent. Though the Tamil districts practically came

under the Hoysalas during the reign of Somesvara himself it had been

divided between his two sons Ramanatha and Vira Narasimha III,

thus the newly acquired portion i.e., the Tamil regions which had

formed a part of the Cola and Pandya Kindoms went into the share of

Ramanatha, while the ancestral part was presented to Narasimha III.

Ramanatha and Narasimha III were not in good terms form the very

beginning of their career. Thus they became two different powers. It

was only during the regin of Vira Ballalla III the Hoysala Empire was

united once again and it added to Vira Ballala’s responsibilities, by

demanding the close attention for the far off parts of the empire.

Added to this for the first time in the history of South India,

muhammadans landed on the soil here and proved a menace to all the

royal families here. Hitherto the enemies, who were natives of the

Southern Peninsula, would have been satisfied with mere territorial

gain. But the muhammadans showed more inclination to ransack the

cities and to loot the treasure here and it was only after that they

thought of staying here and held the local powers under their control.

In these circumstances the only way left to postpone the doom of the

Hoysala dynasty was by introducing new system in the administrative

mechanism.

King

Hereditary succession was the usual system of the day. The

King was the supreme authority in all matters, whether political or

religious or social or economic though he had to consult the various

department heads on all important matters, His exercise of authority

119

and involvement in the administrative mechanism never stood an

impediment in carrying an a harmonious working of the system.

The duty of the king was two folded as constantly mentioned in

the inscription “Dushtha Sikshana” and “Sistha Pratipalana”. When

the man on the throne proved to be inefficient, the a number of

internal troubles in the form of cattle raids, decoity outbreaks

increased and the subject could never be happy at all during the reign

of such rulers.

One of the most important duties of the King was to attend to

his military forces. At times of crisis he personally attended battles

and made grants to those who fought bravely on his side.

He was the supreme authority in matters of religion, society,

law, justice etc. The King was the protector of all religious and looked

at all the religions with impartiality. He very well knew that

predilection to any particular religion would spoil his sense of

catholicity.

The King took active interest in matters of law and justices. In

matters of disputes he used to consult his officers before giving

judgement. The Panchapradhana Council joined hands with the King

in deciding very complicated disputes. In treating cases where there

would have been no proof to show that the suspected was the real

culprit, he was made to undergo a sort of severe ordeal. It was beloved

that if the accused was blemish free he would win the ordeal. Such an

ordeal is recorded in an inscription of A.D.1309.2 Governors ruling

over different regions with the aid of the assemblies were deciding

many disputes involving men belonging to their own regions. Courts

were accessible to even a common man.3

The King used to make extensive trips throughout his empire

with the main intention of securing the integrity of his power.

120

Yuvaraja

The position of Yuvaraja was a very prominent one. It was

customary to appoint the eldest son as the Yuvaraja. He was

invariably associated with the King in carrying out the administration.

The crown prince was usually placed to rule as Governor of a

particular region during the life time of his father. Vira Ballala III was

not an exception to this. He was ruling over the coastal region as early

as A.D. 1278.

The Yuvaraja was taking part in campaigns also on behalf of the

King through there is no reference to such campaigns under taken by

Vira Ballala III as a crown prince.

It is known from the Muhammadan chroniclers that Vir Ballala

III had sent his son, crown prince Virupaksha Ballala IV to the

custody of the muhammadans as a token of his loyalty to the victor. It

is believed that he had been sent on a very responsible diplomatic

mission.

Queens

The Hoysala rule witnessed the involvement of the Queens along

with Kings in the administration. Umadevi one of the Queens of Vira

Ballala II was an able administrator and stood hand in hand with her

husband in Administration. She participated in many battles and it is

known that she was ruling over the empire from the Hoysala

headquarters of Dorasamudra during the absence of her husband.

Another Queen of Vira Ballala II, Abhinava Ketala Devi also

participated in the administration. It is certain that Vira Ballala II was

the only ruler who made best use of his wives in matters of

administration.

121

The words of Derrett are to be accepted4 that Vira Ballala III did

not make much use of his wives in the administration of the Country.

But it is known from the inscriptions that Chikkayi Tayi who ruled

over the region of South Kanara, provides us a solitary example to

prove that he made use of at least one of his Queens in

administration.

Ministry

Administration of the empire was not a simple affair. It required

a large number of portions each held by a respective officer. The

member of such offices depended upon the necessities of the time. At

times a single officer was holding different offices at the same time

and it is also seen that an officer was holding different offices at a

different times. The peace and prosperity of the empire largely depend

upon the ability of its ministry.

The most important and the frequently mentioned officer was

the mahapradhana. He was generally in charge of a province. It is

known from several inscriptions that Madhava Dannayaka, Son of

Ferumale Dannayaka was ruling over the Padinakunad from

Terakanambi.5 Machaya Dannayaka, another mahapradhani and later

his son Gangideva Dannayaka were ruling over the region of

Penukonda.6 Mahapradhana Somaya Dannayaka was ruling over the

region of present day Chitradurga7 and Kameya Dannayaka over the

region of Virupakshapattana.

In addition to their duties as Pradhanas, many a time they were

given different portfolios and it is seen that an officer holding more

than one office at the same time. Malliyanna Dannayaka, a

mahapradhani under Vira Ballala III was also a senapati.8 Kameya

Dannayaka a mahapradhani is known form an inscription of A.D.

1341 from Channapatna Taluk, to be a royal Dandanatha.9

122

Lakumaya, an officer of Vira Ballala III was holding the officers of

Mahapradhana, Sarvadhikari, Senadhipati and Hiriya Dandanatha.10

By the time of Vira Ballala III, mahapradhanas were very large

in number and all of them could not be use at a time. Derrett is

convincing in stating that the mahapradhanas must have formed a

sort of Privy Council from which a group of select members carried on

the general affairs.11 Altekar translates the “mahapradhana” as Prime

Minister, but Derrett says that mahapradhana was an official of a very

high rank. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy is of the opinion that the

mahapradhanas were usually officers in the capital of the subordinate

rulers and were thus bringing a sort of connection between the Head

Quarterrs anf that of the Feudatories.12 This statement is supported

by an inscription of Vira Ballala III where it is nentioned that Singaya

Dannayaka, son of Madhava Dannayaka was a mahapradhana, stayed

in the court of Tiruvenkatanatha Yadavaraya who was ruling over the

regions around Tirupati as well as in the court of his son

Sriranganatha Yadavaraya. Mahapradhana Singaya Dannayaka, son

of Somaya Dannayaka was in the court of Virapandya and died in a

battle while fighting for that ruler against Samudra Pandya.13

Appointment to the post of mahapradhana was hereditary. Thus

it is seen that perumala Dannayaka was succeeded by his son

Madhava Dannayaka as mahapradhana who in turn was succeeded

by his two sons Singaya Dannayaka and then Ketayya Dannayaka.

Somaya Dannayaka, who was a mahapradhana even under

Narasimha III was succeeded by hi son Singaya Dannayaka and

Ballappa Dannayaka. Mahapradhani Macheya Dannayaka was

succeeded by his son Gangideva Dannayaka.

The mahapradhana was assisted by a large number of officers

and thus a mahapradhana was in no way different from the

mahamandalesvaras. Kengu Irame Nayakka was a subordinate officer

123

of Singaya Dannayaka.14 Kaluva Chikka Vittappa mentioned in an

inscription from the Kolar Taluk was pradhana under the

mahapradhana Ballappa Dannayaka.15

It is ponted out by A.V.Narasimha Murthy that the

mahapradhana was invariably present on the occasion of grants made

by the mahamandalesvara or savantas.16

Sarvadhikari was another portfolio of great importance. The

nature of work assigned to this officer is not known. He must have

been a very important officer, sort of a spokesman in a Council, others

being merely his colleagues. According to Dinker Desai, Sarvadhikari

was an officer of the Finance Branch.17

Derrett is of the opinion that the Sarvadhikari had role to play

in all the Departments.18 An inscription form the Mysore Taluk of

A.D.130319 that Lakumayya was Mahapradhana as well as a

Sarvadhikari. It is definitely known that an officer holding one

portfolio was given later another portfolio, perhaps a sort of

promotion. Thus Lakkanna a sandhivigrahi in the house of Vira

Ballala III was placed on Sarvadhikari of Hadavalikenad.20

Sarvadhikari was frequently mentioned in connection with grants of

land and money to temples.

Senapati was another office connected with the military duties.

A large number of Senapathis are known from the inscriptions of Vira

Ballala III. These senapatis were also called by other names like

Senadhipati, Senadhipa, Samastha Senadhipa, Mahanayakacharya

etc. It is suggested by a few that the Senadhipatis were also taking

part in other aspects of administration as well. Lakumayya, to whom a

reference has already been made to, was senapati as well as a

mahapradhana. Feudatory rulers were also given opportunity to serve

as military officers by the sovereign. Kariyabbarana Nayaka’s son

124

Chikkanna Nayaka had the title Manayaka Charya. Feudatories also

encouraged by giving them opportunities to serve in the imperial army

as officers. Bilachokkayya Nayaka Bogayya Dannayaka and another

officer whose name is effaced were feudatory rulers as well as military

officers.21 The term Dannayaka, was perhaps very loosely used.

Actually the term Dannayaka or Dandanayaka means the head of an

unit of the army. But there are references to the Dannayakas engaged

in the civil administration also. Thus Somaya Dannayaka a

mahapradhana of Vira Ballala III who was ruling over Bemmattur

Kallu as a governer, went and fought against the army of Kampiladeva

and died. Several such references are seen in the inscriptions of Vira

Ballala III. Infact Dr.T.V.Mahalingam mentions that there was not

much difference between the officers of administration and Military

officers.22 That is why it is seen in a large number of instances a

single officer holding more than one post at the same time including

both military and the civil administrative posts. Lakanna was a

senapati Hiriya Dandanatha, a mahapradhana and a Sarvadhikari.

It can be said with certainty that the Dannayaka was the most

important and highest official in a district.

Mahasavantadhipati is another officer often mentioned in the

inscriptions. The term Samantha means a feudatory and naturally the

term Samanthadhipati means, an officer appointed by the King to rule

over the Samanthas. These officers were entrusted with the collection

of imperial dues like Perjunka, Vaddaravula and bikoda.23

The officers of the Sandhivigrahika and the mahasavantadhipati

are connected to Dr.T.V.Mahalingam, in that the mahasavantadhipati

took the role of the Sandhivigrahikas of the earlier times as no

reference is seen in the inscriptions of the rulers of the Vijayanagar

Empire, to the term Sandhivigrahika.

125

There were several feudatories under each mahasavantadhipati

and one such feudatory of Bommaya Nayaka of Holakal was Bhairarsa

Chola Maharaha.24 Apart from this there were subordinate officers

under the mahasavantadhipati like Honnagauda who was the

mahanadprabhu of Kukkalnad during the rule of Bommaya Nayaka.25

The mahasavantadhipatis were also very proficient in the art of

military activities. In fact it can be easily made that officer of all most

all the portfolios whether civil or military had to be through in the art

of warfare.

“Sandhivigrahi” was an officer in charge of the foreign affairs i.e,

a minister of war and peace. He was perhaps carrying a diplomatic

neogotiations with the neighbouring countries. Derrett syas26 that it

was the duty of these Offices to contract alliances, watch the relation

that existed with the foreign powers, to treat the foreign visitors and to

decide as to when to break and on what grounds, treaty and to change

alliance. Dr.A.S.Altekar points out in his” The Rashtrakutas and their

Times”27 that the Sandhi Vigrahika was usually entrusted with the

drafting of the copper plate charcters creating alienated holidays.

Altekar also says that there were mahasandhivigrahikas under whom

there were ordinary sandhivigrahikas.

Srikaranadhikari was the principal accountant. The treasury

consisted of a number of officials who superintendent the activities in

the treasury. Each governor ruling over a particular region had a

treasury under his control from where he could send the revenue of

the region under his control to the imperial treasury.

References are available to the office of “Bahattara Niyogi”

during the days of Vira Ballala III. Several inscriptions of this

monarch from South Kanara make reference to the Bahattara Niyoga.

There was a Bhattara Niyogadhipati over them. Derrett and

126

Dr.Narasimha Murthy28 explain the term Bahattara as an officer of 72

offices or branches.

“Rajaguru” is classified by several scholars as an office

connected with the administration. Quite a few inscriptions of Vira

Ballala III point out the name of Rajaguras. The King was seeking his

advice on important matters connected with religion. There comes a

reference to a pattana Rajaguru in an inscription from Chitradurga.29

The Rajagurus were even invested with powers to control the activities

of the Kings.

The administration of the palace was no longer a simple affair.

The administrative machinery had become more complicated by the

time of Ballala III it had become so well developed that a large number

of offices were appointed to look after the activities of the imperial

palace. The palace had its own Srikarana Adhikaris, House ministers,

Senior House Senabovas etc. Baichaya Dannayaka was a Senior

House Minister of Vira Ballala III.30 Baichaya Sahami and Davayya

Sahani were officers in the house of the Hoysala sovereign. These

house ministers again had several subordinate office of Bireya

Dannayaka, a pradhana in the palace of Vira Ballala III.31 Even

mahamandalesvaras were appointed as house minister of Ballala III.32

Mahapasayitas was an officer connected with the palace. This

office was also usually held by such distinguished officer like the

mahapradhanas, Dannayakas and many a time even by the governor

of a province.33 Reference are not scanty to show that mahapasayitas

were ruling over different territorial divisions. It is known from an

inscription in the T.Narasipur Taluk of A.D.C.130034 that

Mahapasayita Rayappa was ruling over Torenad, with considerable

Power. They were efficient even in the field of warfare. Chikka

Bayireya Nayaka, a mahapasayita had the tittle Miseyaraganda,35 a

title usually borne by military officers.

127

The other officers of the palace were chamberlain, Durbar

Bakshi and betel carrier.36

Feudatories

The most important feature of administration of the times was

that a number of feudatories had spread far and wide in the Hoysala

country. Invariably, rulers who were defeated and subjugated became

the feudatories of the conqueror and their successors continued to be

the feudatories, till they were able to stand against the power of their

conqueror. The feudatories of Vira Ballala III, at least some of them,

were royal to him and at times of crisis even helped the king by

supplying to him with men and materials. Koteya Nayaka whom

Ballala III defeated in A.D.1302-03 became a loyal feudatory and

helped in battles.37 Madedeva was a mahamandalasvara whose

subordinate Kandarideva sent his ‘maiduna’ to fight against the forces

of Kampiladeva in A.D.1320.38 Sodaladeva, another feudatory is

known to have fought against the Sevuna army that had marched

under Yabbara Nayaka somewhere in A.D.1303.

Thus the feudatories under Vira Ballala III were certainly loyal

and sacrificed their lives for him.

It is correctly pointed out by scholars that the mahapradhana

was a connecting link between the imperial headquarters and the

feudatory state.

Important matters connected with the society and religions were

decided by the mahamandalesvaras. An inscription from the Maddur

Taluk of A.D.1325 refers to Kamalaraja Tammayya, a Mahamanda-

lesvara of Vira Ballala III who decided some important matter

connected with the duties and privileges of the 18 Samayas.

128

The Feudatory rulers can be classified under different

categories. Inscriptions often make references to feudatories by the

terms like Mahamandalesvaras, Mandalikas, Samantas etc. The

mahamandalesvaras were of the highest rank among them. Many

such mahamandalesvaras often referred to in the inscriptions. Next

comes the mandalikas. At the very outset it is clear that the

mandalikas were definitely of a lower rank compared to the

mahamandalesvaras. Dr.Derrett supports this view.39 Sarumeya

Nayaka was one such Mandalika under the Vira Ballala III and he was

ruling over Harunad.40 Devandicchayan was another Mahamanda-

lesvaras ruling over Koygaikkumnadu.

Samanthas are classified as rulers, who were guarding the

frontiers once. But as the boundary fluctuates often their hereditary

lands could have been far beyond the frontiers.41 Derrett points out

that in the Tamilian Districts in the east the subordinate rulers were

called nadalvas with a prefix of the nad they were ruling over.

The Santaras were feudatories of the Hoysalas since a very long

time and they remained to be so even during the days of Vira Ballala

III. It is known from an inscription42 in the Chikkamagalur Taluk that

Kaladevi was the Santara Queen and her son was Vira Pandya Deva.

The Cholas of Nidugal were again Feudatories ruling over a

small region in the central Mysore and in the last decade of the 13th

century Gunesa Chola Maharaja was their ruler. By about the early

part of the forties of the 14th Century this area was under the control

of Holakal Bommaya Nayaka. This again gives a hint that

Samantadhipati were placed above the Samantas.

Gangas were also a feudatory family under the Hoysalas.

Vikrama Gangan, a son of Uttama Sola Gangan, Lord of the City of

129

Kuvatala i.e, Kolar and a descent of the Ganga family was his

feudatory.43

Territorial divisions:- The Hoysala empire during the days of

Vira Ballala III had reached the Zenith in extent including quite a

large part of the tamil Country, almost the whole of the kannada

Country and had extended a little in the Telugu Country also. Parts of

Anantha pur and Hindipur districts were under the control of Vira

Ballalla III.

The highest division in the Tamil Country was a ‘mandlam’.

Three such mandalas are known from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala

III. They were the Nigarili Sola mandalam, i.e., Nolambavadi44

Tondaimandlam i.e., Jayangonda Sola Mandalam45 and Mudigonda

Sola Nandalan i.e., Gangadevi.46

The Mandalam was divided into ‘Valanadus’. Very few Valandus

are known from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala.47 The Valanadu was

inturn divided into ‘nadus’. An inscription from Mulbagal says that

the nadu was a part of the Valanadu.48 Dr.T.V.Mahalingam observes

the existence of large number of nadus in each Valanadu49 though

inscriptions of Vira Ballala III do not throw any light on this point.

Each nadu had a number of ‘mangalams’ in then. These

manglams were replices of the agrahara of the Kannada country.

Vijayaditya mangalam was in the Ilavanjinadu.50 Kongu Narayana

Chaturdedi mangalam was in the Ilavanjinadu.51 Udaiya pirattu

mangalam was in the Narayyanur nadu52 and Vira Sola Chaturvedi-

manglam was in the Vira Sola Valanadu.

Inscriptions refer to atleast twelve nadus belonging to the

Nigaritu Cholamandalam though it is very difficult to say the exact

number of nadus in each mandala. Anyway it is certain that the

130

Nilgarili Solamandalam comprised almost the whole of the present day

Kolar District and a part of the Bangalore district.

Dr.Mahalingam points out that each nadu was divided into

units of fifty villages’ i.e, aimbadin melagaram.53 He also says that the

melagaram was further divided into the manglams. It is known from

an inscription from the Malur Taluk that Malaimundi Agaram was in

the Simadaparru54 and Settihalli was in Vittamangalaparru.55

‘Sthala’ was the next division. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam opines that

the division “Bhukti” gave place in latter times to sthala which

consisted of a few villages. The number of villages in each sthala

varied.56 Very few such sthalas are known through the inscriptions of

Vira Ballala III. Gajekara Kuppe was one such sthala1.57 Kadagodi, in

the Torevala Viritti in the Mahasannenad was another ‘sthala’.58

Village was the lowest division. It is known from the inscription

in the Honnali Taluk59 that several villages like Belagavatti, Hattivur,

Suratur, Chidugur, Honnali, Harubenagar, Golehalli, Gavanahalli,

Madanabavi, Chettanabavi etc., were a part of Belleyanad.

Some of the territorial divisions have been identified. From a

survey of the inscriptions belonging to Vira Ballala III, it is clear that

the Hoysala Empire now included parts of North Kanara, Shimoga and

Chitradurga districts in the north, districts of Kolar and Tumkur in

the east and North east respectively and the districts of Coimbatore,

North Arcot and Chinglepet districts in the south. It is possible that

parts of south Arcot and Tiruchinapalli districts also came under his

subjugation during the latter part his reign.

Administration of the Nadu

Each nadu had an officer appointed by the ruler, to look after

the administration. He was variously called as Nadu Gauda,

131

Nadaprabhu, Mahaprabhu, Mahanadprabhu, etc. Usually succession

to this post was hereditary. But at times they were appointed by

responsible bodies of the nadu like the Priests, Pattanaswami etc. It

aca be observed from the inscriptions that a particular nadu was

under different heads at different times. Thus Turavar Ammaiyan was

the superintentdent of Pulliyurnad in A.D.1332,60 than it was Turavar

Nayan by A.D.134161 and in the next year Turavar Savukka Devar.62

It is very difficult to say whether the above three heggades belonged to

the same family and succeeded to the post of Nad heggade or that

they were different persons appointed by the authrotities of the nadu.

The Nad heggade had several officials under his control with the

assistance of whom he was carrying out administration. Senabova,

the revenue officer etc. are often mentioned as assisting the nad

heggade in his duties. In fact it was the duty of Nad heggade to see

that the revenue was collected for which the revenue officer had been

appointed and to despatch the same to the royal treasury. The

Nadprabhu was also an authority in matters of justice. In the Tamil

speaking regions the Nad heggade was called differently as Turvar,

Nattu Nayagar, Nattavar etc. He was present on all important

occasions of the Nadu. The Nad heggade was wielding lot of power in

the local administration is evident from the fact that he was making

grants of villages. He was also proficient in the art of warfare. At times

of need he used to take part in military campaigns. They had their

own armies.

Grants of land were often made in the presence of the

mahajanas. The remuneration received by the Heggade was decided

by such important bodies like the priests, the mahajanas, the eighteen

samayas and the pattanaswanmis.63

The Nad senabova appears to have been considerably powerful.

Dr.A.V.Venkatarathnam suggests that the Nad Senabova had to

132

maintain what may be called the revenue registers of the nadu of

which he was the senabova. He also quotes an inscription from the

Sidlaghatta Taluk of A.D.1346 which contains the signature of the

Nad Senabova (accountant) Nilappaa.

Nad Assemblies

Each Nadu had its own assembly to assure a smooth

administration. The assembly of the nadu was known as the “Nadu”.

Inscription often refer to assembly of the nadu as

“prajegaundas” meaning that the representatives of the subjects.

These wielded lot of power in matters connected with land grants,

appointment of candidates for different offices etc.

Hadinentu Samaya’ and the ‘Halarus’ also find frequent

references in the inscriptions. It was very essential that at least one of

the Nad assemblies should have been present at important occasions.

The nad assemblies were meeting very frequently to discuss

matters connected with the nadus. One such meeting of the nadu was

held in Sigalanad.

Dr.G.S.Dikshit64 points out that the nad assembly consisted of

members belonging to different walks of life so that each community

could pose its trouble through its representative and get their

problems solved.

Whenever the trouble reached beyond the control of the Nad

Assembly, some of the responsible officers of the nadu, used to

approach the emperor himself and ask him to interfere in the matter.

Dr.Dikshit points out three types of assemblies via, the

Prabhugavanda’ comprising the headmen of the villages in the nadu,

133

the ‘Prajegavundas’, formed by the representatives of the people and

sometime these two were supported by the merchant guilds and the

agraharas.

Thus the Nad assesmbly could meet at its own accord. During

the meeting of such assemblies grants could be made, follies

committed could be set right works of social importance done like the

construction of temple or tank etc.

The Nad assembly had its own lands and the public lands were

controlled by them. These could be granted their own will and they

were not expected to refer this to a higher authority, the governor of

the region or the King.

The Nad assembly including the prajagavudamgal, the

merchants and perhaps even the governor of the nadu used to make

grants for various purposes. Some other times the donee was relieved

of paying any taxes for some time and afterwards a small amount

have to be paid provided they get sufficient income.

Administration of the Town

The Nadu had been, as already pointed out earlier, formed by a

group of towns or pattanas and villages. There was a municipal chief,

comparable to the present day mayor or a municipal councillor in a

city to look after the administration of the pattanas. This was the

‘Pattanaswamy; generally a Prominent merchant of the place.

Kalisetti, a pattanaswami was a mahavadda byavahari and a ubhaya

Nanadesi Chief.65 He was a representative of the King in a Town.

Assemblies of the Town

The towns had their own assemblies called differently as

Nagaras, Mahanagaras etc. The assemblies consisted of Vaddabya-

vaharis, Mummaridandas, Settinguttas, etc. Inscriptions of Vira

134

Ballala III do not supply with adequate information regarding the

administration and assemblies of the town. When a canal was drawn

off from the Yagachi river66 these municipal authorities were present.

The inscription which refers to this region of these times. It is signed

by the Rajaguru Vishnu Upadhyaya. At Talkad, there was sthanapati

in charge of the town. Dr.A.V.Venkatarathnam mentions that the

municipal organisation of Talkad consisted of four pattanaswami and

twenty five members.

Reference to the erection of new towns and to the conversion of

villages into towns are not scanty. One such new town was

constructed to the east of Chaudihalli by about A.D.131012,67 village

Chandi Maidiyanahalli was converted into a pattana by Singeya

Dannayaka, son of Chikkaya Sahani.68

When even a new town was constructed or a village was

converted into a town, certain regulations were made regarding the

taxes to be paid and any concession given. Some of the regulations

engraved on a foundation stone of a town69 is as follows. No fine was

levied to the mother and property of the deceased should be equally

distributed among the brothers, younger and elder alike. If a female

dies, her body should be buried if she were a married lady her body

was to be cremated.

In the case of the conversion of the village Chandinadayanahalli

into a Pattana, the regulation was that the elder brother’s property

should go to the younger brother and vice-versa. Invariably fairs were

established after the erection of new town. An inscription from

Channapatna Taluk of A.D.1319 makes reference to the establishment

of a fair.

The towns had their Senabavas called the Pattanasenabavas. It

was the duty of the senabava to write the text of the inscription and it

was later inscripted on stone by the engraver.

135

Village Administration

The head of the village was commonly called an “Ganda’ or

‘Gavunda’. Instances are there to show the presence of several gaudas

at the same place at the same time. An inscription of A.D.1343 from

Halasubalu in Bidurenad Hobli mentions several gaudas and the

inscription may mean that there were at least four gaundas in that

village.

The remuneration given to the gauda was not a fixed one.

Usually he was given rent free lands as grants or ‘gaudagodage’. He

was also given a house free of cost in the village and was also allowed

to take the dues of the fair. The gauda was a powerful personality in

the village and his orders could not be overlooked. He took active

interest in public welfare and in this he was assisted by the

Government as well as the villages.

The headman in an agrahara village was called ‘urodya’. He was

appointed by the mahajana assembly. The mahajana assembly was

very powerful an agrahara village and this was the administrative

body there. It was the mahajanas who were vested with the power to

decide boundary disputed, make new regulations and even to change

the Gauda of the place if he was irregular in his duty. Thus when

Hariyanna was unable to pay the original taxes and the extra that was

levied, handed over the lands to the Mahajanas assembly which gave

the gaudike of the place to Ramanna son of Mahapasayita Kavanna

who paid 8 gadyanas and one gadyana per year to the Brahmins as

taxes like Kattuge and Kanike.70 The Brahmins were expected to

defray and new tax that the palace would impose on them.

Village Assemblies

Among the village assemblies, inscriptions mention Okkalu,

Chaugave, Praje, Samaya, etc. It is very difficult to understand the

significance of these terms as inscriptions do not provide us with any

136

information. Anyhow the Mahajana assembly was wielding lot power

in the village administration. These mahajanas were Brahmins and

were great scholars and they were an embodiment of Vedas,

Upanishads etc. As already said Urodeya was the head of the

Mahajana assembly.

The agraharas adopted a peculiar system in appointing the

headman. Instead of appointing a heggade or a headman on lifetime

basis they used to appoint monthly headman or ‘Nasaveggade.’.

Whether this system of monthly headship was in vogue in the whole of

the Hoysala Empire or was restricted to a particular area is anybody’s

guess. Dr.Dikshit is of the opinion71 that this system started

somewhere in the middle of 13th century. The Masaveggade was to

receive certain allowances granted by the Mahajana assembly. Thse

Masaveggades were also called by a different name as ‘Varikaras’.

Dr.G.S.Dikshit says that they were executives of the village and town

assemblies in central and south India. This inscription which refers to

the ‘Varikara’ is from Bellary district and therefore it is certain that

this was in vogue in their particular area at least.

The Mahajanas of each village had contact with their

neighbouring villages and there were even transactions taking place

among them. It was not uncommon that the mahajanas of the village

making some land grants to the mahajana of some village.

‘Halaru’ a term often referred to in the inscriptions, was a village

assembly. An inscription from Holalkere Taluk of Chitradurga district

makes reference to this assembly. The ‘Halaru’ also took active part in

appointing Maragauda of Honnayakere as the mad heggade and in

fixing his remuneration.

The Hadinettu samaya or the HadinettyJati was also a village

assembly. It is referred to in the Sanskrit character of 8th century

137

A.D. as eighteen Prakritis and in the inscriptions of later dates this

term is used in the sense of castes. Thus this assembly was formed of

members from the different castes and communities.

Military Administration

Great importance was given to the military administration as

the very existence of the empire depended on the strength of the army

that it possessed, particularly during the days of Hoysala Vira Ballala

III. There were enemies all-round him and if he survived for over a half

century, it was largely because of the strength of his army. He must

have had a very strong and enormous army.

At time of dire need the king was personally leading the army

against the enemy. In fact there are various instances when Vira

Ballala III personally led the Hoysalas army against the Sevunas, the

Pandyas and even against the forces of the Muhammadan Sultans of

Delhi who ultimately put an end to his power.

A large number of officers had been placed as strategic points to

guard the borders. Madhava Dannayaka one the mahapradhana was

ruling over the padinalkunad from Terakanambi. Machaya

Dannayaka, another important officer of his was placed at

penukondain in the Ananthapura district. It was very essential that a

mahapradhana who was mostly performing the duties of a vivil

officer72 was also taking part in military campaigns.

Ibn Batuta gives us an idea of the strength exerted by Vira

Ballala III while marching against the sultanate of Madura. According

to him it included one lakh soldiers apart from about 20,000

Muhammadans made use of by Vira Ballala III. Wars seemed to have

been very fierce. Though ethical principles of warfare was usually

neglected by both the sides the Hindu rulers and God fear. They gave

respect at least to some of these principles. They never used to touch

138

the temples in the enemy area or the valuable therein. On the other

hand were making grants to the temples in the enemy territories

though war was a medium for looting, destruction of villages and the

inhabitants therein. In fact the inscriptions proudly call the emperors

here with the title as “Saranagata Vajra Panjara”. It was only with the

advent of the Muhammadans, who cared very little for the Hindu

ethical principles, that the rulers here had to change their outlook and

they understood that this enemy was really a turbulent one and could

not be defeated easily. But even then they did not stoop to such low

level. Vira Ballala III allowed them a true of 14 days and he did not

raise his sword against them for which the penalty was that he was

captured and later put to death.

The army had been divided into three groups’ viz., the elephant

force, cavalry and the infantry. The use of the naval forces, as seen in

the case of the Senunas73 was unknown to the Hoysalas.

Elephants were very much valued in the armies. Because of

their very huge size and robustness they were always feared off by the

enemies. A wild elephant was a terror to an army of any size. These

elephants were controlled by the mavuths who had a

Kasthipakadyakes. Many a time the loser of a war had to pay the

victor elephants as tribute. Sometimes the enemy’s elephants were

captured as was the case when Vira Ballala III defeated Koti Nayaka.74

Cavalry stood next to elephant in importance, while the

elephant could create great confusion in the enemy army, cavalry

force could move very swiftly from one place to another and were best

suited to cross particular types of lands like the forests and hills. The

King personally sat on horses sometimes though he was usually

sitting on elephants. Ibn Batuta says that the Hoysala monarch was

riding a horse when he was captures by the muhammadans.

139

Infantry was the biggest part of the army. Usually the foot

soldiers were provided with lances, spears, swords and bows arrows.

During times of necessity, the subordinate rules used to send a

part of their own army for the assistance of the emperor and often the

petty chieftains themselves used to participate in the wars. Thus Koti

Nayaka, a feudatory under Vira Ballala III sent an army under Kuruka

Nayaka when the former was marching on an expedition against the

forces of Kapila Deva. At times the king had to seek help from an

outside as did Ballala III whenthe muhammadans attacked the

Hoysala capital in A.D.1311. He sent words to Virapandya on whom

he had marched on war a little earlier.

Forts were built in different regions of the empire and they were

normally erected over a hill or huge mound. The Hoysala capital of

Dorasamudra had a fort which had been destroyed by the

muhammadans in the war of A.D.1311 was renovated by A.D.1316.

Penukonda had a fort which had constructed on a hillock.

Likewise Tiruvannamalai, where Ballala III got constructed fort stood

on the hill. The fort formed a safe when the enemy attacked him. In

fact Ramachandra, the Sevuna ruler took shelter in his fort when Ala-

ud-din attacked and defeated him. Likwise did the ruler of Kampill

and Vira Ballala III during the first Muhammadan invasion. It is

observed that Vira Ballala III died while fighting to recapture the fort

of Kannanur which was his child day dream. He attempted till his last

to capture this, but without success. From all these references the

importance of the forts in these days can be understood.

140

REFERENCES

1. E.C.XII Gb 30., PP.60-62

2. M.A.R 1908., P.25

3. History of Medieval Karnataka, Vol.II. P.11-12

4. Derrett. Op.cit., P.178-79

5. E.C. IV., GU 58, PP.114-15

6. Derret., Op.cit., P.191

7. E.C.X,Gd.16, P.231,A.D.1331

8. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy Karnatakada Sevunara Itihasa P.80

9. E.C.XII., Kr.84., P.52

10. E.C.XV Hn 82., PP.130-131

11. M.A.R.1929., P.129., A.D.1319

12. E.C.IX. Cp.185., PP.350-51

13. M.A.R.1939., My.53., PP.179-81

14. E.C. IV., GU 58, PP.114-15

15. Derret., Op.cit., P.191

16. E.C.X,Gd.16, P.231,A.D.1331

17. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy Karnatakada Sevunara Itihasa P.80

18. E.C.XII., Kr.84., P.52

19. E.C.XV Hn 82., PP.130-131

20. M.A.R.1929., P.129., A.D.1319

21. E.C.IX. Cp.185., PP.350-51

22. M.A.R.1939., My.53., PP.179-81

23. E.C. IX . Ht.109.9.101

24. E.C.XVII.K1.32., P.1

25. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy., the Sevunas of Devagiri P.147

26. Dinkar Desai, Mahamandalesvara under the Chalukyas of

Kalyana. P.33

27. Derrett., Op.cit., P.191

28. M.A,R. 1939., My. 53., PP. 179 - 81

29. M.A.R.1939., P.167

30. M.A.R.1937 Ch.32., PP.202-03

31. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam, Soth Indian Polity, P.120

141

32. Dinkar Desai: Mahamandalesvaras, P.318

33. E.C. XII. Si S., P.256

34. E.C. IX. Bn.110., P.39

35. Derrett, Op.Cit., P.192

36. Dr.A.S.Altekar, Rashtrakutas & their Times, P.166

37. Derrett: Op.cit., 191., A.V.Narasimha Murthy Op.cit.,P.149

38. E.C.XI Cd.4., P.5

39. E.C.VII. H1.117., P.423

40. M.A.R.1943, B1.8., PP.62-63

41. E.C.IX. Cp.71., P.324

42. Students in Indian History & Culture P.B.Desai Felicitation

Vol.P.339

43. E.C.XIV. Tn.72., P.220

44. E.C. IX Bn 24., P.14

45. B.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar: History of Medieval Karnataka

Vol.II

46. E.C. VIII Nr. 19., P.350

47. E.C. XI Hk 106., P.376

48. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy, Op.cit., P.147

49. Derrett , Op.cit. , P.188

50. Ibid

51. E.C. X. Ct.15., P.247 ET

52. Derrett., Op. Cit., P.188

53. E.C. VI. Cm.36., P.170

54. E.C. X. K1. 77., P.21

55. E.C. X K1. 82., P.23

56. E.C. X Mb. 181A., P.119

57. E.C. IX Kn.47., P.272

58. E.C. X Mb. 57B., P.90

59. Ibid

60. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam: South Indian Polity., P.314

61. E.C. X Bp. 10., PP.136 -37

62. E.C. IX Bn. 23., P.9

142

63. M.E.R.1920. No.178., P.67

64. T.V.Mahalingam., Op. Cit., P.314-15

65. E.C. X Mr 15., PP.159-60

66. E.C.X K1 10., P.2

67. T.V. Mahalingam., Op.cit., P.316

68. E.C. IX Ma 38., P. 114

69. E.C. IX Bn 41., P.19

70. E.C.VII H. 76., P.406-07

71. M.A.R. 1919., P.32

72. E.C. X Mr 82., PP. 174-75

73. E.C. IX Ht 90., P. 98

74. E.C. XI Hr.87., PP. 319-20

75. Dr.A.V.Venkatarathnam. Local Government in the Vijayanagar

Empire, P.82

76. G.S.Dikshit: Local Self Government in Karnataka, P. 44

77. G.S. Dikshit: Local Self Government in Karnataka, P.46

78. EC. XII. Gb. , PP.60-62

79. E.C. XV. B1. 341., P.89

80. M.A.R. 1920., P.34

81. E.C. IX. Cp. 12., P.303

82. E.C.III. M1 114., P.201

83. E.C. IX Cp 12., P.303

84. E.C. V Ak 113., P.489

85. G.S. Dikshit., Op. Cit., P.106

86. Dr. A.V.Narasimhamurthy Op. Cit., P.158

87. Dr. A.V. Narasimha Murthy, Op. Cit., P.161

88. E.C. VIII Sa 96 PP. 295-96

143

CHAPTER-V SOCIAL LIFE DURING BALLALA III

The social life in any particular period is nothing but a

continuity of the existing practices along with some times new

innovations. The Hoysala period in general witnessed a healthy and

harmonious social life and very rarely we come across caste and

communal conflicts. It is noticed in an inscription of Bukkarya of

Vijayanagara Empire that there arose quarrel between the Vaishnavas

and the Jains on certain privileges and this was amicably settled by

Bukkaraya. But the reign of Ballala III perhaps did not notice such

clashes.

It was during this period that Virasaiva Philosophy gained lot of

prominence and popularity in Karnataka. It stood firmly against the

case system and received great response from the society.

From the extremely scanty material available from the

inscriptions of Vira Ballala III it is very difficult to give a picture of the

social conditions during his days. By a study of the contemporary

inscriptions and literary sources a somewhat clear picture of the

social life of the people during the days of Vira Ballala III can be mad

out. The Muhammadan chroniclers who visited South India during

different decades of the 13th and 14th centuries have left very little in

this direction.

Caste System

The traditional four castes the Brahmanas, the Ksatriys, the

Vaishyas and the sudras had given rise to a large number of sub

castes and communities and by the time the Hoysalas the number

was considerably large. The system of caste and communities

definitely had many evil results and had lot of influence over the social

activities.

144

Brahmin was the most respected member in the society and

enjoyed a very high position. This was largely due to his profound

knowledge of Veda, Smritis and other aspects of learning. He led a

very simple life and quite naturally had certain previlages which no

other community enjoyed. He was never put to death even if he

committed great crimes.1

It was only the Brahmin who had the privilege of being placed

as priest in the empire. But it appears that only some families were

attached to temples while others were engaged in all walks of life. An

inscription form the Arsikere Taluk of A.D.C.1300 mentions that the

Brahmins were poets, speakers, orators, lovers of fame, devoted to the

God Kesava.2

Brahmin by and large was connected with the agrahara villages.

A large number of inscriptions refer to the existence of large number

of agraharas. They were given grnats by the members of the royal

family, high officials and private persons. An inscription from the

Muulabagal Taluk of A.D.13123 refers to Ilavanjirayar making certain

land grants to s Brahmin Paramessvaran Bhattan of the Gautama

gotra. Another undated inscription4 definitely assigned to the reign of

Ballala III mentions the land grant of 20 Vrittis to the Brahmins by all

the mahajanas of a nadu. The Brahmins never allowed this to be a

one way business. They certainsly made grants to temples and for

other charitable purposes. It is known from a partly effaced

inscription from the Malur Taluk5 that a Jagadguru Varadaradhhya

granted all the rice lands together with the ‘tapu’ and ‘tavudi’ to the

blacksmiths, goldsmiths, carpenters etc.

Inscriptions also mention several sub castes and communities

like Washerman (Agasa) the Barber (Nayinda) potter (Kumbara)

Carpenter (Badagi) Blacksmith (Akkasaliga) Golla, Holeya, Madiga etc.

Vokkaligas are also referred to in an inscription from the Holakere

145

Taluk dated A.D.1310.6 Most of the subcastes referred to above were

occupational groups. Dr.Narasimha Murthy feels that they had

assumed the status of sub castes and were hereditary.7

Prosperity of the King

People paid utmost importance for the prosperty of the King. It

was generally believed that the king was representation of the God

and therefore at time of crisis private individuals were making land

grants to the temple and other religious institutions for the welfare of

the King.

People sacrificed for the sake of their Kings. A faithfull band of

men called as garudas cheerfully embraced death for the sake of their

masters. Kuvara Vishnnu was one such garuda of Vishnuvardhana.

Incidently no reference is seen in the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III to

the garuda institution. But it is evident form an inscription of

A.D.12928 that the garuda system existed during the days of Vira

Ballala III also.

Apart from this, at times of dire need heroes readily sacrificed

fighting against the enemy, when defeat was obvious, some here was

offered betel leaves and sent against the enemy. When heroes died in

the battle field their descendents were given the Koduge grants. Thus

loyalty and devotion were recognised and rewarded.

Family System

Joint family was the practice of the day and the property of the

father automatically was transferred to the son. Many inscriptions

clearly state the regulations that the property of those who were

without male issues would go their wives, female children, brother

and their children.

146

Position of Women

In ancient times the birth of a daughter was looked to as an

unwanted event. This was largely because that they were handicap at

some times when an enemy was on the attack. It is observed

elsewhere that the women enjoyed equal rights with man during the

Vedic period. She was equally eligible for learning. Later on she was

considered unfit for the study of the Vedas and was not allowed to

undergo the thread ceremony.

Later on gradually the inclination of woman was more towards

the art, music, and dance. Even this was available to women of a

higher class only and ordinary women just remain uneducated. The

marriages of a daughter certainly took place at a very early age.

Brahmin was never permitted to marry a girl aged above 12 years.

Inter caste marriage was never entertained. But in the royal

families the Vaishnavas, the Jainas and the Saivas had matrimonial

contacts with each other. A very good example that can be cited for

this in the case of Shantala Devi, the chief Queen of Vishnuvardhana.

Her father was a saivits, her mother a Jain and her husband was a

Vaishnava.

Polygamy was the fashion of the day. A Brahmin could marry

women belonging to all the four castes, the Ksatriya three, Vaishya

two. The Sudra could marry only a person belonging to his caste. The

Kings invariably possessed a number of wives. Vira Ballala III must

have had several wives and only two of them are known through the

inscriptions. The mother of Virupaksha Ballala IV, whose name is not

known, was perhaps his Chief Queen. Later on Chikkayi Tayi, the

Alupa Princess became hsi Chief Queen. Bairava Devarasa, whom

inscriptions recognise as a son of Vira Ballal III was perhaps born to

some other queen of his.

147

Woman was considered as an ideal companion for the man. It

was her bounden duty to devote herself for the good of her husband.

The husband inturn was also expected to be very prompt to his wife.

Woman was desired to safeguard the respect of both her parent’s

house and her husband’s. When the husband died the wives used to

jump into the pyre and sacrifieced themselves. But it was not very

common in the Deccan.9 On such occasion mastikals were erected in

their memory.

Contemporary evidences clearly show that women were highly

respected in all matters, particularly religion. Janinism was one

religion which whole heartedly invited women as well as men as its

supporters. The Vira Saivas again came forward to give women an

equal status with the men.

A large number of women built temples and made gifts to them.

It is seen that Sanatla Devi the chief queen of Vishnuvardhana was a

great Jaina. She was responsible for the construction of several

temples on the Sravana Balagoala hill and made grants to several

Jaina temples and Jaina gurus. Chikkayi Tayi, the queen of Vira

Ballala III made some grants to the followers of Bharati thirtha

Sripada.10

Women took active part in the administration also. Infact

Umadevi the senior queen of Vira Ballala III appears to have enjoyed a

high rank. An inscription from the Arsikere Taluk states that she was

ruling Magure 30o and was helped by Mahapradhana Kumarapandita

Dannayaka.11 Another senior queen Chola Mahadevi was ruling

Kebala.12 Ketala Devi, a third queen also played an important role in

the administration. Chikkayi Tayi was the representative of Vira

Ballala III in the South Kanara region. She successfully protected the

Hoysala power there even after the latter’s disappearance in the

plains.

148

Nothing is known regarding women actively engaged in

literature. Hoysala period definitely witnessed a few poetesses, Kanti

being the most prominent. Anyhow their number was very meagre. It

appears that women played prominent role in religious, social,

political and Art history, but did not take much interest for literature.

During the days of the Hoysalas women had equal rights with

the men regarding the ancestral prosperity. Inscriptions state that the

head of a family could not make grants without the consent of his

sons and daughters.

From a number of inscriptions it is seen that prostitution was

quite in practice. Some of the prostitutes were devoted to the temple

and were commonly called Devadasis. The Devadasis and other

prostitutes were highly respected in the society. The prostitutes had to

take the permission of the government for carrying out their business.

Inscriptions often refer to a tx called ‘Suledere’. A few Hoysala

inscriptions refer to the tax levied over the mirrors they had

(Suleyaralliya Kannadivanamumam).13 There were separate areas

where the prostitutes lived. These are called as ‘Sulgeri’.

Grants of land on eclipses

A large number of grants were made by persons from the royal

house, high officials and by private indivisuals.14 The grants were

namely in the form of land grants made to the Brahmins and the

temples. For perpetual lamps, oil mills etc. As it is believed even to

this day, the grants were made to avoid calamities that might occur as

a result of the eclipses.

Consturction of Tanks

Constructions of tanks was one of the best way of securing the

gratitude and good will of the masses. This benefitted people to a large

extent. Several inscriptions refer to the constructions and renovation

149

of tanks. Grants were made to the Brahmins on the occasion of the

erection of tanks.15 In another instance a village and a tank were

constructed by removing sand.16 Mahapradhana Machaya Dannayaka

purchased lands from several persons for the construction of a tank

Machasamudra in the name of his mother Machawe.17 Grants were

given to those who got constructed or restored temples. An inscription

from the Anekal Taluk18 of A.D.1302 states that all the mahajanas of

Sugani, Vaichahaya Nayakkar and Singaya Nayakkar assembk=led

and granted certain lands to Marappan for having restored a breached

tank at Suguni. Grants were made for the maintenance of tanks as

Masralipemmana granted some land to Madiganda of Settikere.

Religious discourses

These were common during the Hoysala regime.19 Number of

grants was made for the erection of lingas. In A.D.1328 Ballappa

Dannyaka erected a linga in the name of their father Bebaya

Dannayaka and Vira Ballala III made the grants of Bennedon in the

Bemmattur vritti for the offerings and decoration of the God.20 Another

act of merit was the endowment for the learning of the students.

Perumale Dannayaka, minister under Narasimha III and later under

Vira Ballala III made grants for the education of boys in different

aspects of learning like Rigveda, Yajurveda at udbhava

Narasimhapura i.e, Bellur.

Dwellings

Inscriptions provide lot of information regarding the dwelling of

the people. In fact people were living in house of various sizes. An

inscription from the Arsikere Taluk of A.D.134021 refers to a house of

15 spans. It is grant made by Chandappa Butappa Virappa to Virappa

of Agunda, a village about 15 miles from Kanikatte in the Arsikere

Taluk, on some important occasion. It is to be remembered that such

houses were available to only people of a rich class and the poor lived

in thatched huts. High importance was given to the uniformity of the

150

houses which would add to the beauty of the place. Thus an

inscription from Maddure Taluk states that a row of houses of same

length was constructed and was given to the Brahmins. The first row

consisted of houses of a certain specification; the second was of a

different specification.

Dressing and Ornaments

Though much reference is not available from the inscriptions of

Vira Ballala III it is known from the references of an earlier date and

from the inscriptions of the contemporary rulers of the South that the

dressing did not require much tailoring. It is known from the accounts

of the Muhammadan chronicles like Ibn Batuta that the clothing

people used consisted of two pieces of cloth one worn round the lower

portion of the body and another as a sort of Dhoti, an upper garment.

This type of clothe existed at least from the 7th century A.D. It is again

known from the accounts of the Ibn Batuta that even kings and high

officials used to wear the same type of dress. Thus the Zamorin of

Calicut was wearing only a loose unstitched upper garment which was

fluttering in the air. Women on the other hand did wear stitched petty

coats.

Inscriptions of Vira Ballala III make no reference at all about

ornaments used in these days. But Hoysala sculptures, depict large

number of ornaments of different patterns, such ornaments were used

during those days by people of higher classes. To support this,

inscriptions often make reference to the goldsmith whose profession

was to make gold ornaments. Such gold ornaments like the head

dress, necklace, earrings, girdles etc were common.

Food

Milk, cooked rice, different pulses, fruits, millet, formed the

basic food of the people of those days. Varieties of dishes like ‘Iddali’

‘Shalyanna’ etc. were very common, the later being invariably having

151

some religious connection. Meat also formed food. Such fruits like

plantains, Mango, Jambo were common and were grown everywhere.

Milk was available in abundance. Drinking liquors was also in

practice, though prohibited to the people of higher classes.

Amusements

The period of Hoysala rule in general witnessed such common

amusements like wrestling, Dice, Music, Dance and Drama,

swimming, Hunting, etc. Music was particularly very popular and

there were singers appointed in the temples. Grants were made for the

Rangabhoga’.

Cattle raids and Viragals

Cattle raiding was a common feature of the times. Throughout

the length and breadth of the country cattle raids were taking place.

Usually they used to take place in the borders of different villages. At

least some twenty such references are seen in the inscriptions of Vira

Ballala III. Whenever cattle lifting took place in a village, some hero

would emerge to the situation and fight against the robbers and

rescue the cattle, which formed a source of income. Viragals were also

erected in memory of the heroes who died fighting against the robbers

and were greatly praised for their valorous acts. An inscription from

Chikkanayakanahalli22 says that some Gauda having rescued the

cattle fell where upon celestial nymphs carried him to the abode of the

Gods.

Viragals were also erected in memory of people who exhibited

their valour on different occasion and died. Thus Arasalu Madayya

while returning from the fair was robbed and killed in a fight.23

Viragal was also erected when some person died fighting against some

enemy. Thus when Hadapada Sayanna died fighting on behalf of

Somaya Dannayaka against forces of kampila Deva in A.D.1303, a

virgal was erected by his elder brother Bhimanna.24 Whena servant of

152

Singa gauda died fighting against the tiger, a viragal was erected in

his memory.25 Viragals had some religious significance also. The

inscriptions always stress that one who died fighting in a battle field

would go to the abode of Gods. It was perhaps because of this reason

that virgals were worshipped and grants were made to them, An

inscription from Chikkamagalur Taluk26 states that on the death of

Vira Masana, son of Masanitamma, a grant of land was made by

Nagamma.......... of Masanitamma for the worshipping of the Viragal.

Samadhi

The Jains favoured death by the ‘religious suicide’. Numerous

such Samadhi are brought to lights by the the inscriptions.27 Thus the

spiritual outlook of the people is clearly seen in those references. Men

and women belonging to the Jain faith performed the Sallekhana right

which recommends death by starvation. According to this, the person

performing Sallekhanna takes one food per day for some days. Then

he would take only fruits etc. for some more days then reduce his diet

to mere water and finally he would stop this also and die.

Koduge grants

A type of rent free land grant called the Koduge grant was made

on certain important occasions. Such Koduge grants are in large

number known from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III. A type of

Koduge grant called the ‘Nettaru Koduge’ was given in the name of

deceased who exhibited great chivalry in saving the prestige of the

village or the nadu or the country for which cause he sacrificed. An

inscription form the Arsikere Taluk28 mentions that Nettaru Koduge

was given to Ramagauda, son of Kataka Totakara Balagauda of

Kavalingadahalli when Ramagauda died fighting against the

muhammadans who attacked the Goravakal.

As already stated Koduge grants were made on important

occasions. Three settis named, received four Khandugas of wet land

from the Nad assembly of pulliyur nad for having rebuilt a village

153

which was in ruins for a long time.29 They were also given certain

benefits. Ramagauda gave Hiriyagundakal as a Koduge grant to

Machanna whom he got married to his daughter.30 On another

occasion Siyanan, the superintendent of the Periyanad received the

Koduge grant of six Khandugas of wet land for having built the big

tank at Ovattam.31

Boundary Disputes

Boundary disputes was a common feature of those days. Each

territorial division had their boundaries marked. It is known from

inscriptions that stones with trident mark and other marks were used

mark the boundary and these were done to avoid any boundary

dispute. An inscription from Bangalore Taluk refers to a boundary

disputes in which Kaurana, son of Honnagauda died fighting at

Thagarekusuvara.32

Imprecations

Inscriptions at their end invariably stress on high moral

principles. These were not mere sentiments. In fact people really

valued those principles and respected them. These were intended to

guide people to the righteous path. Inscriptions often refer to an

imprecation which says that if any one overlook the words mentioned

there and violates the grant will be incurring a sin equal to that of

killing a tawny cow on the banks of river Ganges. An inscription of

A.D.1294 from Chintamani Taluk gives a very fine impression. It runs

as “If there be any one who violates the charity, he shall not only incur

the sin of one who has killed a tawny cow on the banks of Ganges but

also a traitor to his master, to his king and to his Guru.33 But it need

not be taken for granted that his the people led a pure life. But they

certainly respected at least some of the principles for this reason a

very large number of inscriptions are still remaining with us to help in

the historical research. The imprecations act as a source of inspiration

to all.

154

REFERENCES

1. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam: Administration & Social Life in the

Vijayanagar Empire, P.240 ff

2. E.C. V Ak 114., P

3. E.C. X Mb 181., P.119

4. M.A.R.1919., P. 32

5. E.C. X Mr., 15., P. 103 - 04

6. M.A.R. 1931., Hk.1., PP. 95 - 8

7. A.V.Narasimha Murthy, Op. Cit., P.168

8. E.C. IV Kr 10., P.

9. A.S. Altekar – Bashrakutas and their times

10. E.C. V AK 40., P

11. E. C. VI Shringeri 1., P

12. E.C. V Cn 205., P

13. M.V. Krishan Rao – Karnataka Itihasa Darshana P.973 - 75

14. Ec. VII SK 295

15. Ec. VII Sh. 43., Ci, 64., VI Kd 161, 28, 4., Cm 15., 73., etc.

16. Ec. IX Bn 23., P. 13

17. Ec. IX Bn 133., P. 25

18. Ec. IX V. Hn. 182., PP. 138-34

19. Ec. IX An. 80 ., P. 118

20. E.C. VII Sh. 64 ., XI J1.33., Dg.36

21. E.C. XI Cd.3.,

22. M.A.R. 1937, Ak.38., P.124

23. Rashtrakutas and their times – A.S.Altekar,

24. E.C. XVI Cn 100., P.28

25. M.A.R. 1937. Ak 15., P.134

26. E.C.XIV Kr 84., P.52

27. E.C. IV Gu 66., PP. 117-18

28. E.C.VI Cm 36., P. 170

29. E.C. VIII T1 198., Sb 148

30. E.C. V Ak 31., P. 377

31. M.A.R. 1919., P. 32

155

32. E.C. IX Ht. 140., P. 152

33. E.C. XVI Tm 106., PP. 83-4

34. M.A.R. 1919., P. 32

35. M.A.R. 1925 – 26., PP. 8 – 9

36. E.C. X Ct 88., P. 289

156

CHAPTER-VI ECONOMIC LIFE DURING BALLALA III

India, as known has been primarily an agricultural country with

a rural economy and inscriptions supply us abundant material to

study the economic condition of this country, particularly the

southern condition of this country, particularly the southern

peninsular, though the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III does not help in

building a complete picture of the economic pattern of the period, a

study of the Hoysala inscriptions in general solve the problem.

Agriculture

During the days of the Hoysalas also, land formed the very basis

of the economy of the country. People in majority lived in the villages

and earned their living from the land. Thus most of the people of these

days were agriculturists and on the lands depended on the trade,

commerce and Industry. In fact people had to rely more on the land

than on any other source for income for the economic condition was at

its lowest ebb during those days. Thus land played a very prominent

part in the social and economic life of the people of those days.

Land grant was considered a one of the ways to attain the abode

of Gods. Thus properties both movable and immovable were made as

grants. An inscription from the Sikaripur Taluk1 says that gift of land

is the happiest provision for attaining svarga. As land contains

everything, treasures, water, corns, etc. by the grants of land one

becomes the giver of all the above mentioned.

Many inscriptions clearly show that land grants to Gods and

temples to the Brahmins, holy institutions were common features of

the days. Dr.Burnelli in his elements of South Indian palaeography

points out that in the South Indian inscriptions it is clearly made out

157

those gifts take the place of the sacrifices which was more common in

the northern half of the country.

It has been pointed out in the chapter on Administration that

officers of the lower ranks like the heads of the nadus, villages and

their subordinate officers generally received some lands as their

remuneration instead of the money for the possession of land enabled

them to meet all wants directly by the way of growing different crops

etc or indirectly by exchanging his products for money.

A close study of the inscriptions reveal that different types of

land are mentioned there in like the cultivated land, non cultivated or

waste land, forest grassland etc. The cultivated land was the most

important among the different types of land as it was this type of land

on which the economy of a country largely depended. The cultivated

land can be conveniently divided into the following categories.

The Wetland

Inscriptions refer to the wetland in terms like Gadde,

Kattudadde, galde etc. A term called as nirmannu which literally

means wet soil, is also often used.

The Dry land

The dry land was often referred to as Beddalu. Am inscription

form Chamarjanagar Taluk of A.D.1317 refer to 600 Beddalu given for

the perpetual lamp. The dry land was also called as Hola. This type of

land was suitable for growing Jower, Ragi, Cotton, Sesame, castor,

grounuts etc.

The Garden

This was the place where varieties of fruits, vegetables etc. were

grown. Coconut one of the essentials in a south Indian home was

158

raised in the gardens, as also Betel leaves, areca nut etc. It is known

from the inscriptions that some of the temples had their own gardens

where such worshipping items like Betel leaves, areca nut, coconut

and fruits were grown.

Apart from the above said there were cultivable lands

uncultivated which were often given as grants to people. An

inscription of A.D 1183 for example refers to the granting of three

matters of unplugged land (takkilu).2

Pasture or the grassland was actually a fertile land piece and

was fit for cultivation. But with the intention of providing grass for the

cattle it was left uncultivated.

It is known form the accounts of the Ibn Batuta that Vira

Ballala had sent his horses for grazing when the Muhammadan army

made a surprise attack on him at Tiruchinapalli in A.D.1342.

Actually it is stated in such important texts like the Smriti, Niti3

and others that a piece of land was kept aside to be a pasture land for

the purpose of grazing cattle. Vignanesvara also mentions that some

good portion of the land should be made pasture either by the will of

the king or by the inhabitants of a particular place.

Forest tracts have also found reference in the inscriptions of the

Hoysala rulers. Sometimes the forests were cut off and people lived

there building villages. An inscription4 from the Belur Taluk speaks of

the cutting down of a forest and the establishment of a village there.

There is sufficient evidence to show that the transfer of land

form one party to another was not a mere transaction between the

giver and the receiver, on the other hand Vijanaesvara declares that

this transaction had to be approved by the village community or a

159

local assembly, neighbours or the relatives.5 An inscription from

Tirumukudalu Narasipur dated A.D.13006 records the gift of land at

Madayapura to three persons (mentioned) which was made with the

consent of a number of persons in torenad where the grant was made.

But the consent of the village community gradually became a matter

of formality and much power was not given to the village community.

The acceptance of the neighbours and kinsmen was also to avoid any

dispute regarding the boundary, hereditary rights etc.

A regular land survey department must have existed in those

days for a large number of inscriptions refer to different measuring

poles (Kamba). An inscription from Honnayakere7 in Chitradurga

district of A.D.1307 refers to a measuring pole called

‘Chavuladaprapta Kamba’. Another inscription from Krishnarajpet

taluk8 of A.D.1311 refers to the measuring pole called ‘Ikkerikamba’.

Curiously enough the find spot of the inscription is Ikkeri. A

measuring pole called ‘Ganga’ pole is also referred to in two

inscriptions from the Tariker taluk.9 Another inscription from the

Hassan Taluk10 refers to ‘Bachividi’ pole of 46 spans. The exact

significance of the prefixes used for the kambas is not clearly made

out. But it is quite possible that each particular type of pole was of a

definite length. It is known from an inscription11 from the Chitradurga

Taluk which refers to a measuring pole of 36 spans.

Lands assigned to temples or for other charitable purposes were

cultivated by farmers.12 For any loss or profit in their cultivation

farmers were collectively held responsible and thus were warned or

rewarded. An inscription from the Maddagiri Taluk of A.D.129113

states that perumale Dannayaka had made grants of land to the god

Panchikesvara which he had set up in the agahara of Udbhava

Narasimhapura i.e. Bellur. The lands thus granted by perumale Deva

Dannayaka were cultivated by twelve farmers and they were exempted

from forced labour. Their huts (houses) were exempted from any tax.

160

In the last part of the inscription it is stated that if any one fails to

contribute his share of work due to his death or disability the

remaining cultivators have to cultivate the land. They were forbidden

to dispose off, mortgage, exchange or pledge the lands granted to the

temple or the religious institution.

It is very significant to note that the ownership of the land

vested in the individual. Texts of the sacred laws as well as

Mitakshara of Vijnaesvara14 support this view. Inscriptions very often

mention that the property of the father become the property of his

sons after his own death.

The consent of the sons and daughters was made essential for

the disposal of the land. Thus the children had right for the land

property. Vijnanesvara in his Mitaksara points out that the ownership

of the land property of father or grandfather is by birth.

Inscriptions also make it clear that the land property was not

owned by the state and even if the king wanted to acquire some land

and grant it over to some temple or other religious institutions, he

could do so only buying that land from its owner. An undated

inscription form the Channapatna Taluk15 records that the kings had

their own lands as inscriptions often make reference to the royal

estates.16

It was strongly believed that the grant of land to the temples

and other religious institutions would make one’s way to attain the

heaven smooth. Thus grant of land to the temples and Brahmanas

was considered as a ‘mahadana’ (a great gift).The granting of land to a

Brahmana was called as Brahmadeya. Grants of land were made to

the Brahmanas with the view of supporting and enabling them to

carry on their work easily. Inscriptions of Vira Ballala III also mention

the establishment of quite a number of new agraharas apart from

161

making grants to the already existed agraharas. Grants of land were

made to the temples with the object of carrying on the daily worship

as well as some seasonal festivals. Such grants of lands were known

as Devadana grants.

Grants of land were also made to persons serving the villages,

towns etc. in various capacities. Perhaps the currency system of those

days could not meet the demand and hence this alternative. Some of

the temples were very big institutions providing livelihoods for quite

large number of people. There were the temple priests, other staff and

attendants, dancing girls and so on and so forth who were also given

lands instead of moaney.17

‘Umbali’ was again a type of land grants made apparently by the

Kings or heads of the nadu or the village to their subordinates form

some meritorious act. Dr.A.V.Narasimhamurthy believes that Umadevi

was grant made in appreciation of heroic services.18 An inscription

form the Tarkere Taluk of A.D.129119 says that the mahajanas of the

agrahara Amrutakesavapura granted two vrittis as gaudlike umbali to

Honnagauda Ballaya of Malleyana halli. As the type of umbali given it

self shows that he received this in lieu of the services he rendered as

the gauda of the village. Another inscription form the Honnali Taluk

refers to ‘Astabhoga tejasamaya’ umbeli made by some gauds.20

The cultivators (Okkalu, as the inscriptions refer to them) were

held in great respect and were regarded as the givers of the good to

society.21

Principal crops grown in the country would give an idea of the

agricultural practice of those days. The crops included edibles as well

as non-edibles. Rice formed the most important among the crops

grown.

162

Rice was cultivated in the wetlands on a very large scale as it

formed the major food for the people. Appadorai in his Economic

conditions South India Vol.I syas1 that many varieties of Rice were

grown in this part of the country apparently with success. Such

superior qualities of rice like ‘Rajanna’, Rajasali’ often find reference.

The very terms clearly shows that it was for kings and other high

officials. Somesvara, points out the several varieties of rice like the

Raktasali (red rice) mahasali (variety of rice of a big size), gandha Sali

(rice with good smell), Sukshma Sali (rice of thin size)22 etc.

Rice was extensively grown in almost all the regions in the

Hoysala Empire. Perhaps rice was also grown in the forest lands as a

inscription from the Koppa Taluk23 refers to a variety of rice called

‘Kadakki’ which depend entirely or nature.24 An epigraph of A.D.1272

from T.Narasipura Taluk25 refers to a kind of paddy called ‘Somegada’

batta the very meaning of the term Somegada is difficult to make out.

It is also known from the inscriptions that wheat was another

important cereal grown in those days. An inscription form the Tarikere

Taluk of A.D.129726 refers to Nachanna, wheat merchant (Godi or

Goduve). Kinds of millets like Ragi, Jola, Baragu, Same or save also

find reference in the inscriptions.

Literacy sources of the period inform that pulses like togari,

Kadale, avare, uddu, heasaru, etc. were also grown. Oil seed like yellu

(Sisame), Castor, were also commonly grown. Cumin (Jirige),

Kottambari, menasu, yelakli, and turmeric was some of the important

spices grown in those days. Inscriptions of the Hoysalas belonging to

the 12th and 13th centuries27 make mention to sugar cane, beetle nut,

plantains. The latter two were invariably used in temples for the

worship of the gods and goddesses. Vegetables, flowers and fruits of

various kinds find mention in the inscriptions of the Hoysalas.

163

Land reclamation was one of the ways of promoting the

agricultural production and thus a good revenue system mainly

depend on the extent of the cultivation of lands.

The reclamation was mainly by cutting the forests which was

done due to different reasons. Sometimes forests were cleared for the

construction of very huge tanks and for the establishment of new

settlements. The land reclamation was usually done by the royalty

through its subordinate officers and inscriptions of the Hoysalas give

abundant reference to such acts. An inscription from Belur.28 Refers

to Adi gavuda who at the pleading of the local people cut down the

forest tract and established a new village and excavated two tanks

there.

Farmers cannot depend always on the rain water for the

growing of different crops. So irrigation formed one of the main ways

of supplying water to the cultivated lands. Authors like Panini,

Kautilya make reference to canals, well etc. Their literacy works are

supported by inscriptions. An inscription belonging to about A.D.1300

from the Belur taluk29 is of great significance in this respect for it

brings to light very important fact that a channel was drawn off from

the river Yalach (present day river Yagachi or Yagatchi). The aqueduct

is seen even to this day lying outside the wall on the southern side,

though it is in ruins. Thus it bears testimony to the standard of

engineering skill of those days. To quote Col.Meckenzie30 who has very

high appreciation for this piece of engineering skill, he says that the

waters of the river Yagachi which flows by the side of Bailor (Belur)

were brought to the capital by a channel.

Such instances of canal irrigation are not rare. Inscriptions

belonging to the Hoysalas show several instances of the irrigation of

the lands through channels. An inscription of the twelfth century

A.D31 shows very clearly that certain lands were irrigated with the

164

water drawn off form the stream that flowed down the hill and crops

like paddy, sugar cane and wheat were cultivated.

Apart from canal irrigation, the main supply of water was from

the storage tanks. Rain water was stored in the tanks and was then

made use of for the cultivation of lands. It is known from the Hoysala

inscriptions that a very large number of tanks and were newly

excavated. In fact building up of a tank was considered as one of the

ways for procuring happiness in the next world. The monarchs, their

officers and private individuals, all show the same interest regarding

building up of tanks. An inscription from the Tiptur Taluk32 reveals to

us that even temples and the village assemblies took great interest in

this direction. Constructions of tanks were usually encouraged by the

grant of lands and exemption from taxes.

Industries

Though the wealth of any country is largely based on its

industries, trade and commerce, the information available from the

inscriptions is very meagre. But a survey of the inscriptions and

literary works belonging to earlier and later period as well records of

the contemporary times given an idea that the people of those days

were highly advanced in the arts of trade and commerce and there

were verities of industries like the metal industry, textile industry, oil

production etc. Some of the modern techniques of production were

unknown during those times and handicrafts was the fashion of the

days then. Usually workers were carrying out their art in their small

sheds and such articles produced were usually taken to a market

place, or the place where weekly fair would be conducted and were

sold there. Usually the workmanship was transferred from the father

to the son as legacy for long generations.

The artisans engaged in producing different commodities were

usually having their own organisations. Weavers, the metal men,

165

cobblers, stone cutters etc. etc. had their own guilds. Vishvakarma

kula, often mentioned in the Hoysala inscriptions including those of

Vira Ballala III was a guild of the metal smiths.

The textile industry was the most prominent among the

industries mentioned. Literacy sources as well as epigraphs give us a

hint regarding the activities of this industry. The weavers had their

own guilds. Reference to the taxes levied on the yarn as well as looms

are very common. An inscription from the Maddagiri Taluk dated

A.D.131333 refers to the maggasunka or the tax levied on the looms.

Another inscription from the Chamarajanagar Taluk of A.D.133734

refers to a large number of taxes including the maggakanike (i.e.tax on

looms). One more inscription from Bennahalli35 gives the names of

several taxes including the tax on yarns (Nuligadere). Taxes were also

levied on the prepared cloth as an inscription from Chitradurga

Taluk36 refers to the tax levied on the woven cloth that was sent for

trade in the bags and bundles.

Cloths of very fine texture like the buckrams were

manufactured in great quantities in different parts of the Deccan and

were exported to the outside world through the port of Thana as

known from the accounts of Marco Polo.37 Appadorai in his economic

conditions of south India38 says that there were about five thousand

weavers working in the region of Thana by the middle of the 14th

Century.

Different varieties of cloths were known like cotton, silk (which

was called differently as chinapatta, chinamsuka, chinambara etc)

wool etc. Cotton was the commonly available clothe and people of

lower class would afford to buy only cotton cloths which were of an

inferior kind compared to the silk and the wool. The fertile black soil

of Karnataka was very suitable for the cultivation of Cotton. The silk

yarn was made from the cocoon of silk worm and was a sign of

166

aristocracy. In fact when rich grants were made to the temple only silk

cloths were given. An inscription belonging to A.D.129239 refers to the

gift of 960 silk clothing’s made to some temple. Cloths were also

woven out of the wool of goat. Woollen cloths were used as blankets.40

Dodda Ballapura and Davanagere were noted for the manufacture of

such blankets.41 Dyes were made use off for colouring cloths. An

inscription form the Channapatna Taluk42 refers to the tax levied on

the colouring industry. Apart from the colouring, designing was also

made including embroidery.

Though Foreign travellers like Marcopolo and Ibn Batuta

mention that men wore two separate pieces of cloths, one to cover the

loins and the other spread over their shoulders. Whereas women wore

sarees, it is definitely known from the indigenous writers like

Somesvara, Harihara and a number of others that the art of tailoring

i.e., stitching a cloth into a required measurement with the aid of

thread and sewing needle was very well known and was very widely

practiced. In fact it had reached the stage of perfection.

Sugar and Jaggery were also important industrial productions.

Though inscriptions do not throw any important information, literary

sources clearly show that Jaggery and Sugar were extracted from

Sugarcane by a definite process. Un fact taxes levied on the jiggery

centres.

Oil production was another industry of considerable

importance. People relied on different oils for lighting. Apart from that

different varieties of oils were used for purpose of cooking, for

preparing many dishes, burning lamps in the temples etc. The oil mill

was invariably one made up of stone and oil presser was called as

Ganiga. Oils were extracted from sesame, coconut, groundnut etc. An

inscription from Belur43 refers to the extraction of oil from Coconut

(Tenginaenne) Salt manufacturing was another industry. But as the

167

Hoysala Empire reached the Sea coast in any directions, there was not

much scope for the manufacture of salt from the Sea water. But salt

was known to have been manufactured from the rocks called as the

rock salt. Other types of slats known are the sochal salt, the bida salt,

Somaka salt etc., as mentioned by Vignamesvara1.44

Carpentry had reached high standards by the time of the

Hoysalas. They were using agricultural accessories made of wood like

doors, beams, carts etc. Different types of woods like mango, Jack,

Audumoara etc. were used for making furniture carts which was

means of conveyance and were used for making transport during

those days were made of wood. Taxes were levied on carts (bandidere).

An inscription from the Kadur Taluk dated A.D.1291-92 refers some

tax levied on the carts.45 It is known from an inscription from the town

of Belur46 that the Chennakesava temple there had a Wooden Sikhara

which was replaced in the year A.D.1297-98 by one made of brick and

mortar. The sikhara in a temple would be naturally a fine piece of

architecture and therefore give us an idea of the standard of perfection

reached by carpenters in those days. Bamboo was abundant and

baskets, pans etc., were made out of it in large quantities. The makers

of such baskets had their own guild known as gavares.47

Pottery was another important industry like the carpentry. This

industry thrived like anything since very early times as this is the only

industry which does not require any heavy investment. On the other

hand the earthen pots produced by the potters had great demand

everywhere.

Metal industries had reached high state of perfection.

Inscriptions often refer to the Visvakarmakula which included men

who worked on metals like gold, silver, copper and even iron. Apart

from this, Virapanchalas a community often referred to in the

168

inscriptions of Vira Ballala III48 included goldsmiths, coiners and

black smiths.

The Hoysalas who were one of the strongest rulers during the

contemporary days had acquired lot of wealth. Of course by the time

of Vira Ballala III they were economically at the lowest off. But it can

be made out from the statements of the Muhammadan chronicles like

Feristah,49 Amir Khusrau,50 Barani51 and others that the amount of

wealth acquired by Mallik kafur was imaginable. It is known from

inscriptions that a separate officer called Manikya Bhandari had been

appointed to look after the jewel treasury of the king.52 A Bangalore

record of A.D.1278 gives an idea that silver was also used for the

preparation of items like trays, ornamentation for the God etc.

The weapons used in the war were usually made up of Iron and

Steel. Weapons like swords, spears, bows and arrows, daggers were

the main items of war weapons. Amir Khusrau while giving an

account of the Muhammadan conquest of the Southern Peninsula,

says that Ramachandra Provided the muhammadan general with

spears, bows, arrows and words etc.53 Dr.S.Gurajachar quotes an

inscription of the 11th Century A.D. and says that ballauya was the

person whose work was perhaps that of making swords.54

Trade and Commerce

The period of Hoysala hegemony was a period of great

commercial activity. The business was controlled by important

merchantable organisations or bodies which had a very prominent

role in the development of the society as a whole.

The main source of information for a study of the trade and

commerce during those days is the writings of the Foreign Travellers

like Marcopolo, Ibn Bastuta and a band of others and inscriptions

only give a skeletal picture. All important commercial activities

169

connected with the town had to take place only with the knowledge of

the Pattanaswami (Town Mayor). He was himself a senior merchant of

the town.

Foreign Trade was in brisk progress during this period. South

India had maintained trade contacts with western countries, through

the coast of Mabar.

Several Arab geographers like Marcopolo, Abdul Fida, Ibu

Batuta have left very valuable testimony regarding ports like

Honnavar, Thana, Manjarur (Mangalore) etc.

India, as is known was an agricultural Country, as is the case

even to this day. Naturally the main items of export included several

agricultural products. Among these spices formed very important and

prominent product. Dimishque says that large quantities of pepper

was the main item of export. He is supported by Ibn Batuta who says

that pepper and Ginger were the two main items that the Port of

Mangalore was busily exporting. Perhaps rice and Sugar as well as

coconuts were also exported from the ports in the west, perfumes and

scented sticks were other important articles of export. According to

Idrisi the region in and around the present day Sirur in the South

Kanara Districts was rich in many aromatic plants. Cotton cloth

Sandle wood, Areca nut, ghee and forest products were other items of

export.

The import included a wide range of goods such as metals,

cloths of a superior texture, horses, elephants, precious jewels like

diamonds, emeralds, and turquoises etc.

Import of metals mainly included gold and silver. Macropolo

says that Gold, silver and Copper were the important metals imported

through the port of Thana and he also points that the leading Country

in supplying gold to South India was Sumatra.

170

Textiles formed another important item of import. Varieties of

superior cloths like silk imported from the west. In fact the famous

Chinanbara is said to have been imported from China. Somesvara

refers to those cloths as Cina, mahacina.

Among the other items of import, horses and Elephants are

worth mentioning. Wasaaf55 and Macropolo56 say that this part of the

subcontinent imported horses in large number every year. The reason

they give for the necessity of a continuous supply of the item is that

the people here do not know to rear them.

As the Hoysala Empire was surrounded on all sides by land,

there was much scope for carrying on the land trade. There are

references in the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III for the existence of

jeweller’s shops, paddy shops, cotton shops, etc. and taxes were levied

on these shops. An inscription form the Tarikere Taluk of A.D.1297

refers to Devappa, a Rice merchant amd Nachanna, a wheat

merchant. Reference is often made to tax levied on such shops49a

called as Angadidere.

Establishment of fairs was very common. It is observed from the

inscriptions that ever a village was converted into a town or a new

town was erected fairs were established there. An inscription of the

late Hoysala Period states that the headman of Mugur along with all

the gaudas of the place agreed among themselves to establish a fair

and convert their village into town.57

It is observed in the inscriptions that there were different guild

organisations formed by merchants and the craftsman.

Merchants were generally living in the towns and cities where

there was plenty of scope for selling out their articles. In fact in

important towns and cities, they formed the dominant group.58

171

Many merchantile organisations who style themselves as the

saviours of Vira Bananju faith or law formed of many trade guilds like

the five hundred swamis of Ayyavole, Nandesis, Ubhayanandesis,

Mummaridandas, Gavares, Gatrigas, Settiguttas etc. It is really very

difficult to explain these terms Dr.P.B.Desai says that two different

merchantile corporation’s carrying on their activities inside as well as

outside the country.59 It is known from a bellary record60 that the

nanadesis included merchants from Chola, Lala, Maleyala, Telunga

and Kannada countries.

There is no uniform opinion regarding the explanation of the

term Mummaridanda. Dr. D.D.Barnett is of the opinion that they were

the bearers of Mummari staffs or sticks.61

Whatever may be the meaning of the above said guilds, it is

certain that the five hundred swamis of Ayyavole occupied a very

important place in the economic history of medieval Karnatka. It was

called as Ainnurruvar in the Tamil country. Dr.S.Gururajachar points

out that this organisation had a wide geographical distribution

extending from the Bangalore and Hassan districts upto Bellary.

Karnool and Ananathpur districts in the north.62

The trade inside the country was carried on mainly with the

help of carts normally driven by the bullocks, but often by asses and

buffaloes. Rivers also formed a mean of communication for internal

trade. It is known from a Chikkamagalur record63 that rivers were

crossed by means of fords.

Revenue Administration

It is very difficult to reconstruct the revenue administration of

the period merely on the basis of the inscriptions. The Hoysala had

attained stability in economy. Though their condition was not

altogether the same during the closing years of their rule, they

exhibited stability in matters of finances.

172

The sources of revenue to the Government were mainly the

taxes levied on lands, properties, business, industries, social taxes

and some miscellaneous ones.

It is well known that the Hoysalas during the days of Vira

Ballala III were continuously engaged in wars with powerful rulers like

the Pandyas, the Kakatiyas, and the Sevunas and also against the

muhammadans who came from the north. Thus the History of the

Hoysalas during the days of Vira ballla III is nothing but an account of

series of wars starting from the very year of his accession to the

Hoysalas throne up to his own death in A.D.1343. Quite naturally he

must have had poured sufficient finances for the military forces.

Unlike other rulers of the family, Vira Ballala III could not make much

use of the revenue for purpose other than the military.

Among the sources of revenue, land provided the major share.

The tax was not levied haphazardly. On the other hand it was fired

after a careful survey of the land. For the survey of land (Kamba) poles

of varying sizes were used. The unit of measurement was known as

Kambas, matters, etc. Perhaps there were measuring rods of different

specifications each having a particular name. There is reference in an

inscription64 to Ikkeri Kamba. The exact significance of this term is not

known. Perhaps it was the unit used at Ikkeri, the find spot of the

inscription. Another inscription from the Holakere Taluk dated

A.D.130765 refers to a type of measuring pole called as Chavulada

Praptakamba.

After the land was surveyed and measured the boundaries were

marked by fixing stones. The land measurement and survey were

made for the purpose of assessment and for collection of land tax. An

inscription from the Yalandur Taluk66 mentions that stones with

trident marks were fixed to mark the boundary.

173

Generally the land revenue was collected in the form of kinds.

The Government used to receive its share in kind and it had fixed

proportion regarding its collection. When there would be a lesser

production of the crop, the Government used to collect only nominal

revenue. But the land was also collected in terms of cash. An

inscription from the Bangalore Taluk67 refers to the fixation of land

tax for 70 shares at the rate of the two gadyanas per each share. It

was collected some time in instalment.

Apart from that considerations were shown by the Goverment

for the tax payers, like Sarvamanya, Ardhamanya, Umbali, etc.

Sarvamanya grant was usually made over to the Brahmins and the

religious institutions including the temples. In this the grantee was

freed from paying any tax for the land. Umbali is a type of land grant

which, according to Dr.Narasimha Murthy68 was made in appreciation

of heroic services. An inscription dated A.D.1314 from the Honnali

Taluk69 refers to the Umbali grant of six dandiges.

Taxes were levied on properties both movable and immovable.

An inscription from the T.Narasipur Taluk70 makes reference to taxes

levied on houses, on sites whether occupied by house or cultivated or

even uncultivated.

Professional Taxes were another source of revenue to the

Government. In fact no profession was left untaxed. To mention a few,

taxes were levied on accountants,71 five artisans, salt makers,72

wrestlers,73 looms74 etc. Tax was collected usually in cash and the

collection tax in kind was not popularly known.

Tax on the trade and commercial transactions brought a large

share to the imperial treasury. ‘Sunka’ is the general term used for the

custom duties levied on. B.L.Rice points75 out that ‘Perjjunks’ or

‘Hejjunka’ was tax levied on the wholesale articles. An inscription from

174

Krishnarajpet Taluk dated 132276 A.D. refers to the Hejjunke of the

village Hariharapura. Kirukula sunka was the tax levied on the retail

goods. An inscription from Chitraduraga Taluk dated A.D.132877

refers to Kirukula tax made for the sampige Siddesvara temple.

Considerable amount of revenue was derived from the custom duties

levied on the import and export goods. Inscriptions make reference to

certain terms for imports and exports. ‘Volavaru’ or ‘vola sunka’ was

the term used for the imports of products and Horavaru or Horasunka

was the term used for export of articles.78

Taxes were levied on animals like Horse and Elephants. As an

inscription from the Hosakote Taluk dated A.D.133479 one pana was

the tax levied on each horse. Another inscription from the Kolar taluk

of A.D.1330 gives some more details regarding the sunka levied on

animals. It says that ten panas was the Sunka for an Elephant and

one pana was the sunka for a Horse.80

Usually tax was levied in kind for articles like areca nut, beetle

leaves, salt, ghee etc. The duties levied varied according to the

quantity of each article. Thus forty nuts was the duty levied for every

bullock cart load of areca nuts, one Alakku for every load of beetle

leaves and One Alakku for every load of salt, one uri for every load of

grains etc.81

Taxes on industrial establishments provide another major

source to the treasury. Several important industries were subject to

taxation. Thus tax was levied on the looms. Inscriptions often make

reference to taxes on looms82 sugarcane mills83 (aledere) manufacture

of salts,84 oil mills (ganada sunka)85 mining of iron ores86 and etc. A

peculiar type of tax was levied and this was on smoke.87 Perhaps

smoke here may mean the smoke coming out from the industries.

175

Peculiarly enough it is seen in the inscriptions that taxes were

levied on social and communal creeds. It is interesting to note that tax

levied on marriages (maduvedere) and it was collected from the bride

and bridegroom parties.88 Tax was levied on pendals established on

festive occasions called as ‘Handaruvana89 on the ornament worn on

the forehead (Basigadere). An epigraph90 refers to a few taxes

including taxes on the minor communities.

Apart from the taxes mentioned above tax levied in the name if

Vira Ballala III. An inscription from Vettavalam in Tiruvannamalai

Taluk91 refers to Mamadi (mummadi) ‘Vallaladevan kanikkai; Again it

is known from the inscriptions of the Yadavarays that Vallaladevan

vari was one of the taxes92 levied in the Yadavaraya country, probably

as a token of their subordination to the Hoysala King.

Contributions were made by private individuals on the occasion

of the birth of a prince, cornation of a king to the thrones, marriage in

a royal family, etc. There is indirect evidence in an inscription of Vira

Ballala III93 which says that a person who had received certain village

as grant was not to pay any contribution even on such occasions like

the birth of a son in the royal family or kings coronation.

There are a large number of inscriptions which often make

reference to revenue collected through courts. These were in the form

fines levied for inflicting some sin or other. Such taxes like tappu

(fault), Tavudi (? Tavadu=decrease: Kittel’s Kannada – English

Dictionary P.701) Hadara (adultery) Kalavu (theft) etc.

The revenue thus collected from different sources was made use

of for the good of the country. Tanks, Chatras, temples and various

other items of public importance were established and facilities were

provide to the people, though the major portion of it was spent for

military expenditure during the days of Vira Ballala III.

176

REFERENCES

1. E.C. VII Sk 185., P.

2. EI XIV., P. 277

3. S. Gururajachar. Economic & Social life in Karnataka.A.D.1000-

1300., P.18

4. E.C.V., B1 137

5. A.S.Altekar- Rashtrakuter & their times.,

6. E.C. XIV Tn 72., P.220

7. E.C Xi Hk 136., PP. 396 - 98

8. E.C. IV Kr 43., PP. 297 - 98

9. E.C. VII Tk 43., 45.,

10. E.C. V Hn 66.,

11. E.C . XI Cd 6.,

12. B.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar- History of Medival Karnataka Part

II- P.49

13. E.C. VI Mg 20.,

14. S.Gururjachar Op. Cit., P.22

15. E.C. IX Cp 84.,

16. Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions 1936 – 37., No. 71

17. E.C. X Bp 38 A.,

18. 1a) Dr.A.V.Narasimhamurthy., Op. Cit., P. 162

19. E.C. VI Tk 54

20. E.C. VII H1 76., PP 406 – 07

21. Dr. S. Gururajachar., Op. Cit., P.40

22. A.Appadoral, Economic Conditions of South Indi., Vol.I. P.25

23. S.Gururajachar., Op. Cit., P.41

24. E.C. VI Kp 78.,

25. S.Gurajachar Op. Cit., P. 41

26. E.C. III Tn 22., P. 212

27. E.C. VI Tk 86., PP. 474 – 76

28. E.C. VIII Sb 183.,

29. E.C. VIII Sa 109.,

30. E.C.V B1 137.,

177

31. M.A.R. 1911., P.51., Para 110

32. M.A.R 1911., P. 51

33. S . IT XIX I P. 226

34. E.C. XII TP 2.,

35. E.C. XII Md 3., PP. 307 – 08

36. M.A.R. 1937., Ch 52., PP. 202 – 03

37. M.E.R. 1919., No. 207., P.17

38. E.C. XI Cd. 21.,

39. Marcopolo Vol II., P.365

40. Appadoral., Op. Cit., P.452

41. Andhrapradesh Govt. Archaeological Series, No.9, Ins.No.15

42. E.C. IX D.B.31.,

43. S.Gururajachar, Op. Cit., P. 72

44. E.C. IX C.P. 66,

45. E.C. V. B1. 155

46. S.Gururajachar , Op. Cit., P.76

47. E.C. VI Kdu. 9.,

48. M.A.R. 1911. No.63., P.50

49. E.C. VII . Sk. 118.,

50. E.C. XII Gbc 9., PP.59 – 60

51. Briggs Translation of Feristah 5) E.C. IX Cp. 65.,

52. Khazain – ul- Futuh of Amir Khudran 6) Khazains ul – Futuh

of Amir Khusran., P. 84

53. Rizvi. R. Hindi Translation, Agra edition

54. E.C.V. Ak. 123

55. S. Gururajachar, Op.cit., P.89

56. Mohamad Naynar, Arab Geographers’ Knowledge of South India,

P.61

57. S.Gururajachar, Op. Cit. P. 107

58. Elliot and Downson, Vol.III, PP.33 -34

59. K.A.N. Sastri, Foreign Notices of South India, PP. 166 – 67

60. E.C. VI . Tk.88., PP. 470 – 76

61. E.C.IV. Ng.38.,

178

62. M.A.R. 1912, P – 45

63. Dr.G.S.Dikshit: Local Self Govt.in the Medieval Karnataka, P.

160

64. Dr. S.Gururajachar: Op. Cit., P. 117

65. S .I. I. IX No. 297

66. Dr.S.Gururajachar: Op. Cit., P. 118

67. Dr.S.Gururajachar., Op. Cit., P. 120

68. E.C. Vi Cm 122.,

69. E. C. Kr. 43., PP. 297 – 98

70. E.C. XI. Hk. 136., PP. 396 – 98

71. E.C. IV. IV. Y1. 57., P. 32

72. E.C. IX. Bn., P.3

73. A.V. Narasimha Murthy: The Sevunas of Devagiri., P. 163

74. E.C. VII. A1. 76., PP. 406 – 07

75. E.C. III. Tn. 27., P.216

76. E.C. III Tn 27., P. 216

77. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15

78. E.C. VI Kd 49., PP. 45 - 49

79. E.C. XII Md 3., PP. 307 - 08

80. B. L. Rice: Mysore and Coorg Inscriptions: P.175

81. E.C. IV Kr 44., P. 298

82. E.C. XI Cd 4., PP. 5 - 7

83. E.C. VII Sh 78.,

84. E.C. IX H. 96., P. 99

85. E.C. X K1 70., P. 19

86. Ibid

87. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15

88. E.C. VI Kd 49., PP. 45 – 9

89. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15

90. M.A.R. 1939., My 53., PP. 179 - 80

91. E.C. IX Cp 66

92. E.C. VI Kd 49., PP. 45 - 9

93. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15

179

94. E.C. VII H1 46.,

95. M.E.R. 1919., No. 207., P. 17

96. A.R.S.I.E. 1921 – 22., P. 11

97. M.A.R. 1910., P. 36

180

CHPATER-VII RELIGIOUS LIFE DURING BALLALA III

The Hoysala rule witnessed a harmonious blending of different

religious and it is interesting to note that its rulers maintained a

eclectic out look towards all religions.

The Hoysala to start with were Jains. In fact up to the reign of

Vishnuvarshana they professed the Jaina faith though they were

tolerant towards other religions. It is known from the literary sources

both by Jaina authorities and the Vaishnava that there were constant

clashes between the two religions, particularly during the days of

Vishnuvardhana. Vishnuvardhana whom several scholars consider as

having changed his faith and joined the newly introduced

Vaishnuvism, strongly state that he did so after getting disgusted with

the practices in the Jaina religion. Mr.Srikantiayya says that

Vishnuvardhana was convinced of the venality of the Jaina gurus and

iability of the Jains gurus to adjust to the growing condition of his

days.1 He also says that Vishnuvardhana was so much impressed by

the depth in knowledge of Ramanuja who defeated the Jain tenets in

dispute that he embrassed the Vaishnava religion. It is stated that a

Jaina Basadi was built somewhere in A.D.1118 belonging to the

Posthaka gaseheha of the Desiya gans of mulasangha and only jains

belonging to the above group could enjoy the lands granted for the

Basadi.1 This along with other had remarks brought the Jaina faith to

ruin.

The latest trend among scholars is that Vishnuvardhana was

not converted to Vaishnavism.2 Sri.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar who

supports the theory of Vishnuvardhans’s conversion says that

Ramanuja immigrated to Karnataka and converted Bittideva to

Vaishanavism.2A But there are inscriptional grounds to prove that Sri

Vaishnnavism was already an existing religion even earlier than

A.D.1014.

181

The latest trend among scholars is that Vishnuvardhana was

not converted to Vaishnavism.3 Sri.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar who

supports the theory of Vishnuvardhan’s conversion says that

Ramanuja immigrated to Karnataka and converted Bittideva to

Vaishnavism3A. But there are inscriptional grounds to prove that Sri

Vaishnavism was already an existing religion even earlier than

A.D.1014.

The same eclectic outlook was adopted by all the Hoysala rulers

including Vira Ballala III. He was as evidenced by the inscriptions was

tolerant towards all religious and made grants to institutions

belonging to all the religious. The three important religious that

influenced the people of Karnataka were Jainism, Savism and

Vaishnavism. Vira Saivism which made its beginning in the 12th

century lost its importance almost immediately after the dath of

Basavanna. It was revived only somewhere in the Fifteenth century.

Hence no inscription of Vira Ballala III makes reference to this religion

in any connection.

Jainism

Among the three religions referred to above Jainism was on the

wave. Only very few inscriptions of the period make reference to the

activities of this religion. But Saivism and Vaishnavism were still the

dominating religions.

It must be remembered that the history of Jainism in South

India is nothing but the study of Jainism in Karnataka1 for Karnataka

was the cradle in its Childhood. It attained a shape and prominence

under the patronage of powerful dynasties like the Gangas and the

Western Chalukyas. The contribution of Jainism in the fields of

literature, art architecture have left deep impression on the life of

people in Karnataka.4

182

The very beginning of the Hoysala dynasty is largely due to a

Jaina teacher Sudatta, also called as varidhamana according to an

inscription from the Sorab Taluk.5 Sala the legendary hero who was

the proginator of the Hoysala family was a devout Jaina.

Janisim continued to gain patronage during the days of

Vinayaditya his son Ereyanga and his successor Ballala I. Inscriptions

make reference to the construction of several Basadis and grants

made to the Jaina Institutions.6

The reign of Vishnuvardhana marked a turning point in the

development of Jaina religion in Karnatka. It was during the days of

Vishnuvardhana that Sri Vaishnavism gained prominence here in

Karnatka. Though it is said that this ruler favoured Sri Vaishanavism

at the cost of Jainism, Jainism saw the Zenith of its popularity during

his days. Sanatala Devi the chief Queen of Vishnuvardhana was an

active supporter of Jainism. She is described as “a rampart to the

Jaina Faith” and as “Crest Jewel of great faith in Jainism”. Her

parents were also great Jaina devotees. She made large number of

grants to the Jainism. She caused to be a made a tank called

Vilasanakatte and granted it to one of the basadis at Sravan Belgola, a

great Jaina centre. Savatigamda Varane Basadi was one of the

basadis that were built by her.

Vishnuvardhana did not lag behind in extended patronage to

Jainism. To quote Buchanam like his predecessor Ballalaraya, he was

an ardent worshipper of Jaina.7

Tradition says that Vishnuvardhana allowed the destruction of

Jaina Temple.8 But things as they are left, do not give an impression

that such things could not have taken place at time when tolerance

was the key word. He could have never raised his hand against a

religion which was the religion of his chief queen his beloved. Added to

183

this most of his generals were Jains. Gangaraja was very important

among them, who received several prizy awards from his sovereign.8

He got built up several Jaina temple like Indra Kulla griha, Kattala

Basadi i.e., at Sravana Belagola. Apart from this it is known that

Boppa, a general of his got constructed the Parsvanatha Basadi at

Dorasamudra in the name of the famous general Gangaraja.

Hayavadana Rao opines that his so called conversion to Sri

Vaishnavism did not change his attitude towards the Jaina faith and

in fact he had kept close contact with the Jaina teachers till his end.9

By the time of Vira Ballala III’s accession to the Hoysala throne,

the situation was not different. Only very few inscriptions of his times

make mention of the activities of Jaina religion. None of those few

inscriptions gives us any clue to think that Vira Ballala III personally

favoured this religion, though one or two among them mention his

officers making grants to the Jaina temples. The only exception is

form “Sagar Taluk, an inscription from which palce refers to Vira

Ballala III as the worshipper of the God Gummatanatha i.e.,

Gommatesvara. The remaining inscriptions are all issued by the

members of the faith.

Usually in connection with the mentioning of Jain Sainsts, their

“sangha”, gana, gaccha, Anvaya are pointed out. For example

Chandrakiriti, son of Maldharo Balachandra belonged to Mula sangha

Desiyagans, Pusthaka gaccha.10 Only Jains belonging to the above

group are mentioned in the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III.

Saints among men were called Nigranthas or Savanas and

among women they were known as “Kanthi”. These Kanthis had their

own desciples. They were expected to wear white sarees.11 It was

believed that the Kanthis could become men in the next life by

performing fierce penance and then only could get moksha. An

184

inscription from Santisvara Santisvara Desadi at Narasomharajapura

has on it a figure of Jaina of about 4ft high. It states that the image

was caused to be set up by a disciple of Chaudiyabbe Kantt3.

Samadhi

Death by Samadhi was a common practice among the Jainas.12

One who was prepared to die by Samadhi was expected to stop taking

food and drink and to relieve himself from all sorts of attachments like

friendship, enmity etc., and think of God always. He had to follow

certain necessary observations. An inscription form the Nagar taluk13

refers to the death by Samadhi of Bommagauda who was a disciple of

Jaina guru Siddhanta Yogindra. Another inscription from Belur14 syas

that Ramachandra Maladhari deva died by performing Samadhi Vrata.

Nisadi

When persons died by performing Sallakhana, memorial stones

were erected for them called ‘Nisadigallu’. P.K.Acharya calls it as a

house for rest, a tomb, a monument.15 This was considere as very

sacred ones.

Basadi

The Jaina saints were expected to be on the move during all the

year except in the rainy season. But this rule was relaxed gradually

and basadis became regular, residing palces.16

It appears that the basadi had, as an apartment in them, the

ganshagudi. It may be assumed that it was a portion where people

would light jasticks. An inscription belonging to A.D.1301 refers to

Padmanandi Bhattaraka, who got constructed the gandhagudi in the

Hasnayanahalli Basadi.17

From the above brief survey it would be evident that Jainism

was patronised by all the Hoysala rulers or at least by most of them. It

185

exercised profound influence on the people at large. The decline of

Jainism was partly due to the fact that their theory and principles did

not suit to the necessities of those times and partly due to coming into

prominence of Vaishnavism and Saivism.

Saivism

Saivism was the most dominant religious of South India,

particularly in Karnatka and it was next only to Jainism in popularity

till the rise of Virasaivism.18

As early as A.D.1063 Saiva temple were constructed by the

Hoysalas for an inscription belonging to that year from the Kadur

Taluk makes reference to the construction of a Siva Temple and

grants made to it19 and this same outlook towards “Saivism continued

ian an unbroken fashion till the very end of the Hoysalas. Gifts of

perpetual lamp as well as other grants by individuals were very

common. An inscription from the grant made to the God Ramesvara at

Agara by the mahajanas of that place. Another inscription from the

Gubbi Taluk of the same date makes mention of a grant of perpetual

lamp to the God Kailasam Udaiyar of Dasaratharama Chaturvedi

mangalam.20

Grants to the Siava temples were made by the Royal palace and

its officers also. Machaya Dannayaka, one of the prominent officers of

Vira Ballala III was follower of Saiva religion and he made several

grants to the Saiva temples. One such grant was made to the God

Hoysalesvara. The grant was received by Padmarasipandita.21

In the year A.D.1300-01 Vira Balla III addressed the heads of

mathas and sthanas in the temples situated in the Kundani Kingdom

that he had remitted all kinds of taxes including the taxes on looms,

goldsmiths’ etc.22 Almost all these addresses of remission of taxes

186

were made to the Saiva Temples in the newly acquired regions which

earlier belonged to his uncle Ramanatha.

Apart from such remission of taxes, Vira Ballal III also made

grants of lands for the Saiva temples and one such land was made to

the God Tiruvira Misvaram Udaiya Nayanar of Kundani.23

Thus an enlightened outlook was exhibited by all the Hoysala

rulers towards the Saiva religion and this religion in turn exercised

influence on the people at large.

Lakula Samaya is another name given to the Saiva religion.24

Dr.Chidananda Murthy, quoting Dr.R.G.Bhandarkar says that the

former was in vogue earlier to pasupatasamaya and Saiva Dharma.25

It is known from an epigraph dated A.D.1292 from the Chikkanayaka-

nahalli that Padmarasipandita belonged to this Lakulagamasamaya.

The lakulas or pasupatas were also called as Kalamukha. Sri

Gopinatha Rao in his “Elements of Hindu Iconography” says that they

were called as kalamukhas, perhaps because they were smearing

black patches on their face.26 Just like Lakulasamaya they were

belonging to Kalamukha samaya.27 Srisaila was a famous centre of the

Kalamukhas.28

The age of the Hoysalas coincided with the emergence of Vira

Saivism under the inspiring leadership of Basavanna. But it suddenly

lost its popularity with the the death and disappearance of Basavann

and its revival tokk palce only in the early part of 15th Century.

Dr.R.S.Muguli in his Heritage of Karnataka points out that the period

of the Hoysala rule was a period of unsurpassed spiritual fervour29

and several mystics like Allamaprabhu, Akkamahadevi and most a

host of others worked hard to give a different outlook to the saiva

religion.

187

Vaishnavism

This religion gained prominence by the time of Vishnu

Vardhana after he came under the influence of Ramanujacharya.

The theory that Vishnuvardhana was converted Vaishnavism in

refuted. If anything his zeal for Vaishnavism was very active and he

constructed the Panchanarayana temples at Belur, Talkad, Bannur

and Gadag.

Ramanuja who influenced Vishnuvardhana got constructed

mathams at different palces and one such matham was constructed at

Melkote called as Yatiraja matha.30 He was granted a large area of

land by the king.

This great inclination shown by Vishnuvardhana continued

during the reign of the succeeding Hoysala rulers and by the time of

Vira Ballala III, Vaishnavism had definitely dominated the religious

history of Karnattaka. As stated by B.S.K .Aiyanagar31 a great zeal was

exhibited during the reign of Vira Ballala III for the development of

Vaishanavism, but definitely not at the cost of other religions. During

the hey days of the Hoysala rule several great Vishnave scholars came

and settled in different parts of Karnataka and made great

contributions to the religion and literature of those times. Kanchi,

Melkote, Srirangam, Tirupati and several other places became great

centres of Vaishnavism. Vira Ballala III personally visited all these

places and made liberal grants to great scholars and poets. It is

known from an inscription from Yadatore Taluk32 that Embar, a

cousin of Sri Ramanuja and Mudaliyandan, a nephew of his jointly

supervised the construction of several Vaishnava temple in the

Hoysala country and conferred several privileges to the inhabitants of

the Village Saligrama. Vedant Desika one of the greatest among the

contemporary philosophers being disturbed by the Muhammadan

attacks on Mabar ran to Vira Ballala’s territories in the plains and

188

resided at Sathyamangala carrying with him, the commentary on

Ramanujacharya’s Sri Bhasya.

Singaya Dannayaka and Ketayya Dannayaka sons of

Mahapradhani Madhava Dannayaka were two officers of Vira Ballal

III. Singaya Dannayaka had been posted to the capital of Yadavarayas

as a representative of the Hoysalas there. Inscriptions clearly show the

amount of power exerted by this officer there. It was this officer who

stated the festival called ‘Sitakkaragandan sandhi’ in the month of

Adi,33 evidently after one of the titles borne by his father

Mahapradhani Madhava Dannayaka. He was also responsible for the

erection of a matha in the same name where arrangements had been

made to feed thirty two Vaishnavas everyday.33a Punganur was

granted for the maintenance of this Temple after changing its name as

Singanllur.

Kanchi was another place which became an important centre of

Vaishnavism. Vira Ballala III visited this several times and made very

rich grants to men of letters and honoured them and presented a

throne called ‘Vira Ballalan’ throne and palced it in the Abhisekha

mandapa.

Vallappa Dannayaka, brother of Singaya Dannayaka and the

son mahapradhani Somaya Dannayaka also made several grants to

the Vaishnava temples. He represented Vira Ballala III in regions in

and around Kolar. He is seen in an inscription of A.D.1293 making

some land grants to the god Valavanda pperumal.34 Somaya

Dannayaka also made grants to the Vaishnava temples and he was

responsible for the replacement of the wooden sikhara to one built of

brick and mortar on the Chennakesava temple at Belur.35

It will not be out of scope of our study if mention is made of

Madhava charya who was greatly responsible for the development of

189

Kannada culture and literature and for the development of Vaishnava

religion. His philosophy is popularly known as Daviata philosophy.

His birth took place at a small village Sivalli, very near to Udupi. He

travelled all over the south India and preached the Dvaita philosophy.

It was Madhavacharya who started the Haridasa literature and his two

compositions have come to light. He died somewhere in A.D.1276 by

which time the Dvaita philosophy had gained a firm footing.

Thus in the history of Vaishnava religion in Karnataka, three

important phases can be observed viz., the Vaishnava religion that

existed befor the influence of Ramanujacharya, Ramanuja Charya’s

Sri Vaishnavism and the Dvaita philosophy of Madhvacharya.

190

REFERENCES

1. QJMS VII., P. 307

2. Coelho, Op. Cit., P. 281

3. Q.J.M.S. LXIV. PP. 1 -3. @A. Ibid

4. E.C. IX Cp. 129.,

5. B.A. Saletore, Medieval Jainism., P.2

6. Jainism under Hoysalas Dr. H.V.Srenivasa Murthy in Hoysala

Dynasty,

7. Ed.B.Sheik Ali

8. E.C. VIII. SE. 28

9. E.C. V. CP. 148

10. Buchnan Travels, II, Ch. VII. P. 80

11. E.C. II S.B. 73

12. Mysore Gazeeteer Vo.II., P.1326

13. E.C. II SB 75

14. E.C. VIII Sa 107., P 298

15. E.C. XII. Ck. 24., PP. 223 – 24

16. Chidanada Murthy, Karnataka Sasangala Sanskritka

Adhyayana., P. 83

17. M.A.R. 1916., P. 8

18. Stevenson The Heart of Jainism P. 163

19. M.A.R. 1934., P. 177

20. E.C. V. B1 134., P. 263

21. Chidananda Murthy., Op. Cit., P. 97

22. Ibid. P. 88

23. E.C. IV. Hn. 14., P. 231

24. E.C. XII. Gb.22., P. 21

25. Dr.Chidananda Murthy, Op. Cit., P. 129

26. E.C. VI. Kd. 161.,

27. E.C. XIV Y1. 57., P. 40

28. E.C. XVI. Ck. 54., P. 5

191

29. E.C. IX. Bn. 51., P. 22., E.C.X.Mr.71 & 100, P.170 & P.179.,

E.C.X.Sd.20.,P201

30. E.C. X. Mr.67., P. 170

31. Chidanda Murthy., Op.cit., P. 128

32. Ibid

33. E.C. XVI. Ck. 54., P. 5

34. Chidananda Murthy., Op. Cit., P. 129

35. S.I.I. IX. i., No. 235

36. Journal of Indian History XXVII., P.50

37. B.S.Krishnaswami Ayangar,History of Medieval

Karnataka,Vol.II., P.23

38. E.C. III Sr. 64

39. B.S.K. Aiyangar, Op. Cit., P. 19

40. E.C. XIV Yd 90.,

41. Tirupati Devasthanam Epigraphical Report., P. 12

42. Ibid. P. 46

43. E.C. X K1 102., P. 31

44. E.C. V B1 24., P. 164

192

CHPATER-VIII EDUCATION AND LITERATURE DURING

BALLALA III

Education

In olden days only certain classes of people were entitled for

education. Inscriptions as well as literary sources often make

reference to the fact that education was one of the basic essentials for

the princes, particularly the crown prince’s.

The important centres of learning were the temple, basadi or

matha, agrahara, Ghatiks sthana and Brahmapuri. Among these, the

agraharas are very commonly referred to in the inscriptions of the

Hoysala rulers. During the days of Vira Ballala III, Tirumakudalu

Narsipura and agrahara was great educational centre. It was to this

educational centre that perumale Dannayaka made land grants for

teaching various branches of learning like Sanskrit, Tigula, Marathi,

Telugu and other languages.1 Udbhava Narasimhapura i.e., Maddure,

Talkad, Melkote were some of the important educational centres.

Regarding the derivation of the term ’agrahara’ Professor

D.L.Narasimhachar says that it was a place where people of superior

castes could live.2 It was believed that by constructing agrahara towns

and granting them to Brahmins, one could easily attain svarga. Those

Brahmins who received agraharas as grants became mahajanas and

carried on the administration there.

Dr.Chidanandamurthy ponts out that the agrahara was not

strictly restricted for the Brahmins. On the other hand people

belonging to other castes and creed were also entertained there.3 The

educational centres inside a city were known as Brahmapuri. It was in

the Brahmaouris that the Brahmin scholars carried on their duties.

Compared to agraharas which are very large in number, the numbers

193

of Brahmapuris were considerably less. About teaching of different

aspects of learning there does not seem to have been any speciality in

a Brahmapuri compared to the agrahara.

Ghatikasthana was another educational centre. Inscriptions of

Vira Ballal III do not refer to the Ghatikasthanas though inscriptions

of earlier dates make much reference to these educational centres. In

fact an inscription from Shikaripur Taluk dated back to A.D.450 says

that Mayura Sharama, the progenitor of the Kadamba family was

trained up in the Ghatikasthanas of Kanchi.4 There was a

Ghatikasthana at Kuntala country (northern part of the Shimoga

District) in the latter half of the twelfth century.5

Temples and Basadi were the most important among the

educational centre. Almost every big temple was an educational centre

in olden days. There is abundant reference to grants made for

promoting education in the temples. Chidanandamurthy points out

that Basadis were well known as educational centres even prior to 8th

century.6 It was in temple that Sala the progenitor of the Hoysala line,

was learning when tiger came there and he killed it.

Karnataka, like any other other part of the Southern Peninsula

gave importance to the study of different languages like Sanskrit,

Kannada, Marathi, Tigula etc. An inscription from T.Narasipura7

already referred to says that grants were made to teachers who taught

Rig-Veda and to teachers who taught Sanskrit, Kannada, Tamil etc.

(Nagara Kannada tigutarya manodisuva Balasikseya Upadhyayarige)

Literature

The Hoysala period witnessed great development in Literature.

Several great scholars like Harihara, Raghavanka, Kanti and a host of

others have richly contributed to the development of literature here.

194

Sanskrit was the language that signified higher culture and

remained to be even during the days of Hoysala rule. Some of the

Sanskrit works like Gadhyakarnamruta provides important historical

material. The author of this work is not known. Then comes

Guruvamsa Mahakavya of Lakshmana Sastri who flourished in the

early part of the 18th century. This of course provides some historical

information regarding the conflicts between Vira Ballala III and the

Sangama borthers Harihara and Bukka.

Rukmini Kalyana, a mahakaya written by Sri Vidyachakra-

vartin, the court poet of Vira Ballala III, in 8 centres describe in a

poetic style the marriage of Rukmini with Srikrishna, the lord of

Yadavakula. The introductory canto gives a brief history of the

Hoysala from the days of Vira Ballal II up to the reign of Vira Ballala

III about whom the author presents very important information.

Next to Sanskrit stands the Kannada literature both in

historical importance and literary value. Several great scholars

flourished under the Hoysalas. A few scholars worth mentioning are

Nagachandra who was also called as Abhinava Pampa, the author of

“mallinatha Purana”, Harihara and Raghavanka , the epoch making

poets, authors of ‘Pampasataka’ and Harichandra Kaya respectively.

Janna author of Leelavati Prabhandam, Rudra Bhata, author of

Jagannatha Vijaya, Achanna, author of Verdhamana Purana,

Mallikarjuna, author of Sukti Sundharnava, Kesiraja author of

Sabdamani Darpana etc. All these scholars lived between the 11th

and 13th centuries. By the time Vira Ballala III became the Hoysala

monarch, Kannada literature any literature for that matter received

very little patronage.

Some historically important literary pieces like Kumara Ramana

Sangatyagalu Arunachal Puranam, ballaloraya Charitre were written

during the times of Vira Ballal III. Among works of literary value,

195

mention may be made of Punyasrava of Nagaraja. A Jaina poet

(A.D.1331). This poet belonged to the Kansiak Gotra, his parents were

Viveka Vittaladeva and Bhagirathi. “Punyasrava” is written in the

Champu style. The poet has praised Jinendra in the beginning of his

work.

Persian and Arabic literature is help full for the reconstruction

of the Hoysala history during the days of Vira Ballal III.Reference to

several Persian writers like Amir Khusran, Wasaoof, Barani. Feristah,

Isami and Ibn Batuta and their works have already been made.

196

REFERENCES

1. E.C. III. Tn. 27., P.216

2. Chidanandamurthy: Op. Cit., P. 209

3. Ibid. P. 214

4. E.C. VII Sk 176

5. Ibid Sk 197

6. Chidanandamurthy: Op. Cit., P. 217

7. E.C. III Tn. 27., P. 216

197

CHAPTER-IX INFERNENCES

Among the factors that were responsible for the decline of

Hoysala dynasty. The important one was that Hoysala Empire was

divided between Narasimha III, (1254 AD-1292) and Ramanatha (from

1254 AD to 1295 AD), the brothers of Hoysala dynasty and both of

these, entrusted, the major share of the kingdom i.e. Kannada

speaking regions, including capital Dwarasamudra to Narasimha the

son of Someshwara. Tamil regions, Salem district, Vapanasham,

Mannargudi Toluks, eastern parts of Padukotti Kingdom and districts

of modern Kolar were entrusted to Ramantha-Kannanor became his

capital.

Some scholars are of the opinion that, the division of this

kingdom, was done mainly to run the administration smoothly. This

partition was done smoothly. It may be difficult to agree with the

partition of this empire, in view of the existence of the integrated

Rashtrakuta and integrated Chola empires before the period of

Hoysalas. In any page of History, too, partition is not made for the

sake of smooth administration. Therefore, it is not possible to accept

that division was done for the sake of administration. Sons of

Someshwara did this division for political ambition.

Though this division was made peacefully, it did not bring either

peace or safety to Hoysala Empire. From this it seemed they dug the

grave of Hoysala Empire, themselves slowly and patiently. At this

stage, the partition, exhibited the incapabilities and weakness that

were present in Hoysala Empire and moreover, this partition was not

merely physical or geographical it was also, the division of hearts,

loyalties and wealth. But the damage was done and there was no

question of returning to old path. Because of this deed of

Someshwara began the long term effects and series of reactions. As if,

198

it was its climax, there occurred the tragedy of Ballala III, in

Madhurai. Once Ramanatha, having felt the taste of power, he was

not prepared to forego it. For that, he was ready to pay any price, or

to face any risk. He did not give value even to the integrity of

Hoysalas. If it were only for the administrative problem, Ramanath

would not have faced the situation of attacking his own native place.

During the period of Pandyan king Rajamaravarman, Kulashekharan,

the condition of Ramanatha was weak. Because of all these above

said reasons, it is hard to believe that there was only administrative

reason.

Thus, for about 1254, there were two rulers for Hoysala empire.

If Kulashekara Maravarman gave trouble to Ramanath in the south,

there was trouble from Yadavas, Sevunas, and Kakatiyas to

Narasimha III. Still, Ramantha and Narasimha III did not face

enemies together. In that way, money and strength both were wasted,

when enemies attacked the empire, both brothers were fighting for

themselves. Once Hoysalas had adopted the policy of establishment

and destruction to establish their power successfully. But, enemies,

by adopting these polices, they themselves had reached the stage of

becoming the targets of this situation.

Taking advantage of the situation of this civilized outrage, many

Dandanayakas, who were the Pillars of Hoysala kingdom, had rebelled

against their superior officers. As mentioned in the epigraph, Ballala,

who rebelled against Ballala III, the successor of Narasimha III. The

chief of ‘Banavasi’ had captured Kongu, Nangali, Talakadu, Hanagal

and Uchchangi. All regions mentioned above, were the very parts of

Hoysalas. If so, where does the question arise of capturing them

again. Perhaps, Dandanayakas of this region, might have rebelled

against Ballala III. Titles assigned to Ballala III, such as

‘Pratapachakravarthy’, ‘Mahamandaleshwara’ were only for formalities

sake and they were not true. As we have seen in epigraphs,

199

Dandanayakas without taking the king’s permission, levied tax as per

the direction of Mahapradhana, names as such army chief, senior

Dandanayaka are mentioned, this shows the liberty enjoyed by

Dandanayakas. In many references of the period of Ballala III, either

this title or the place from where does he rule are not mentioned. The

references of the charities made by Ballala III are found less in his

reign. Stoppage of temple construction too is the testimony of Political

division.

It is not false that Ballala made efforts to uphold the unity of the

empire. He tried to united Karnataka and Tamilnadu. After the death

of Kulashekar, the civilized rebellion that began in the kingdom of

Pandyas, gave a chance to understand his end. To get back the

regions lost by Ramanatha, he helped one or the other group, but his

fruitless effort became unsuccessful because of the sudden raid of

Malikafar, who came from North India in 1310.

Because of the raids of Mallikafur for Ballala III had two

choices. Fight against them, or to surrender and live peacefully. As

per the suggestions of the nobles of the state he had to fight against

Mallikafur. Due to his enemies strength and forces, he decided to

surrender. Thus, the famous Dwarasamudra capital city perished.

Still, two more raids were made from North-India. In 1318 and

1326, Muhammad-Bin-Toghaluk, invaded Hoysala empire during the

period of Ballala III. This had ruined both wealth and prestige.

Ballala III found place for himself in Tirunnamali in Tamilnadu. In

1336, in Madhurai began the era of Sultans there the disintegration of

Hoysala empire was complete.

Some scholars are of the opinion that, the struggle made by

Ballala III for his survival, in his last days was religious one. Ballala

III after coming to Tiruvannamali, he left the idea of exercising his

200

power on Hindu Monarchs. He felt, that a united effort was necessary

to rebel against Muslim invaders. By making Tiruvannamali his

capital and by his efforts, gaining a little confidence among the Hindu

rulers of the south caused a little tension in the minds of sultans of

Madhurai and safe guarding of Hinduism became the important

matter. In the view of these scholars, the tragic end of that Ballala,

met in Madhurai, at the hands of his political opponents.

The attack made by his enemy forces on him in the term of

fourteen days agreement was treachery. There is a need to review

such opinions about the last days of the last ruler of Hoysala dynasty.

These opinions give religious touch to political and economic reasons.

Ballala III neither was the guardian of Hinduism, nor did he become

martyr, in that struggle. Hinduism was never dependent on political

support for its defence. Instead, political leaders used to gain power

from loyality and support from religious groups. How far is it correct

to say that only Ballala III was the guardian of Hinduism, in his field

what was his role in its protection? Such opinions make false that

Hoysala kings are protectors of all times.

In this crucial time what happened was the fact that the army

that came from North India to Karnataka to destroy Hoysalas. Ballala

III after coming out from his native place made an inevitable effort to

exercise his rule in Tamiladu. Then there was political vaccum and

there was no any central power to challenge him. Then there was a

kind of unstable situation. And in a situation like this along began

the era of sultan of Madhurai. It cannot be forgotten that Hindus had

helped Muslim invaders in their political and military growth.

Without these possibilities it was not possible to destroy Hoysalas.

In South India even the relationship between the states gave an

opportunity for the invaders of North India. To loot sevunas of

Devagiri and supported for the destruction of Hoysalas. Kakatiyas of

201

Warrangal, kept questioning the authority of sevunas. In the same

way Hoysalas were ever trying to defeat Pandyas of Madhurai. The

ambition of gaining control over another kingdom became all the more

important. In a situation like this to give religious interpretations to

the activities done by Ballala III and for the survival of himself.

The scholars who give religious meaning to the activities of

Ballala III, also give certain factors that caused disintegration but not

religious that argument is as follows:

The kingdoms of the south such as sevunas, kakatiyas,

hoysalas and pandyas had undoubtedly collected enoromous wealth.

The people of Delhi had considered south as a milking cow. Temples

were the stores of wealth since centuries. Internal weaknesses of the

south and their differences of opinion made them were the easy

targets for Muslim invaders.

In such a crucial time, there were many strong kingdoms in the

south. It was really very unfortunate that they ignored the necessity

of one common united effort. One’s own prestige and power became

very important for everyone.

From all these wealth and negligence helped political victory of

north Indians. Hoysala kingdom became the target for all these

factors. We can find that including Hoysala when there arose the

question of the attempt of unification among south Indian kings such

a question of necessity never occurred in its political history. When

there arose the question of danger from North India, such an attempt

was saddening.

There is no wonder, that among Hoysalas that too Ballala III,

made such an effort, even at this stage, after South India was

subjected to risk.

202

When the question of treachery of the army of Sultans of

Madhurai, comes up that too when 14 days cease fire line was in

operation, according to direct witness in war and in politics, such a

betrayal is not only the property of Muslims. To manage their war

activities, public works and artistic constructions. Hoysalas

demanding more than what was prescribed in the religious books, had

violated the rules and regulations of judges. Without distinction other

than this as epigraphs give evidence people were subjected to

innumerable taxes.

According to Dr.Derret, hoysala queens each and every one had

their own ministers and administrators subordinate to them were

exercising administrative power. Besides even military action which

was not so certain was conducted by them on special occasions.

Next, we learn that Hoysala Ballala II was an expert in the art of

utilising the natural and enthusiasm and his queens for the welfare of

the state. But in another way the failure of Ballala III, in making them

a part of his administrative hierarchy was one reason that ensured his

downfall.

Wealth was stored in palaces, temples, and the rich homes in

the form of ornaments. This wealth attracted the greed of Muslim

invaders like Ghazni Muhammed, Ghori Muhammed and in the same

way even Khiljis and Tughlaqs. If two Muhammeds looted temples of

North India and rich cities, Khiljis and Tughlaqs looted temples of

South India including Karnataka and cities with the loss of life and

property many old cities were ruined.

Hoysala agrarian based economy signified the birth of two big

factors totally. Firstly, sometimes though the kingdom was generous

without any restrictions in the form of demands of heavy taxes, the

exploitation of farmers by the kingdom. The kingdom never tried to

203

control the productive factors and the exploitation of farmers. The

Brahmins who emerged as the lone biggest class of landlords through

the agencies like temples and agraharas. In course of time they were

able to control. The investment on agricultural activities, they even

controlled labour by providing employment to agricultural labourers.

Their hold on production was considerable, as they controlled large

lands, capital and even labour. The two factors that are observed at

the end of this survey are these two matters.

In this way the empire was ruined because of internal and

external reasons. Conflicts, jealousy, selfishness for the power of

noble class were the main internal reasons. Peace and stability were

established. But under the period of incapables rulers the nobles took

advantage of their inability to make themselves powerful. From the

point of view of administration the division of the empire further gave

way for the danger. This led to mutual jealousy and hatred and

became the reason for the destruction of resources of the state.

Though, Ballala III unified the empire the varied effects of the empire

too continued. Even the external aspects that were responsible for the

downfall of the empire also had an evil impact. South India, had to

face difficulties during the reign of Ballala III. The Hindu empires

ridden with internal conflicts. South India was subjected to Muslims

invasion under the leadership of Malikafar in 1310 A.D. No

preparations were made to prevent these Muslim invasions. At a

situation like this Yadavas of Devagiri, Kakatiyas of Warrangal,

Hoysalas and Pandyas did not unite. But after many years there was

the understanding of the importance of unity. Even without adverse

circumstances though Ballala III tried to form friendly union, to

prevent enemies, he was not successful in his attempt. As he was

killed by sultans of Madhurai, all his plans failed and the rule of

Hoysalas came to an end.

Hoysala rulers followed the medium policy in religious matter

throughout their period. Hoysalas built many Jain temples and

204

Shiva, Vishnu and Harihara temples and had given freedom to people

to worship their respective gods. To begin with Hoysalas were Jains.

But more prominence was given to Vaishnava cult, during

Vishnuvardhana rule. Vaishnavism entered slowly during the rule of

Narasimha I. Therefore Jainism suffered from the hands of

Vaishnavism from the south and Veerashaivism (Sharanas) from the

North. At the same time, there was less conflict among Shaivas,

Vaishnavas and Veerashaivas. Really, first, Jainism had experienced

trouble from Vaishnavism.

Agrarian based Hoysala’s economy gave way for three factors.

One through heavy taxation, the exploitation of farmers of the

kingdom. Still generosity was shown sometimes. Rulers never tried

to control the factors of production. Instead, they were satisfied with

what the income they got. Another factor was that the task was

entrusted to Brahmins who were more landlords through their agents

who were in temples and agraharas. In between they used to control

the capital an agriculture. If they had controlled through appointing

labourers, in work as they were controlling land. Capital and

labourers, they had a fair control over production. These two factors

have been understood in this research.

After the rule of Hoysala king Veera Someshwara, there was

difference of opinion among Dandanayakas. As there was no

compromise among Dandanayakas, they were jealous with one

another. They were indulged in civil war in order to safeguard their

respective identifies. But during the famous hoysala king

Vishnuvardhana, they were the pillars of the kingdom. Gradually

Dandanayakas lose interest in the administration, due to their selfish

interests. On some occasions these Dandanayakas, perform their

duties to the king as his right hand, servants. All these factors led to

the downfall of Hoysala Empire.

205

Dandanayakas of Hoysala Empire were selected in the Jain and

Hindu religious background. This was according to the religious

policy of those times. Jain officers and feudal lords were admired by

Hoysalas because of their excellent merit. Gangaraja, Hulla,

Punisamaiah belonged to this class. In the same way, Hindu

Dandanayakas were selected from the groups of Shaivism and

Vaishnavism. Somanatha Dandanayaka was second to none, among

these. His religious attachment was towards Shaivism.

Dandanayakas, whatever might be their religious tag, served for

common good of social stability of the empire. The social background

of Hoysala Dandanayakas is very interesting.

Dandanayakas were executives of highest order in the kingdom.

Their main aim was to be loyal to the king and having their own army,

it was important to protect the army help of different types of

Jagirdars. There were famous Governers like, Gangaraja,

Punisamaiah, Bittiyanna, Mariyane, and Bharatha during the period

of Vishnuvardhana and Governers like Ereyengamaiah, Parisaraiah,

Santhiyanna, Hiriya Bommaiah, in the period of Narasimha I. Army

Bettalions and ornaments treasures had governers like Amitayya,

Bharatamaiah, Appanna and Bahubali were in the period of Ballala II.

Many ancient cities were ruined because of the loss of lives of

people and wealth. Still Hoysalas showed soft corner in tax collection,

according to the hardship faced by tax payers. The summary of the

following reference shows these above policy of theirs. Weavers of one

definite place, decided to quit their town, unable to bear the burden of

the tax. Listening to their woes, the officials, wooed them not to leave

the town. In another example, the people of the town appealed twice

and obtained concession twice. This shows how Hoysalas reacted to

the sufferings of the subjects. This policy to hoysala kingdom,

economic balance and during the period of political stability in the

long term. This tax system had paved the way for economic distress.

206

As it is commonly found during middle ages, it was economic distress

along that was the main reason, for the kingdoms to split in the south

as well as in North India.

Invasion of Delhi Sultans

During the tenure of capable last, Hoysala king, Viraballala III,

there arrived the new trouble to south India. Because of the invasion

of Delhi army looted unlimited wealth was plundered. Hindu empires

of the south did not have any information about these invasions.

Besides, they had not made any preparation to face Muslims. The

four Hindu empires of the south were. Yadavas of Devagiri who were

famous as Sevunas, Kakatiyas, Hoysalas and Pandyas. They who

were busy in internal matters were and engaged in mutual warfare to

establish their sovereignty in the south. On this occasion, Hoysala

kingdom being subjected to several raids from Delhi Sultans not only

became weak, but passed into the path of decline.

Malikafar who was the commander in chief of Alauddi-Khilji,

was appointed to invade the kingdoms of the south. In 1311 A.D.

Malikafar hurried to Devagiri, Sevuna king, Ramachandra was

defeated and died. As Sevunas and Hoysalas were bitter enemies,

agreed to help Malikafur. Under the guidance of shankara, the

successor of Ramachandra, Malikafur proceeded towards

Dwarasamudra. Knowing that, Ballala III was away from capital,

Mallikafar made a raid on Dwarasamudra, hurriedly. As soon as,

Ballala III knew about the invasion of Mallikafur, he immediately

returned to Dwarasamudra. At first, thinking that war is not possible

against such a huge army, he wanted to make friendship with him.

According to this agreement he offered enoromous wealth,

innumerable horse and even elephants. This gave a severe setback to

Hoysalas though they lost wealth, they prevented the loss of lives from

turmoil of the war.

207

In 1318 A.D. in the tenure of Delhi Sultan Kutub-din-Mubarak

Shah, Dwarasamudra was subjected to raid again. He ordered that

the battalion of his army be established in Dwarasamudra. Thus,

because of the arrival of battalion, another war become inevitable for

Hoysalas on this occasion knowing this, he returned to

Dwarasamudra, fortunately, his army chief kathari, Saluva Raseya

Nayak, had defeated Delhi army and was successful, to drive back

from the siege of Dwarasamudra. This weakened Hoysala kingdom

still further.

During the term of Muhammed-bin-Tughlaq, the capital of

Hoysala was subjected to raid once again. As Bahauddin Gurshasp,

the relative of Muhammed who was the governor of Sagar near

Gulbarga rebelled against. Sultan had to interfere in the internal

affairs of the south. Sultan sent big army to curb the rebellion.

Bahauddin Gurshasfa, frightened with the army of Sultan, fled

towards kampili empire for defence. As Kampila Deva gave refuge to

him the strong army of Sultan seized and destroyed Kampili empire.

But, Kampila Deva, sent Bahauddin. Gurshaspa, to the court of

Ballala III, secretly. The army of Sultan marched towards

Dwarasamudra. Ballala III, who knew the capacity of the army of

Sultan was against the critical situation faced by the empire gave

refuge to Bahauddin Gurshaspa arrested him and entrusted him to

Sultan. Ballala because of his political skill he was freed from the

invasions of Sultan and protected his capital and properties of

subjects. During the rule of Tughlaq all the famous Royal dynasties,

of South India, except Hoysala empire were rooted out. This credit

goes to Ballala III still because of continuous invasions of sultans,

Hoysalas sovereignty came to an end.

Because of the establishment of Madhurai Sultans, the death of

Ballala III.

208

Mohammed-bin-Tughlaq tried to establish his sovereignty in the

regions of South India. Alla-ud-din did not have any such desire.

According to court scholars. Khusru and Esami, Sultan ordered

Malikafur to attack Malabar and Dwarasamudra and establish

Muslim influence. His basic aim was to plunder the wealth of the

south. But Mohammed-bin-Tughlaq had an ambition to attack and

capture these regions and extend his frontier. As Hassan-Shah,

began the rule of Sultans in Madhurai in 1335 A.D. there was fear in

Hindu kings of the south mainly, Ballala 3rd tried several times to

defeat Madhurai Sultans. In 1325-27 A.D. after the capture of

Dwarasamudra, Ballala IV took refuge in Tonnur near Pandavapura

and later, established himself in Tiruvannamalai in the district of

North Arcot, and from there alone, he concentrated all his attention to

prevent Muslim invasions. Even then, in the last fifteen years of his

tenure of power he settled in Tiruvannamalai itself to control the

activities of Mohammads of the south and to defend the frontiers of

his empire from them. Because in the period of Ghiasuddin, atrocities

against Hindus reached climax.

Ballala III marched towards Kannanur with Army preparations

to punish sultans of Madhurai. First Tiruchinapalli was captured.

Making this the capital of Hoysalas, he tried to capture sultans of

Madhurai. The aim of Ballala III, was to capture Kannanur again.

War was fought near Koppam. This became famous as Kannanur-

Koppam battle. The army of Sultan was defeated completely and

surrendered and requested Ballala III, fourteen days time to vacate

from there. But Sultan deceived Ballala III when the army of Ballala

III, without any war preparation was taking rest in the afternoon was

subjected to unexpected attack. With the result, the army of sultan

got upper hand in the war, imprisoned Ballala III and was brought to

Madhurai. Till unlimited wealth, horses and elephants were obtained

from him he was given due honour but as soon as an these were

obtained. Ballala was killed immediately. In this way the power of

209

Ballala IV came to an end. The decisive battle of Koppam, and the

tragic end of Ballala III, were the main reasons for the decline of

Hoysala empire.

The incapable succession of Ballala IV

In 1310 A.D. alone Ballala 3rd had performed the crowning

ceremony of his son Ballala IV in Tiruvannamalai. After the death of

his father, Ballala IV came to power. But there are many difference of

opinions about the exercise of his sovereign power in Hoysala empire.

Many epigraphs are available of Ballala IV, who is famous as

Virupaksha Ballala. He who was most incapable, rejected even by his

subordinates, failed to establish his power in the empire. More

references are not found about his power in the epigraphs. But,

according to the little information that is available after the death of

Ballala III there was political crisis in Hoysala empire. Virupaksha

Ballala was not successful in getting support from the army. In the

same period, Vijayanagara empire was established and Hoysalas lost

their existence. Ballala IV died in the year 1346 A.D. Information tell

us that after the collapse of the great empire, in a country where there

was anarchy many small and petty kingdoms sprang up. Gopinatha

the son of Bheerya, Dandanayaka, declared himself the king of the

south. No information is available as to in next two or three years,

Virupaksha Ballala IV waged war against Sultans of Madhurai.

Hoysala empire, merged with Vijayanagara empire that was

established.

The foundation of Vijayanagara Empire

Hoysala empire merged with Vijayanagara empire, that

prospered newly. “Without any bloodshed power was transferred to

Vijayanagara from them. It seems the same empire continued with

new name and new capital. This even tells us that the founders of

Vijayanagara had close relationship with the people of old empire.

The chiefs of (earlier) Vijayanagara in the beginning were peaceful and

210

after the lapse of six years after the death of Ballala IV revolutionary

changes occurred.” Harihara established his power on Hoysala

empire. In the period of Ballala III, he was Mahamandaleshwar of the

region of Hampi. Very peacefully the power was transferred to

Sangama Brothers from Hoysalas. They became the successors of

Hoysalas. In many epigraphs the monarchs of Vijayanagara have

mentioned that Hoysala kingdom was under their rule.

211

BIBLOGRAPHY

I. ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES

01) Annual Reports of South Indian Epigraphy

02) Annual Reports of Indian Epigraphy

03) Annual reports of the Archaeological Survey of India

04) Epigraphic Carnation

05) Epigraphic Indica

06) Indian Antiquary

07) Indian Archaeology

08) Karnataka Inscriptions

09) Mysore Archaeological reports

10) Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions

11) South Indian Inscriptions

12) A Topographical List of Inscriptions in the madras Presidency

II. JOURNALS AND PERIODICALS 01) Hal Yearly Journal of the Mysore University

02) Indian Historical Quarterly

03) Journal of Karnataka University

04) Journal of Venkateswara University

05) Journal of the Indian History

06) Karnataka Historical review

07) Karnataka Sahitya Parishat Patrike ( Kannada)

III. LITERARY WORKS

01) Arunachala Puranam

02) Futh – us – Salatin of Isami ( tr)

03) Gadyakarnamrtha

04) Hoysal Rajara Charitre

05) History of India, Feristah (Tr)

06) Khazain-ul-Futuh of Amir Khusrau (Tr)

07) Rukmini Kalyana

08) Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi of Barani (Tr)

212

09) Travels in Asia and Africa of Ibn Batuta (Tr)

10) Wasaaf Quoted from History of India by Elliot & Dowson, Vol.III

Epigraphia Carnatica Volumes (Ed.), Rice, B.L.

Vol. II, Inscriptions at Sravanabelagola, Bangalore,1889. Revised

edition by Narasimhachar, R., Bangalore, 1923.

Vol. III, Inscriptions in the Mysore District, Part I, Bangalore, 1894.

Vol. IV, Inscriptions in the Mysore District, Part Ii, Bangalore, 1898.

Vol. V, Inscriptions in the Hassan District, Mangalore, 1902.

Vol. VI, Inscriptions in the Kadur District, Bangalore, 1901.

Vol. VII, Inscriptions in the Shimoga District, Part I, Bangalore, 1902.

Vol. VIII, Inscriptions in the Shimoga District, Part II, Bangalore,

1904.

Vol. IX, Inscriptions in the Bangalore District, Bangalore, 1905.

Vol. X, Inscriptions in the Kolar District, Section I, Mangalore, 1905;

Section II, Bangalore, 1905.

Vol. XI, Inscriptions in the Chitaldoorg District, Bangalore, 1903.

Vol. XII, Inscriptions in the Tumkur District, Bangalore, 1904.

Epigraphia Carnatica Volumes (Ed.), Rice, B.L.

Vol. XIII, General Index, Part I, Krishna, M.H., Bangalore, 1934.

Vol. XIV, Supplementary Inscriptions in the Hassan District (Ed.),

Krishna, M.H., Mysore, 1943.

Vol. XV, Supplementary Inscriptions in the Hassan District (Ed.),

Krishna, M.H., Mysore, 1943.

Vol. XVI, Supplementary Inscriptions in the Tumkur District (Ed.),

Nilakanta Sastri, K.A., Mysore, 1955.

Vol. XVII, Supplementary Inscriptions in the Kolar District, (Pub.), Dr.

Seshadri, M., Mysore, 1965.

Supplementary Inscriptions in the Shimoga District, Vols. VII and VIII

(Pub.), Dr. Seshadri, M., Mysore, 1970.

213

Epigraphia Indica, 1892 onwards, Calcutta/Delhi. Kannada

Inscriptions from Madras Presidency, Parts I and II (ed.), Shama

Sastry, R., Madras, 1939, 1941.

Karnataka Inscriptions

Vols. I, II, III, Part I (ed.) Panchamukhi, r.S., Dharwad, 1941, 1952,

1953.

Vol, IV (ed.), Annigeri, A.M., Dharwad, 1961.

Vol. V (ed.), Gopal, B.R., Dharwad, 1969.

Secondary Sources

Books in English

Altekar : State Government in Ancient India, Delhi.

Acharya, P.K : Indian Architecture accotding to

manasara Silpasastra, Patna, 1979.

Aiyangar, S.K. : Ancient India and South Indian History

and Culture, Poona, 1941.

Annaraya, Appanna : Swami Samantabhadracharya,

Mirji, (Dr.) : Ratnakarandaka Sravokachara,

Sholapura, 1960.

Aiyangar, S.K. : Contributions of South India to Indian

Culture, Calcutta, 1923.

Altekar, A.S. : Education of Ancient India, Varanasi,

1957.

Do. : The Position of Women in Hindu

civilization, Delhi, 1962.

Appadurai, A. : Economic Conditions in Southern India,

Vols. I andII, Madras, 1936.

Bhandarkar, R.G. : Vaishnavism, Saivism and Other Minor

Religions, Poona, 1929.

Bulher, G. : Indian Palaeography, Calcutta, 1959.

Basavaraju, K.R. : History and Culture of Karnataka,

Dharwad, 1984.

214

Basavanala, S.S. (Ed.) : Chamarasa, Prabhulingalite, Dharwad,

1956.

Basavaradhya, N. : Raghavanka, Harichandra Kavya,

Bangalore, 1955.

Bellave

Venkatanarayanappa (Ed.)

: Pampa,Vikramarjuna Vijayam,

Bangalore, 1931. Also (ed.) Gangasuta,

Dharwad, 1976.

Bilhana : Vikramankadeva Charita with an

Introduction by George Buhler, Bombay,

1975.

Chakravarti, R. : Santale, the queen of Vishnuvardhana

Coelho William : The Hoysala Vamsa, Bombay, 1950.

Dikshit, G.S. : Okkalu, a Corporate body of Mediaeval

Karnataka.

Do. :

Local Self Government in Mediaeval

Karnataka, Dharwar,

Derrett, J.D.M. : The Hoysala, Oxfor, 1956.

Deveerappa, H. (Ed.) : Nanjunda Kavi, Ramanatha Charita,

Mysore, 1964.

Deveerappa, H. and

Padmanabha Sharma (Ed.)

: Janna, Anantanathapurana, Mysore,

1972.

Diwarkar, R.R. (Ed.) : Karnataka Through the Ages, Bangalore,

1965.

Gharpure, J.R. : Devannabhatta, Smrithi Chandrika,

Vyavahara Khanda, Parts I-III- An

English translation, Bombay, 1950.

Ramanuja Ayyangar, M.A.

and Narasimhachar, S.G.

(Ed.)

: Ranna, Gadayuddha, Mysore 1925.

Rama Rao, R. : Religion under Vishnuvardhana, the

Hoysala king.

215

Resesh, K.V. and Others

(Ed.)

: Srikantika, Mysore, 1973.

Rice Lewis, B. : Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions,

London, 1969.

Saletore, B.A. : Ancient Indian Political Thought and

Institutions, Bombay, 1968.

Shama Sastri, K. (Trans.) : Kautilya Artha Sastra, Mysore, 1921.

Shamasastry, R. (Ed.) : Nayasena, Dharma Mrita, Mysore 192,

1926.

Shastry, Chandrashekar,

S.

: Economic Conditions under Hoysalas.

Shastry, Krishna. H. : Hoysalas in and beyond Mysore.

Seetharam, C.B. : Queen Santala Devi.

Sesha Ayyangar, H. (Ed.) : Chavundaraya, Lokopakaram, Madras,

1950.

Sheik Ali, B. (Ed.) : The Hoysala Dynasty, Mysore, 1972.

Do. : History of the Western Gangas of

Talakad, Mysore, 1976.

Sircar, DlC. : Indian Epigraphy, Delhi, 1965.

Sitaramiah, M.V.(Ed.) : Sri Vijaya, Kaviraja Marga, Bangalore,

1968.

Srigondekar, G.K. (Ed.) : Somesvaradeva, Manasollasa Vols. 1-3,

Baroda, 1925, 1939 and 1981.

Srikantayya, S. : Topography of Halebid

Srikantasastry, S. : Sources of Karnataka History, Vol. I,

Mysore, 1940.

Shivanna, K.S. : A critique of Hoysala polity, Mysore, 1988

Venkannayya, T. (Ed.) : Harihara, Basavarajadevara Ragale,

Mysore, 1951.

Venkataraman, K.R.

: The hoysalas in the Tamil Country

216

Venkataramappa, K. and

javare gowda, D. (Ed.)

: Nemichandra, Lilavati Prabanda, Mysore,

1966.

Venkatara Rao, A. and

Sesha Ayyangar, H. (Ed.)

: Nagavarma, Abhidhanarathamala,

Madras, 1940.

Do. : Ponna, Shantipuranam, Madras, 1929.

Dictionaries, Encyclopaedias, Gazetteers, Journals, Etc.

A Kannada-English Dictionary by F. Kittel (ed.), Revised and Enlarged

by M. Mariyappa Bhat, Madras, 1968-70.

Annals of Bhandarkar Research Institute, Poona.Asiatic Researches.

Bombay University Journal

Encycolpaedia Brittanica

Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics (ed.), James Hastings.

Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences (Editer-in-Chief), Edwin R.A.

Seligman.

Half yearly Journal of the Mysore University.

Imperial Gazetteer of India, Indian Empire, Vol. II.New Delhi, 1928.

Indian Historical Quarterly.

Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society.

Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic society.

Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta.

Journal of Indian History, Trivandrum.

Journal of the Karnataka University (Humanities), Dharwar.

Journal of the Oriental Research, Madras.

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society ofBengal.

Kannada Sahitya Parishat Patrike, Bangalore.

Manavika Karnataka, Mysore.

Mysore Castes and Tribes, L.K. Aiyar, Bangalore.

Mysore Gazetter (ed. C. Hayavadana Rao), 5 Vols. Bangalore, 1927-50.

Prabhudha Karnataka, Mysore.

Proceedings of Indian History Congress.

Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Bangalore.

217

a) Abbreviations

Ag - Arakalgudu

Al - Aluru

Bl - Belur

Cp - Chanapattana

Ch - Chamarajanagara

Dg - Davanagere

Ec - Epigraphic Carnatica

Gu - Gundalpet

Hg - Heggadavevanakote

Hs - Hunsuru

Hk - Holalkere

Hn - Hassan

HN - Holenarasipura

Insp - Inscription

Ko - Kollegala

Kr - Krishnarajapete

Kn - Krishnarajanagara

ML - Malavalli

Mu - Madduru

MAR - Mysore Archaeological Report

My - Mysore

Ng - Nagamangala

Nj - Nanjangudu

Nr - Nagara

TN - T. Narasipura

Pp - Pandavapura

SB - Sravanabelogala

Sr - Srirangapattana

Tp - Tipaturu

YL - Yelanduru

Yd - Yedatore

218

219

220

221

222

223

224