1
FINAL REPORT UGC MINOR RESEARCH PROJECT
on
LIFE AND ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING BALLALA III (1291-1342 A.D)
Submitted by DR.N.SAVITHRI
Associate Professor Department of History
Mallamma Marimallappa Women’s Arts and Commerce College,
Mysore-24
Submitted to UNIVERSITY GRANTS COMMISSION
South Western Regional Office P.K.Block, Gandhinagar,
Bangalore-560009
2017
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
First of all, I would like to Express My Gratitude and
Indebtedness to University Grants Commission, New Delhi for
awarding Minor Research Project in History.
My Sincere thanks are due to Sri.Paramashivaiah.S, President
of Marimallappa Educational Institutions. I am Grateful to
Prof.Panchaksharaswamy.K.N, Honorary Secretary of Marimallappa
Educational Institutions. I owe special thanks to Principal
Sri.Dhananjaya.Y.D., Vice Principal Prapulla Chandra Kumar.S.,
Dr.Saraswathi.N., Sri Purushothama.K, Teaching and Non-Teaching
Staff, members of Mallamma Marimallappa Women’s College, Mysore.
I also thank K.B.Communications, Mysore has taken a lot of strain in
computerszing my project work.
I am Thankful to the Authorizes of the libraries in Karnataka for
giving me permission to consult the necessary documents and books,
pertaining to my project work. I thank all the temple guides and
curators of minor Hoysala temples like Belur, Halebidu.
Somanathapura, Thalkad, Melkote, Hosaholalu, kikkeri, Govindahalli,
Nuggehalli, ext….
Several individuals and institution have helped me during the
course of this study by generously sharing documents and other
reference materials. I am thankful to all of them.
Dr.N.Savithri Place: Date:
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CERTIFICATE
I Dr.N. Savithri Certify that the project entitled “LIFE AND
ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING BALLALA iii (1299-1342 A.D)”
sponsored by University Grants Commission New Delhi under Minor
Research Project is successfully completed by me. This work has not
been published anywhere before this in any University.
Dr.N.Savithri
Place:
Date:
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PART-A 1 Broad Subject : History
2 Duration : 2 years
3 Principal Investigator : Dr.N.Savithri
Sex : Female
Date of Birth : 5/5/1957
Qualification : M.A., Ph.D
Designation : Associate Professor
Address
College : Mallamma Marimallappa Women’s
Arts and Commerce College, Mysore
Residential : #33, 2nd Cross, ‘G’ Block,
Ramakrishna-nagara, Mysore-22
Contact Number : 9845032761
Email ID : [email protected]
Name of Institution where the project will be undertaken
a) Department : History
b) University : University of Mysore
c) Teaching Experience : 32 years
d) Research Experience : 18 years
e) Year of Award of
Doctoral Degree
: March 1996
f) Title of Thesis of
Doctoral Degree
: “Ruling and Rural Elites in the
Maiden Regional of the Hoysalas”
g) Publications
Papers published : 10
Papers unpublished : 06
Books published : 02
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PART-B PROPOSED RESEARCH WORK
Final Report
“LIFE AND ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING BALLALA III (1291-1342 A.D)
CONTENTS CHAPTER I
1.0 Introduction
1.1 Historical Background
1.2 Geographical Background
1.3 Sources
1.4 Review of Literature
1.5 Scope of the Study
1.6 Objectives
1.7 Methodology
CHAPTER 2
2.1 Accession of Ballala III
2.2 Reunification of the Empire
2.3 Conflict with the Sevunas and Action against refractory
feudatories
2.4 Malik Kafur’s attack on Dorasamudra
CHAPTER III
3.1 Ballala III and his role in Civil War of Pandyas of Madurai
3.2 War against Kampiladeva
3.3 Ballala’s increase of sphere of influence in Tamil Country
3.4 Second Invasion on Dorasamudra during Qutb-ud-din
Mubarak Shah
3.5 Third Invasion during the Reign of Muhammad-bin-Tughlaq
3.5.1 The Revolt of Bahauddin Gurshasp
3.5.2 The Destruction of Kampili Kingdom
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3.5.3 Ballala III and Gurshasp’s Revolt
3.6 Ballala’s Concentration of Southern Frontier
3.7 Battle of Kannanur and Koppam
3.7.1 Victory of Ballala III
3.7.2 Victory turned into a defeat and the tragic end of
Ballala III
3.8 Ballala III and Vijayanagara
CHAPTER IV
Administration during Ballala III
CHAPTER V
Social Life during Ballala III
CHAPTER VI
Economic Life during Ballala III
CHAPTER VII
Religious Life during Ballala III
CHAPTER VIII
Education and Literature during Ballala III
CHAPTER XI
Inferences
Appendices
Maps
Genealogy
Bibliography
Photos
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CHAPTER-I LIFE AND ACHIEVEMENTS: HOYSALA KING
BALLALA III (1291-1342 A.D)
INTRODUCTION
The Hoysalas have a dominant role in the political and cultural
history; not only of Karnataka but also of south India. Their
contribution in political history, administration, religion, literature
and art and architecture are varied and interesting. Unfortunately not
much work has been done on this dynasty. The Hoysala dynasty had
the good fortune of having some very illustrious kings like
Vishnuvardhana, Ballala II, Somesvara, Narasimha III and Ballala III
who made their dynasty politically and culturally great. The Hoysalas
ruled from 1000-1346 A.D. They nearly ruled for 350 years.
a) Sources
Our knowledge of the History of Karnataka has remarkably
increased since the beginning of the twentieth century. Many
archaeological remains and literary works have been brought to light
sources of information for the purpose of study of the History of
Karnataka in general and in the History of the Hoysalas in particular.
For this purpose much credit should be given to the eminent
scholars and epigraphists of the West like Cunningham, J.F. Fleet and
B.L. Rice. Dr. Fleet started the systematic collection and publication of
the numerous inscriptions in the northern Karnataka areas of then
the Bombay province1. The publication of twelve volumes of
Epigraphia Carnatica by B.L.Rice and another four (Volumes 14-17)
from the Department of Archaeology, Government of Mysore came into
being with translations and notes. In addition to it, the text part of
inscriptions along with transliterations and references have been
published. They added extra information to the historicity of towns
and temples of the Hoysala period.
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Now the University of Mysore has taken the work of revising and
reediting the inscriptions of Epigraphia Carnatica and Mysore
Archaeological Reports and brought out the nine volumes. Besides,
Epigraphia Indica, Indian Antiquary, South Indian Inscriptions and
Hyderabad Archaeological series have published number of Hoysala
epigraphs.2 The Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar contains a few
inscriptions, belonging to Bombay Karnataka regions.
Epigraphical Sources
The subject under study possessed enough of Hoysala
epigraphs. In total, there are about 2000 inscriptions. Majority of the
inscriptions are found in the districts of Hassan, Mysore, Mandya and
Bangalore. But some of them are defaced and fragmentary. Only a
very few of them are completely spoiled. The inscriptions are purely
poetic in style. They were composed in different metres like Kanda,
Vritta, Champu etc. They are engraved both on copper plates and
stone. The script is in Kannada, Sanskrit and Tamil.
Outwardly the inscriptions register gifts for all sorts of
charitable purposes but a thorough and careful study of them reveal
the activities of the state in the overall development and progress of
society. From the inscriptions we get information as to the number of
different portfolios of the administrative machinery, the concept of
danas, social structure based on the system of Chaturvarna and their
mobility, eighteen samayas and so on. For example, kings were
engaged in making great gifts of the four Vedas.3 The Neralige copper
plate of Hoysala Ballala II aims at the settlement of Brahmins and the
promotion of learning.4 Custom of offering Annadana and Santarpana
was the main feature of this period.5
Thus the study of Hoysala inscriptions to a great extent serves
our purpose in enlightening the above aspects. The inscriptional
evidences to an extent supply the concept of different terms like
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Kutumba (family) Vamsa, Vivaha (marriage) and Harihara cult etc.
they are adequate to undertake a critical study of state activities in
relation to the progress of the Hoysala society.
b) Geographical Background
The physical geography consists of natural vegetation, soils and
rivers, Karnataka is bounded by Maharashtra in the north, Kerala and
Tamilnadu in the South, Andhra Pradesh in the east and Arabian sea
in the west. Topographically the state is divided into four parts.
1. Coastal region
2. Northern Maidan
3. Malnad
4. Southern Maidan
Coastal Region
The low lying tract between Western Ghats and the Arabian sea
is a picturesque region of great beauty. It is full of rivers, isolated
peaks and detached range of hills and receives heavy and assured
rainfall between June and August, measuring about 254cms to
279cms. The soils are lateritic except in isolated stretches near the
seaside where alluvium is found. It has dense forest followed by
coconut and arecanut gardens. Besides there are many kinds of trees
of great size and of much economic value, such as bamboo, teak and
rosewood. Western coastal line contains good harbours. Through
these harbours contact was maintained with distant countries from
earliest times. This region consists of the western portion of North
Kanara and South kanara districts.
Northern Maidan
The Northern Maidan consists of Belgaum, Bidar, Bijapur,
Gadag, Gulbarga, Raichur and Bellary districts. As the western
districts of Belgaum, Bijapur and Dharwar are on the edge of Western
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Ghats, they are thickly wooded and enjoy a better water supply than
the arid Deccan plains, which are in the adjacent Maharashtra. It is
dominated by black soils. The important tanks are found constructed
in Malaprabha basin, southern areas of Tungabhadra valley and the
lower Bhima region. The main crops are jowar, wheat and cotton.
Malnad Region
The Malnad is separated from the coastal region by the steep
wall of the Ghats and in the east it gradually merges with the
southern maidan. It is a land of forests and mountains. Malnad
covers Shimoga, Chitradurga, Chikmagalur and Hassan districts. The
climate is generally hot and wet. It receives heavy and assured
rainfall decreasing from 100” to 40”. Here the soils are red, black and
brown. The major crop is paddy followed by coffee, areca and coconut
plantations.
Southern Maidan
Southern Maidan consists of Bangalore, Kolar, Mandya,
Tumkur and eastern portions of Mysore district. The soils are
predominantly red, often referred to as lateritic. In the east
particularly in the northern side there is an extension of the black
soils of the northern maidan, with the result mixed red and black soils
occur. As there are over 16,000 tanks in this region, it is known as
tank country of Karnataka. The major crops raised are rice, ragi
followed by jowar, sugarcane, coconut and arecanut plantations.
Rivers
The chief river systems of Karnataka are the Krishna and
Kaveri. They originate in the Western Ghats and flow eastward to join
Bay of Bengal. The tributaries of Krishna are Bhima, Ghataprabha,
Malaprabha, Tungabhadra and Vedavathi. They flow in the north,
whereas the tributaries of Kaveri such as Hemavathi, Shimsa,
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Arkavati, Lakshmanathirtha and Kabini flow in the south and have
helped agriculture. The mental make up of the people towards the
river was philosophical. Moreover as the cultivable land being less
during those days, the waters of the rivers were utilized to a limited
extent. References to Krishna (Maisolas), Kaveri (Khaberos) and
Bhima (Banda) are seen in early Indian literature. Inscriptions of the
period also refer to river Tungabhadra, Godavari, Kaveri and Kabini.
Objectives
• The main objective is to know about the accession of Vira
Ballala III and the reunification of the Empire.
• The relations with the Sevunas and the attempts made by Vira
Ballala III to check their incursions into the Hoysala Empire.
• Attack of Delhi Sultans on South Indian Kingdoms.
• Malik Kafu’s attack on Dorasamudra and Ballala’s helplessness.
• The acceptance of the demands of Malik Kafur.
• Ballala III’s encouragement to Harihara and Bukka, the
founders of Vijayanagara Empire.
Methodology
Inscriptions issued during the period of Ballala III and literary
works during his reign will be studied. Historical method its tools will
be applied for the present study.
Significance of the Study
This study is going to be a contribution to the Medieval
Karnataka History. It helps to understand the role of Hoysala King
Ballala III. It is hoped that the research work would contribute to
some extent to our knowledge of the past.
c) Review of Literature
The works relating to the Hoysalas can be divided into four
categories:
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The first one is the general histories of either India, South India
or Karnataka in which the Hoysala dynasty finds a place, obviously in
a short way.
The second category includes books written exclusively on the
Hoysalas. Here again the works may concentrate on the political
history, administration, art, religion either singly or in combination.
The third category includes important research papers
published in learned journals on various aspects of Hoysala history.
Finally, the recent trend in Karnataka is to write books and
articles in Kannada. This has encouraged many young researchers to
write books and articles in Kannada and there is a bulk of such
literature on this topic too. To understand the study undertaken
here, it is proposed to review critically all the above relevant material.
The first work in the first category is the famous work of
J.F.Fleet entitled “Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay
Presidency” published long ago in 1896. Actually it was an article
written by the learned scholar for the Bombay Gazetteer. Its value lies
in the fact that it can easily be considered as the first or the inaugural
attempt to write a history of a region which included Karnataka.
Based meticulously on epigraphical source, Fleet made it a highly
useful book with necessary details. But the thrust was on political
history. Naturally a chapter in this work on the Hoysalas is a useful
attempt to give a connected political history of that dynasty. Though
the account has become outdated because of the discovery of
hundreds of new inscriptions, the basic structure of the dynasty
seems to be stable. This is the greatness of this work and any
research student can not ignore this work for a basic study.
Another similar work was by Bhandarkar entitled “Early History
of the Dekkan” published in the year 1957. Though it is not as
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detailed as the work of Fleet, more interpretation marks this
important work. In that way it can easily be called as an improvement
over the former. However, this work lacks the indepth knowledge of
the epigraphs which is a unique feature of the work of Fleet.
Bhandarkar has not given a continuous and connected account of the
political or cultural history of the Hoysalas. However, while dealing
with the Chalukyas of Kalyana and the Sevunas of Devagiri, he has
referred to main political events of the Hoysalas as far as they relate to
these two dynasties mentioned above.
The Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay has published a series of
volumes on Indian history written by various authors. As it is
claimed, it is the history written by her own people and naturally is
expected to contain material fully understood and interpreted by the
scholarly contributors. The volume five in the series entitled “The
struggle for Empire” has a chapter (ninth) under the caption ‘The
Hoysalas’ written by S.Krishnaswami Iyengar. The latest epigraphs
have been made use of in writing this chapter. But the chapter is so
short that it does not make any appreciable impact on the reader.
One would be disappointed if one wants to know about the Hoysala
dynasty. The same remarks hold good regarding the chapter on
architecture and sculpture. Other aspects of culture have not been
exclusively studied here. Thus this work is useful for a general
understanding of the subject but not for an indepth study of the
various cultural aspects of the Hoysala dynasty.
Another work which more or less falls in the above category is
the work “Karnataka through the Ages” edited by Dr.R.R.Diwakar. It
was compiled to glorify the Karnataka culture in all its aspects. It is a
very useful work and though written by many scholars, presents a
bird’s eye view of the political history, administration, society, religion,
literature, education, art and sculpture in a satisfactory way. Each of
these contributors is a good scholar in his own field and this has
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made this work prestigious and scholarly. Realising the importance
and usefulness of this work, the publishers got a Kannada version of
this volume in two sections, called “Karnataka Parampare”. This has
also seen a second edition, which means the book is warmly welcomed
by historians. This work contains a section on political history of the
Hoysalas and has sections followed by administration, society, religion
and art. Though the political history can be termed independent, the
other aspects are not so; and secondly the accounts are very short to
make any detailed impression on the reader. From the point of view of
a researcher, there are many deficiencies which are normally inherent
in a work of this type. Secondly, being contributed by various
contributors, the absence of a single thread of view point is easily
seen. This work has a chapter dealing with the Hoysala political
history written by B.S.Krishnaswamy Iyengar. Though short, it has
taken all the published material into consideration with thoroughness.
Besides political history, it has a well written short account of
religious conditions including Srivaishnavism, Jainism and Saivism.
In fact it has a detailed account of the philosophy of Ramanuja also.
The other cultural aspects that are covered here are education and
science, Kannada literature, Sanskrit literature, Prakrit literature and
finally art and architecture. Thus most of the cultural aspects are
covered here. The basic defect here is that it generally summarises
the events without going into the details with original sources. And
finally there is no attempt to synthesise the various materials and this
gives the impression of independent articles on Hoysalas rather than a
connected account. However, its value for a beginner can not be
overestimated.
K.A.Nilakantha Sasti’s famous and popular work “A History of
South India” has been many editions and impressions. This work
deals with South India including the Hoysalas. Prof.Sastri has a
unique way of narrating the political events as they were happening
simultaneously in different parts of South India. Thus it gives a clear
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picture of the Hoysala political history in this way. Though it has
sections on administration, society, religion, literature etc., it is
difficult to separate the contribution made by the Hoysalas as the
treatment gives more importance to the holistic approach as far as
South India is concerned. Thus a student or a general reader
interested in knowing the cultural contributions of the Hoysalas or
any other dynasty for that matter will be lost in details furnished by
the learned author. However, things are slightly better when the
author takes up the chapter on art and architecture wherein each
section deals exclusively with the main characters and contribution of
each dynasty including the Hoysalas. Thus this popular work cannot
be appreciated by a student interested in any particular dynasty and
its contributions. However, the admirable synthesis attempted by
Nilakanta Sastri is extremely useful as a background for
understanding the cultural achievements of the Hoysala period. Thus
it is a highly useful book.
There are many works on the history of Karnataka written by
various authors. Many of them serve the students as text books. But
the most important of them all is by P.B.Desai (with others). This is a
useful work based upon the latest epigraphs. The chapter on
Hoysalas is not only detailed but also contains references to
inscriptions thereby making the narration authentic and
authoritative. This is true as far as the political history of the
Hoysalas is considered. The cultural history is summarized in three
or four pages highlighting the main trends of the period. This does
not satisfy the curiosity of a student of cultural history of the
Hoysalas. But it inspires any genuine student to take up the cultural
history in a detailed way. That is the real usefulness of this book.
This work also has been reprinted.
We cannot forget the volumes of ‘Mysore Gazetteer’ compiled by
Hayavadana Rao. Though written more than fifty years ago, it has a
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unique value to the historian of Karnataka as a good base. In one of
the volumes, the Hoysala history along with cultural aspects has been
explained in a fairly detailed way. It not only contains political events,
but also touches on the importance of different aspects of religion,
education, architecture and sculpture, including coinage. It also
comments on the ministers and generals. Though it is highly
informative, the main thread of history is rarely seen in the narrative
and hence it is characterized as a good gazetteer but not a satisfactory
history. This in no way diminishes the value of this great work which
has stood the test of time. However, this chapter cannot be a
substitute for a connected and comprehensive work on the Hoysalas.
Another significant study is by Dr.Choodamani. Her main
concern in her thesis is music and dance. She has approached the
subject from three angles of epigraphy, literature and sculpture. The
material mentioned in epigraphs regarding music and dance, musical
instruments together with the same collected from Kannada and
Sanskrit literary texts have been compared to visually seen sculptural
representations.
Now, we may take up the works exclusively written on the
Hoysala dynasty. First and foremost is the book ‘Hoysalavamsa’
written by William Coelho. Perhaps it is the first monograph on the
Hoysalas. The main thrust of this book is political history. Chapters
are divided on the basis of ruling kings. Then the remaining chapters
though very small take care of the cultural aspects such as
administration, society, religion etc. by the nature of these chapters,
they are too short to make any impact on the reader and thus do not
bring out the contribution of the Hoysalas in an appreciable way. It
occupies an important place as the first independent work on the
Hoysalas.
Another important work on this subject is by Duncan Derrett.
It is entitled “The Hoysalas”. As the author himself states it is an
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essay on Hoysala inscriptions, and their interpretation. The greatness
of Derrett is that he visualizes the political events of the Hoysalas in a
vivid way through the hundreds of inscriptions. He explains as if he
was a witness to what was happening in the Hoysala political scene.
His synthesis and interpretation of Hoysala inscriptions is admirable.
Thus he has been able to produce a highly interesting and authentic
account of the political history of the Hoysala period. Perhaps there is
no other better and more authentic political history of the Hoysalas
than this work of Derrett. Unfortunately this work does not contain
any material regarding the cultural history. In an appendix, Derrett
has given a short account of administration with special reference to
taxation. No other aspect such as society, economy, religion,
literature, art and sculpture have been studied here.
Reconstructing the social and cultural life of the Hoysala people
through their sculptures has attracted the attention of recent
scholars. Dayananda Patel’s work ‘Kesava temple at Somanathpur – A
cultural study’ is a useful work from this point of view. He has
examined all the sculptures of the Kesava temple at Somanathpur in a
minute way and has culled out dress, ornaments, domestic utensils,
chariots, animals, weapons, houses, furniture etc. and has
synthesized and interpreted them to reconstruct the life during the
Hoysala age. He has also used the literary evidences to collate and
corroborate his findings.
Another similar work is by K.Padmanabha. His book is entitled
‘Hoysala sculptures – A Cultural Study’. He has taken to his best
advantage the entire Hoysala sculpture to reconstruct the social and
cultural life of the period. He has shown more typology of vessels,
utensils, chariots, animals, houses, furniture etc than the work of
Patel mentioned above. His comparative study of the Hoysala material
with those of the earlier schools of sculpture is extremely useful in
properly analyzing the Hoysala contribution. He has practically
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touched all aspects of social and cultural life through the sculptural
representations. As he has selected his material from different
temples far apart geographically as well as chronologically, he has
been able to show the possible evolution as well as different styles of
life in far flung areas as far as details are concerned. This indeed is a
strong point of this study. The entire study is supported by line
drawings and photographs.
The contribution of the Hoysalas to the temple architecture and
sculpture has been stupenduous and hence this aspect has attracted
a large number of historians. Perhaps the best book on Hoysala art
written in recent years is by S.Setter, entitled ‘The Hoysala Temples’.
This is a comprehensive work on the subject. Right from the beginning
of political history, he has made use of religious and social conditions
as a background for the temple construction activity. He has also
dealt with the names of the Hoysala sculptors and their background.
The characteristic features of Hoysala temples have been examined
with regard to select temples. Thus for a proper understanding of the
Hoysala temples, this book is of great help. His chronological
considerations are generally acceptable as he has based them on
genuine epigraphs. The same author has another work on Hoysala
sculptures found in the Copenhagen Museum.
Another work exclusively meant for the Hoysala artists and their
work is written by Kelleson Collyer. The learned author has taken up
the study of the Hoysala artists and on the basis of the characters of
these sculptures, she has analysed other sculptures and has tried to
identify the schools and styles. The study is highly technical and has
been undertaken meticulously with the help of short labels. Her main
concern is the Hoysala artists and their work, their background, their
sociological connections etc. Thus at times she turns to the method of
sociology in understanding styles of the sculptors. Without any
contradiction, it may be stated that this is the most authentic and
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authoritative study of the Hoysala artists begun by R.Narasimhachar
many decades ago and pursued by M.H.Krishna, M.Sheshadri and
others. Incidentally it may be said that this author does not give great
importance to epigraphy and its ramifications to understand the
details of the artists.
The three monographs written by R.Narasimhachar on Belur,
Somanathapur and Doddagaddavalli deserve special mention.
Epigraphical source has been made use of effectively by him in giving
the history of the three temples mentioned above.
The University of Mysore conducted a seminar on the Hoysala
dynasty in the Year 1970. Its proceedings have been edited by
B.Sheikh Ali. This work also contains many research papers on
political history besides some on other aspects of culture. Our interest
lies with the papers the themes of which rest on cultural aspects. The
three major religions of the Hoysala period, namely Saivism,
Vaishnavism and Jainism have been examined in three independent
papers. These three papers have made use of the epigraphs of the
period. There is also article on the coinage of the Hoysala period. This
takes into consideration the actual specimens of the coins and some
epigraphical data also in understanding the coinage of the period.
Important Hoysala temples have been examined by different scholars.
Dr. Chidananda Murthy has tried to locate the home town of the
Hoysala artist Mallitamma. Salabhanjikas of the Hoysala temples have
been examined in detail by Dr. S.Settar. There is a useful article on
the identity of Vidya Chakravartins, the poets by Dr. Janaki. Thus
there is a conglomeration of articles on different aspects of the
Hoysala cultural history written by different scholars. As there is no
single motivation for this book as the authors have different view
points, the book does not present the cultural achievements of the
Hoysalas in proper perspective. Of course this is the drawback of any
collection of papers. Still it has to be stated that this is the best
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available book on the subject of the Hoysalas treating both political
and cultural aspects together. This book is useful in understanding
and identifying the problems of the cultural history of the Hoysalas
and to that extent this work is useful for any student of Hoysala
history.
In this category we should include B.R.Gopal's monograph ‘Sri
Ramanuja in Karnataka.’ As the name itself signifies, it discusses the
circumstances under which Ramanuja left the Chola country and his
sojourn to Karnataka, his various acts, preachings etc. In doing so,
Hoysala Vishnuvardahna's role in patronising this great Srivaishnava
saint and other connected problems are examined with the help of
epigraphs found here. Thus it is a useful work to understand the part
of Ramanuja in Hoysala kingdom. The usefulness of this work is
enhanced by the compiled list of inscriptions which have a bearing on
the problem of Ramanuja.
Another important publication having a direct bearing on the
Hoysalas is R.Vasantha's monograph on the 'Narayanaswami temple
at Melkote'. It is not merely a study in art and architecture but a
socio-economic study of the temple. As Melkote had intimate
relations with Ramanujacharya and Hoysala Vishnuvardhana, the
religious background has been competently examined with the help of
all available epigraphs and literature. It also provides a list of
epigraphs found at Melkote and particularly the epigraph of Hoysala
period dated twelfth century A.D which is very important. Thus this
work is highly useful for understanding the religious conditions of the
Hoysala period.
Research articles published in various learned Journals related
to Hoysalas are not as prolific as of other dynasties like the Cholas
and the Pallavas or Vijayanagara kings. The Epigraphia Carnatica
volumes and the Mysore Archaeological Department Annual Reports
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provided the required space for most of the research material and this
explains the small number of research papers published in other
Journals. Among them the majority of the papers are published in the
pages of the Quarterly journal of the Mythic society, published
regularly from Banglore. S.Srikantaiya published atleast four papers;
two on the Hoysala empire; one on the life in the Hoysala period and
the fourth one on the topography of Halebid. The thrust of these
papers is to highlight the social and economic life of the period
including administration. The last paper gives an excellent
topographical framework for Halebid.
H.Krishna Sastri has a paper on the Hoysalas in and beyond
Mysore. Actually it reviews the Hoysala political activity in Tamilnad
when the empire was partitioned. Another notable paper was by
Krishna lyengar on Vaishnavism. Actually it concentrates on the
activity of Ramanuja in Karnataka and the work done by him here.
C.K.Nagaraja Rao's paper is highly interesting as it deals with the
number of children of Vishnuvardhana and their identification.
T.Narasimha lyengar has tried to solve the date of the death of
Vishnuvardhana on the basis of available epigraphs. It is of interest to
the students of political history.
Two very important papers were contributed by the famous
scholar A.Venkatasubbaiah. The first one relates to the Rajaguru
Kriyasakti, the famous Kalamukha teacher. He was in the Hoysala
period also and the learned author traces the genealogy of this great
teacher and indirectly throws light on the Kalamukha Saivism during
the period. His array of epigraphical material is amazing. The second
article is the classic article on the Kodiya matha of the period which
has been described by him as the twelfth century University. Though
it concentrates on the Kodiya matha of Balligave, it is actually a fine
scholarly paper on educational system in ancient Karnataka.
22
Queen Santaladevi is a multifaceted lady and her personality has
attracted Seetharam to write an article on her. He also discusses her
namesake mentioned in epigraphs and identifies correctly
Santaladevi, the queen of Vishnuvardhana. R.Vasantha has examined
the problem of Srivaishnavism as against the background of the part
played by the Cholas in a detailed way. The word Hoysala itself has
been a subject of controversy and this has been examined by Joshi.
The same problem together with the origin of the Hoysalas has
attracted two or more scholars who have given different
interpretations. Almost connected to this is the problem of the
identification of Sosevur or Sasakapura and this has been examined
by M.Hanumantha Rao.
The other topic that has attracted the scholars is the Hoysala
artists. The research begun by R.Narasimhachar and M.H.Krishna
was continued by later scholars. M.Seshadri originally published a
paper entitled "Some Notable Hoysala Sculptors of Mysore' where he
examined Mallitamma, Dasoja, Chavana and others. Later he wrote a
paper on Mallitamma, one of the most important sculptors. Then after
visiting the United States, he published a paper on inscribed images
located in the Museums of Art in U.S.A. The same was published by
M.S.Nagaraja Rao also. Finally Seshadri incorporated all these and
more material in a long article. A.V.Narasimha Murthy collected many
of the label inscriptions and interpreted them to know the names of
the Hoysala artists.S.Settar also has an article on the 'Hoysala artists
and their peregrination’. That the famous sculptor Dasoja belonged to
Balligave was evidenced by a label inscription published by
H.R.Raghunatha Bhat. Chidananda Murthy tried to locate the home-
town of Mallitamma on the basis of linguistic arguments.
Srikanthika is a felicitation volume containing many research
papers. Some of them relate to Hoysala cultural history. S.Settar has
a paper on the development of Hoysala temple architecture based
23
upon epigraphs. K.V.Raman has an important paper in which he has
analysed the influence of Hoysala art on Vijayanagara art, a field
which has not been explored fully. Vasantha has contributed a paper
on Tonnur connected with Ramanuja Noted Hindi scholar
M.S.Krishna Murthy has a paper on the reference to a Hoysala prince
in a Hindi romance. K.S.Shivanna has reviewed the agrarian system
under the Hoysalas. Thus this work is important for any student of
Hoysala history from the presence of the above papers.
The Hoysala kings encouraged people from other linguistic
groups such as Tamil, Telugu and Malayalam areas. A.V.Narasimha
Murthy has published a paper on the encouragement and patronage
given to a Kerala family by the Hoysalas. The reference here is to the
famous Kunjanambi and his ancestors. T.D.Patel has published an
article on the Jewelry and ornaments of the Hoysala period, taking the
material from sculptural representations. A general article on Hoysala
architecture is published in T.V.Mahalingam commemoration volume,
entitled South Indian studies. These assorted articles have their own
value to a student of Hoysala history.
Raghunatha Bhat has brought out a collection of his articles
under the title Karnataka Sasana mattu Kale. This collection has four
papers related to Hoysala cultural history. The first one relates to the
stellate plan of the Hoysala temples. The second one is devoted to a
study of the Lakshmidevi temple at
i) Origin of the Hoysalas
The Hoysalas claimed Puranic genealogy like all royal families of
South India in the 10th and 11th centuries A.D. They traced descent
to the moon as belonging to the Yaduvamsha. They rose to power
gradually and took advantage of the political confusion in the 11th
century to found their political power. They had settled in the
24
Western Ghats and by subduing the hill tribes known as Malepas,
assumed the title of Maleparaleganda (Lord among the Malepas).
Advancing from the Ghats, they slowly extended their territory in the
east and about the beginning of the 11th century, acquired some
terriotory. The title ‘Maleparoleganda’ is commonly found in all the
inscriptions which describe the achievements of Vishnuvardhana.
Early in the 11th century, the Colas under Rajendra Chola advanced
upon the Gangas who were ruling in Mysore and subdued them. The
Gangas were compelled to seek protection of the Hoysalas. The
Cholas and the Hoysalas had to contend for supremacy and ultimately
the Hoysalas expelled the Cholas from Mysore in the beginning of the
12th century. But for more than a hundred years after their rise to
power, they preferred to be feudatories of the Western Chalukyas. The
Hoysala inscriptions from Vinayaditya to Vira Ballala II acknowledge
their allegiance to the Chalukyas. Vinayaditya, Vishnuvardhana and
Narasimha I were rulers of ‘Gangavadi Ninety-six-thousand’ under
them and Ereyanga was also a general in the Western Chalukya army.
They rendred yeoman service to the Western Chalukyas in their wars
against the Cholas early in the 11th century. It was only under Vira
Ballala that the Hoysalas threw off the shadowy allegiance which they
owed to the Chalukyas. Vira Ballala was the first king to be styled
‘Emperor of the South’. They exhibited their political insight by
gradually extending their power and by remaining in the background
until they were able to set up their independence.
The traditional account of their origin is very familiar from the
inscriptions. They claimed Sosevur or Sosavur – Sasakapura of
Sanskrit writers as their birth-place. This place has been identified
with Angadi in the South of Mudigere taluk of the Kadur (now
Chickmagalur) district, formerly included in the Manjarabad country
(Ep. C.VI, Mg.9, 15, 16 and 18), Mg.15 of C.1164A.D. refers to
Sosevurupattana-swami. Mg.16 of C. 1060 A.D. refers to a monument
of Lokajita, (one) of the merchants of Sosevur, erected by the company
25
of townsmen. Lines 15-16 of Mg. 18 of C. 1040 A.D. mention Sosavur
where Vajrapanibratisvara ended his life. Bl.112 of C.1220 of C. 1220
A.D. menions that Sasakapura was founded by Sala of the Yadukula
and the Chief deity was the Goddess beloved of Vasantha.
The identification of Sosavur with Angadi in the Mudigere taluk
is made clear by an inscription of Achuta Raya (of Vijayanagar)
(Bl.197). Dr.S.K.Aiyangar observes, “In the far off recesses of the
Western Ghats, there is a place called Angadi (mart) in the Mudigere
taluk of the Kadur district. Its situation, where the road over the
ghats from Mangalore meets two others leading to Saklespur in the
south-west and Belur in the south-east, must have been the cause of
the name. This place has the honour of having been the cradle of this
dynasty of rulers of Mysore” (Ancient India, 1911, p.228).
Sosavur became the scene of the incident between Sala and
tiger, which led to his becoming the founder of the Poysala or Hoysala
line of kings (Ep. C.VI, Ck.20 and 137). Cm.20 states that when Sala,
an ornament of the Yaduvamsha, was worshipping (the Goddess)
Vasantika of Sasankapura with sandal, flowers and incense, a tiger
sprang out o the forest; on which the holy Jinamuni gave him his Fan
(kuncha) saying Poysala (strike, Sala!) from which time forth the name
of Poysala was the designation of the Yadu kings. We learn from
Cm.137 of 1130 A.D. that when Sala was passing through the forest,
an ascetic, terrified at the appearance of a tiger called out hoysala
(strike, Sala) on which he at once at the Muni’s explanation slew the
tiger, and it become his crest, and Hoysala his name. “Verily thou
shalt become a celebrated man, shalt be the founder of a family and
be as renowned as the enemy of Mura (Krishna) – thus by the power of
his penance did he (the muni), proficient in the Agama predict; from
which he (Sala) gained double glory.”
The temple of Vasantikadevi at which it occurred is still
represented by the present Vasantamma temple, which enjoys a great
26
local reputation. There are other temples in ruins, containing some
fine carving, which attest the former importance of the place. We
learn from Sb. 28 that the name of the muni who, on the appearance
of the tiger called out Poysala (the earlier form of Hoysala) was
Sudatta. It was he who brought the Goddess Padmavati into his
power, and obtained from her a kingdom for his rescuer Sala. Ng.39
and 38 say of Sala, the founder of the line that the muni at whose
bidding he slew the tiger which had pushed upon them, was one
whom he had sent from some other part (Orva Siddha munipane tare
bandan), and on his arrival had established in the abode, i.e., the
temple of Vasanti in the prosperous Sasapura. It was while he was
giving valuable instructions to Sala that the tiger sprang out of the
forest. There are other versions of this story. Bl.171 says that when
Sala was hunting along the slopes of the Sahya mountains (or
Western Ghats), he was astonished to see a hare pursuing a tiger.
Coming alone, saying to himself, this is heroic soil, a holy rishi in his
fear of the tiger called out as above, and before it could step a span
(gen), Sala slew it with his dagger (gen). This is in accordance with the
Hoysala crest. It is after this incident that the Yaduvamsha came to
be known as Poysala-Vamsha, and that place became Sasakapura.
Hn.65 (E.C.V, Part II) gives substantially the same account, and says
that the muni wanted to test Sala’s bravery. Ak.71 says that Sala was
prostrating himself to the holy Yogindra, who was an adept at
incantations, and pleased with Sala he resolved to give him an empire.
For this purpose he was performing the necessary rites to bring the
goddess Vasantika of Sasakapura into his power, when in order by
any means to break the spell, she sprang forth in the form of a tiger;
on which the Yogi uttered the explanation and Sala killed it with his
cane (betta). Bl.112 is to the same effect, but calls it a cane-rod
(bettada sale). Ak.108 calls it Kunchadasele, the rod of the Yogin’s fan
or whisk, which is properly a bunch of peacock’s feathers. It also
adds that he had uttered a spell into it- soiled bamboo-rod of an
ascetic, at the top of which in the case of a Jain the Kuncha or bunch
27
of peacock’s feathers might be tied. The only other variation is Bl.74
which calls it a salaki, properly an iron-rod, which is not admissible
for a Jain; but it may also mean a pointed-stick. The seals of some of
the copper plates give the crest as the tiger and the rod, and this also
appears on the coins. According to Bl.112 of C.1220 A.D. deity was
the Goddess beloved of Vasantha.
5. Sri dayitam yadukuladala
6. gadam Salanemba norva nrpananrpa nindadudu Sasakapura
madarkkadadhi
7. daivam Vasantavallabheyambol
from Bl.199 of 1101 A.D. we learn that Ballala, eldest son of Ereyanga
visisted Sosavur, the brith-place of the Hoysalas. Tn.191 f C. 1173
A.D. sketches the genealogy of the Hoysalas upto Ballala II. The
reference to Sala killing the tiger is made in that inscription.
8. Khyateshu teshu nripatih katitah kadachit
9. Kaschid vane munivarena salah karalam
10. Sardulakam prati hi possala ityatobhut
11. Tasyapidha munivacho va chamuralakshmah
Though the traditional account of the origin of the Hoysalas
reads like a story, Sala killing a tiger by the favour of a muni - we
cannot, in any way, dismiss it as cock-and-bull story. The fact that
almost all the inscriptions refer to this incident indicates that it must
have been a historic event in their dynasty. Though direct
epigraphical evidence of Sala and his rule is not found, the later kings
of this dynasty took pride in praising Sala and his brilliant deed. It is
evident that the Hoysalas were a family of hill chiefs residing in the
extreme west of Mysore near the Ghats, at Angadi in the Mudigere
taluk. Their Puranic genealogy, as Prof. William Coelho observes,
meant nothing more than a proof of royalty. “If the Hoysalas had
come from the north, as the Halebid kaiffiyat says, their language
could not have been pure Hale-Kannada which is a Dravidian
language. The fact that there is no trace of northern influence in the
28
very early Hale-Kannada of the Hoysalas is clearly proved by the 11th
century inscriptions of Angadi” (p.10-11, The Hoysala-Vamsha-
William Coelho).
There is nothing strange in the story of Sala slaying a tiger by
the blessing of a saint. Just as Rome was founded by Romulus,
Vijayangar by Harihara and Bukka with the help of Sringeri gurus,
Sala founded his dynasty by a heroic deed. Almost all great dynasties
trace their origin to some remarkable event.
The story, as such cannot be lightly treated. It is repeated in all
the accounts of the origin of the dynasty and their crest on temples
exhibits a free standing group of Sala stabbing the tiger, while the seal
of copper plate grants shows a dead tiger and the rod. Dr.Derrett and
Prof.Coelho do not attach much importance to this story. Dr.Derrett
observes, “we should regretfully pass with a smile over the charming
myth which was invented in Vishnuvardhana’s day to account for the
odd name; nevertheless the Hoysala badge, namely the representation
of Sala absent-mindedly killing a wide-eyed tiger, which appears to-
day high up on the roof or architrave of many of the temples
constructed by the Hoysala kings or their ministers in many quarters
of the plateau, requires a brief mention. The tale ran how a Jaina
teacher bade his princely pupil slay the tiger with his wand (or a steel-
rod versions vary) saying “Hoy Sala”, “Hit it, Sala”. In fact, Hoysala
from the old Kannada root hoy (originally poy) signifies ‘the Smiter’,
and the terse cognomen indicates without ambiguity the type of role
which the family first played in Karnataka history. They started their
career as successful brigand-chiefs” (p.15, The Hoysalas, O.U.P).
What is of importance is the location of their original habitat
somewhere in the neighbourhood of Halebid or Dorasamudra. At
Hullekere, a village near Halebid, a shrine dedicated to Vasantikadevi
is found. This Goddess is popularly known as Chaudesvari. She has
29
four hands, holding a cup, sword, trident and drum. Thus, the
Goddess is Saiva, though she is called Vasantikadevi, a Jaina
Goddess. The Pushpagiri Hill nearby, is known for tigers and the
Mallikarjunaswamy Temple was originally a Jaina basti converted into
a Saiva shrine. It is possible that Sala was a native of Hullekere or
Hulikere; he was in the service of the local Rashtrakuta chief Dora,
after whom the tank derived its name. The traditional account of Sala
slaying a tiger very well fits into this tiger-infested region. Minor
Rashtrakuta chieftains seem to have spread in various parts of the
country as evidenced by some temples found in Varuna near Mysore,
Halebid and Mudigere. From the architectural point of view, Hoysala
friezes may be derived from Rashtrakuta friezes. If Angadi in
Mudigere taluk was the birth-place of the Hoysalas, it must have been
the capital of the kingdom at least in the beginning. But the earliest
inscriptions of the Hoysalas are found in Halebid and other parts of
Hassan district. Sasakapara need not be identified with Sosavur, the
so-called birth-place of the Hoysalas.
In the Sangam age the northern frontier of the Tamil country
was indicated by a single place name Venkatam, i.e., Tirupati in the
north-east of the Tamil-speaking region. This frontier itself was but
linguistic and not strictly political and so was deep and irregular but
constant over long periods of time. It was perhaps this very
vagueness of the frontier which persuaded the ancient Tamils to
refrain from defining the northern limit at any point other than
Venkatam. In the central sector of the northern boundary the
persistence of Tamil names for localities6 shows that the present
Mysore State was well within the linguistic borderland between Tamil
and Kannada- speaking areas.
One such place name was Tuvarai (or Torai), meaning pulses.
Tuvaraiyur became Tuvarapati and later was confused with Dvaraka7
and associated with Krishna; finally it became Dvarasamudram8
30
(Dorasamudram). But still the medieval Hindu dynasty of the
Hoysalas could not dissociate themselves from Dvaraka or the Puranic
Yadavas of that place and so ascribed to themselves a Yadava
ancestry.9 But the origin of the word Dvarasaudram as we have
traced it, will leave us in no doubt as to the spuriousness of this
ascription.
Usually Halebid is assumed to be a later designation for
Dorasamudram, which is regarded as the creation of the
Rashtrakutas in the 9th century A.D. These assumptions are not
absolutely substantiated but compelled by the need to somehow
explain their origin. There can be little doubt that if a Dvarasamudram
was built at all in the 9th century, it was but a case of rebuilding,
retaining the old name but just adding a ‘Samudram’ to it.
Tuvarai was associated with the ‘ancient Velir’,10 an order of
Tamil feudatory chieftains whose Valour and generosity was, if
anything, superior to those of the three crowned monarchs of
Tamilaham. The Velir were an ancient tribe11 and their name meant
‘the beloved ones’ and is a fair Tamil equivalent of Priyadarshin.7 Pari
of Paramby, Adihaiman of Tagadur, and Pehan of Ay and Nannan
Venman belonged to that stock; and Velavikkoman Paduman
mentioned in Padirrupattu was deemed important enough to give his
daughter in marriage to a Chera ruler.12 These Velir were often
spoken of in conjunction with the crowned monarchs13 and place
names associated with them are practically legion in the lower Deccan
and the Tamil country.14
Nachchinarkkiniyar, the noted medieval commentator on the
Tolkappiyam15 repeats the legend which had reached him about
Agastiyar importing into the Tamil country eighteen varieties (families)
of the Velir;16 having obtained them from the Nedumudi Annal (Sri
Krishna) of Tuvarapati (i.e., Tuvarai, the modern Dvarasamudram).
31
Very clearly this legend relates to the advent of Agastiyar (whoever he
was) into the Tamil country and the fashionable and persistent belief
that he introduced many fresh elements into Tamil polity, society,
literature and fine arts. Of these, according to the belief, the
introduction of the Velir group was one. But the single historical
element in this legend seems to be that the Velir who belonged to the
region of Tuvarai (which even Nachchinarkkiniyar could not help
confusing with Dvaraka or the Yadava Capital of Sri Krishna) fanned
out and spread southwards into Tamilaham proper at some remote
point in the history of the Tamils. But as according to common
superstition every line in Tamil antiquity conveniently converged on
Agastiyar, this event was also ascribed to him. The Velir were
associated with Dvaraka of Sri Krishna on account of the anxiety to
trace Velir ancestry to a ‘respectable origin’; and once a migration
from the distant Dvaraka was imagined, it was perfectly natural that
Agastiyar the patron Saint of treks and migrations should be
connected with the movement too. Fleet who probably considered the
Dvaraka association credible, said that the Hoysalas belonged to the
lineage of Yadu.17 The association of Velir with Dvarasamudram is
attested by the mention in Purananuru of Irunko Vel as a chieftain of
that region.
If this background of ancient Tamilian association with
Tuvarapati is borne in mind, it would be repaying to enquire into the
origin of the Hoysalas who in mediaeval times were connected with
Dvarasamudram.
The origin of the Hoysala dynasty is considered by many
scholars who are all univocal on its absolute obscurity; but all of them
dutifully repeat, as I am going to do soon, an absurd story which is
supposed to enlighten this problem. This story has many versions but
basically there is a standard version which will do for our purpose
here; the story is: “There was once in the South Mysore forests an
32
ascetic engaged in his penance; a tiger which came that way prepared
to pounee on the ascetic; but then a king called Sala who also
happened to come that way was directed by the Rishi to smite the
tiger dead; and in so directing he exclaimed, “Hoy! Sala!” that is,
“Smite! Oh Sala!” The king did so and became the founder of the
Hoysala line of rulers.” ‘Sala’ is an unusual and meaningless
designation; and the story itself is on the face of it incredible. But it is
said that medieval epigraphy and literature stand solidy by this
fiction; and some scholars whose faith in epigraphic prasati tales
about origins of dynasties borders on the religious somehow bring
themselves to believe this; and when an alternative and saner theory
of Hoysala origin is not put forth, this fable is just mentioned and
slurred over.
Dr.Derrett who has made a fine study of the Hoysala dynasty
reluctantly repeats this fantastic and clumsy story but politely calls it
‘charming’ while dismissing it as useless for he is of opinion that the
‘myth’ was invented in Vishnuvardhana’s days to account for the odd
name. He says, “The tale ran how a Jaina teacher bade his princely
pupil slay the tiger with his wand, or a steel-rod-(versions vary) saying
‘Hoy, Sala’! In fact Hoysala, from the old Kannada root ‘Hoys’
(originally Poys), signifies ‘the smiter”.18
It is, however, noticeable that all the concerned inscriptions
agree on the point that one Sala was the progenitor of the dynasty;
but they differ in details in regard to the myth surrounding the origin.
In Kadur No.318 of 1174 A.D. it was “Sakala” and not “Sala” who
killed the tiger and he was a Yadava King. Another inscription Sorale
No.28 of 1208 A.D.: “A Jain monk Sudattachariyar (some call him
Vardhamana) called upon the Goddess Padmavati with a view
tojoining a village to the kingdom of Sala of the Yadava race. But the
Goddess appeared as a tiger and the monk called upon the king to
smite it. Padmavati granted the boon and disappeared.” Mr.B.R.Joshi
33
draws our attention to “Hoysala Sculptures, besides a seal of the
Hoysala kings, which wear the figures of a man and a tiger
representing Sala and his victim in an encounter as narrated in the
legend”;19 still like Dr.Derrett, Mr.Joshi dismisses the tiger slayer
myth as later medieval; but thinks that the legend was concoted so
that the dynasty would go up in the esteem of the people. There are
other but equally unedifying variations of this tale.
The term ‘Hoysala’ is not uniformly used in all the Hoysala
inscriptions; variants such as Hosana, Hoysana, Poysala, Poyisala and
Hosala are in a confused way used to denote the same word.
Now, some scholars have suggested origin to the Hoysala
dynasty, which is a worthy endeavour in so far as the legend is
rejected and something more historically credible is attempted. Rice
is unobjectionable when he says that “they were a family of hill chiefs
to start with on the western ghats.” Mr.Joshi equates them with a
community of people in North Kanara district: Hosaleru, pronounced
as Hoisaleru. Dr.Derrett says, “It is not impossible that their original
stock was racially distinct from that of the majority of their followers.
They may have descended from the founders of the megalithic
civilization which is believed to have come into being in northern
Mysore in the 3rd century B.C.; they may have been of the stock of
Aryan conquerors of the south-west Deccan long since overwhelmed
by stronger successors from amongst their own kin; it is however
useless to speculate on their racial origin.”20 Sewell says, “Originally
the Hoysalas were a family of Hills chiefs residing in the extreme west
Mysore near the ghats, at Angadi in the Mudigere taluk.”21 This again
is a speculation based on certain references in mediaeval inscriptions.
But considering all the facts so far mentioned and those to be detailed
hereafter in this paper, it would appear that it is more appropriate to
assign a non-Aryan and native origin to the Hoysalas.
34
Faced as we are with this amazing maze of reports, it is
gratifying to note that ancient Tamil literature provides certain peep-
holes which reveal the origin of the Hoysalas. The assumption of the
title Bellala (Vellala = Vel Alar – corrupted into Vallala – Val Alar) by
the later Hoysala rulers is the first indication that this mediaeval
dynasty was derived from the ancient Vels of Tuvarapati. This is
confirmed by other information that we get in the Sangam literature
wherein the theory of Hoysala descent from an ancient Tamil tribe (the
Velir community) in South Mysore areas gets confirmed.
Kapilar, the author of 201 and 202 of Purananuru, the Sangam
anthology, addresses therein the chieftain Irumkovel and those poems
provide the earliest glimpses of early Velir history. Kapilar, Brahmin
poet and the bosom friend of Pari the famous Velir chieftain of
Parambu hill in Madurai District, left the Parambu hill after Pari’s
death and taking his chief’s two accomplished daughters with him
went in search of suitable and willing bride-grooms among the Velir
chiefs. This sojourn brought him to Irumkovel whom the poet
addresses as ‘the Descendant of 49 generations of Velir who had ruled
over Tuvarai and had been begotten in the sacrificial fire of the
northern sage’22; in the next poem, the poet curses that Irumkovel for
declining to marry his wards (pari’s daughters)23 and says he would
settle them in Evvi’s ancient family of Velir. This poem also mentions
that one of Irumkovel’s ancestors had offended a port called
Kalattalaiyar who therefore had decreed the destruction of the city of
Araiyam,24 incidentally reminding that Irumkovel’s insult of Kapilar
would lead to similar dire consequences to that chief’s capital etc.
Irumkovel is called ‘Pulikadimal’ (the hero who destroyed the tiger) in
his poem. The association of Tuvarai with Irumkovel the mention of
the myth of an ascetic having something to do with the origin of the
Velir dynasty and the title of Pulikadimal for Irumkovel must be
compared with the Hoysala capital of Dvarasamudram, the persistent
story of an ascetic earning the title ‘Hoysala’ for the dynasty, and the
35
story of a tiger being smitten by the founder of that dynasty. There
will be little dicciulty now in realizing that the roots of the Hoysala
dynasty are to be traced to the Velir of Tuvarai, one of whom was a
‘Pulikadimal’ (tiger-smiter), mentioned by Kapilar of the 2nd century
A.D. and that a thousand years later ‘epigraphic mythology’ had
slightly touched up the details of the account here and there and
invented a new myth to explain the term ‘Hoysala’. But the entire
legend has to be re-interpreted.
The story of the birth of the dynasty in an ascetic’s sacrificial
fire was born of epic imagination similar to the story of the river Kaveri
flowing from Agastiyar’s sacred water flask; it shows that even in
Kapilar’s days the truth about Velir origin had become too dim and
ancient; but Nachchinarkkiniyar’s statement that Agastiyar settled the
Velir in the Tamil country, it can be seen was only another and a
prosaic way of stating that the Velir appeared out of a northern Rishi’s
(Agastiyar’s) sacrificial fire. Puram 201 seems to mean that Irumkovel
was the descendant of the 49th generation (presumably after the
founding of the line) of Velir. If that is the correct meaning of the
passage, it would mean that the Velir started as a ruling race
sometime in the 8th century B.C.25
If that is considered to be a rather improbable date, it would be
proper to read the meaning ‘branch’, or ‘division’ (of the tribe of Velir)
instead of ‘generation’ into the expression ‘Valimurai’ used by Kapilar
in Puram 201. That would mean that there were 49 families or
divisions among the Velir tribe and that they coexisted and
simultaneously functioned at the beginning; Nachchinarkkiniyar’s
statement about Agastiyar peopling the Tamil country with 18 fmailies
of Velir would only mean that he selected 18 out of the 49 and settled
them in different parts of southern Tamilaham.
The expression ‘Pulikadimal’ really has nothing to do with
smiting the tiger to save an ascetic but braving the ruler whose
36
emblem was the tiger (the Chola) that they could save themselves and
their principality; and the hostility between the Hoysalas and the
Cholas one witnesses in the 13th century seems to have been as old as
the origin of the Hoysala dynasty in early Sangam days.26 The
persistent use of the expression ‘Tolkudi’ (the ancient family or tribe)
in Tamil literature to indicate the Velir deserves notice.27 for it is that
expression which can also be rendered as ‘Palaiya Vidu’ (the ancient
family) which is the same as ‘Pale Vidu’ or in Kannada ‘Hale Bidu’ or
‘Halebid’ associated with the Hoysalas. Other suggestions for the
meaning of the word Halebid are unreliable and have to be dismissed
as later day inventions.
Now we shall enquire into the meaning of the term ‘Hoysala’
itself. The older form of the word is ‘Poysala’ which is Hale-Kannada
and therefore likely to be similar to the Tamil form of the word. The
word ‘Poy’ in Kannada is said to mean ‘smite’ or ‘kill’; no lexicon goes
into the etymology of the word deeper than that; evidently the Poy in
the sense of falsehood28 also means ‘corruption-deviation from or
destruction of the right.’ If the word is rendered as ‘Poysolar’ (those
that will shun falsehood) – the truth speakers – it easily becomes
‘Hoysala’; the form ‘Hoysaleru’ in some inscriptions suggests the other
form ‘Poysoleru’ or ‘Poysolaru’ or ‘Poysolar’ in Tamil. The temple built
by Hoysala Somesvara (1235-1254) at Kannanur (now called
Samayapuram)29 is dedicated to Poysolesvarar. In the Tiruvanaikka
temple built by Somesvara there are epigraphic references to
‘Poysolesvara’; and by a strange coincidence, Lord Siva in
Tiruvanaikka temple has been praised by Tirunavukkarasar as ‘The
Truthful One Devoid of All Falsity’ – ‘Poyyedumillada Meyyan’. This
point could be further extended and it will not be wrong to say that in
the earlier stages of their dynastic history the Poysolar were identical
with the ‘Meymmali Kosar’ or the ‘Satyaputras’ who were ubiquitous
in the region from Tulunadu to Kongunadu and included the
Adihaimans and the Kongilamkosar.30 So the Hoysalas, by another
37
name but in the same locality, existed and flourished as early as the
days of Asoka.
When the Vijayanagar Kingdom tottered and fell, different
regions of that vast territory came under different rulers and the
Mysore area came into its own when Raja Wodeyar (re-) established a
Hindu ruling power there. Really he belonged to the Hoysala stock
and the Hoysalar could be traced back to Irumkovel. Now the Kovel’s
(or the Vetkos) belonged to the tribe of ceramists and it is well-onown
that Udaiyars belong to the same professional group. It is amazing
how tenacious Hindu ruling dynasties in South India have been and
how carefully they cherish their ancient professional affiliations!
j) Brief Political History of the Hoysalas
The origin of the Hoysalas is obscure. There are many legends
about it. In their inscriptions they claimed to be the descendants of
‘Yaduvamsha’. They have called themselves as ‘Dwaravatipura
Varadhishas’ and also as ‘Yadava Kulambaradyuman’ in some of the
inscriptions. Some scholars are of the opinion that the Dwaravathi is
the ‘Dwaraka’ (of Gujarat) created by puranic hero Lord Krishna.
Accordingly they started from Gujarat and moved towards the West
coast of Karnataka and conquered the Malepas of Western ghats. The
title ‘Maleparol Ganda’ (The Husband of Malepas) that the Hoysalas
had, substantiate this contention. Col. Mackenzis stand is also the
same in this regard. It is probable that they might have built
Dwarasamudra (Hassan District) in South in memory of their original
Northern home city viz., Dwaraka. None of the inscriptions found here
give any precise details of their origin. Except this nothing much has
been found in support of their Northern origin. However, there have
been evidences in their inscriptions to attribute to them a local origin.
They must have been Kannadigas only. For instance some of their
titles like ‘Koravara Mari’, ‘Maleparol Ganda’ etc., indicate a Kannada
38
origin. Prof. Cohelo has strongly up held the idea that their language
must have been different if they were from North.
Recently (1971) in a seminar held at Mysore Dr.N.Subrama-
nyam of Madurai University in a paper entitled ‘The Origin of
Hoysalas’ has made an attempt to establish the fact that the Hoysalas
have come from Tamilnadu. He quotes the Sangam literature in
support of his argument. Accordingly Hoysalas belonged to the valour
sect of Tamilnadu. The word ‘Hoysala’ has come from the root
‘poisollar’ (those who would not utter falsehoods). His attempt at
finding the origin of the Hoysala dynasty which began in 10-11
century A.D. in the Sangam literature, which took birth a couple of
centuries prior to it, is to be ignored.
A legend of Halebeedu (Dwarasamudra) is as follows: By the end
of 10th century, a descendant of Lord Krishna by name Madhusu-
dhana was traveling from Indraprastha to Rameshvaram. On the way
he rested at Halebeedu. The Lord Mallikarjunaswamy atop the
Pushpagiri hill nearby, appeared in his dream and according to God’s
words, he established Dwaravati city. Meanwhile, Madhusudhana died
owing to a curse of an ascetic, and the city also declined. But the
Hoysala geneology nowhere contain the name of any king of that
name. There is no doubt that this is nothing but fiction.
The idea which is currently favoured about their origin is that
the Hoysalas were the sons of the soil. The place of their origin was
Sashakapura or Soseuru of Malnad (near Angadi of Mudigere Taluk,
Chikkamagalur District). The tradition is that as per the instructions
of the Jain ascetic Sudhattamuni, Sala killed single handed a tiger
which attacked him. Same aspects of this story is found in the early
Hoysala inscription too. The story is as follows: A Jain ascetic was
praying to Goddess Vasanthika at Soseuru. All of a sudden a tiger
attacked him. The ascetic gave Sala who arrived at this juncture a
39
weapon and directed him to kill the beast with the words “Poi, Sala”
“(Strike Sala)”. Sala killed the tiger and achieved the fame as a
valorous young man. This Sala became poisala = Pois ala > Hoysala
and his dynasty became the Hoysala dynasty.
Hullur Sreenivas Jois has expressed his opinion as follows: like
Romulus of the Romans, Sala was not a legendary figure. He was a
person who secured the blessings of a great sage by killing a tiger by
his brave act. A kingdom was established in Malnad by the
combination of the Brahmanic lustre of that Jain sage and valorous
excellence of Sala. But B.R. Joshi has condemned this idea. None of
the early Hoysala kings have praised Sala. Also they do not take the
name of Vasanthikadevi. So he argues that Sala was no historic
person. C.Hayavadana Rao has also supported the contention that
Sala was just a legendary person belonging to the realm of
imagination.
Hoysala was the first of the dynasty. But no details of his regime
are available. Some inscriptions claim that Nrupakama was the first
Hoysala king. Vinayadhitya was succeeded him has been referred to in
some inscriptions as son of Sala and in some others as son of
Nrupakama. This has made some scholars like Dr. Krishnaswamy
Iyengar to hold the opinion that Sala and Nrupakama were one and
the same. As Sala’s existence is found only in traditions, there would
not be any objection to consider Nrupakama with Historical existence
as the first Hoysala king. Their emblem (insignia) has a picture of a
warrior killing a lion.
Nrupakama (1006-47)
Nrupakama, the first Hoysala king established a small kingdom
comprising the area around Soseuru. He defeated a ruler of a
principality of Malenadu (Western Ghats) belonging to the
Malepangada (hill tribes) and achieved the title ‘Maleporal Ganda’. It
40
appears that he had another title ‘Rajamalla’. In an inscription, he has
been described as ‘Rajamalla Permadiyenipa Kama Poisalum’. The
help he gave to the Gangas in their conquest of Mysore from the
Cholas was significant. In the Kadamba war against Chalukyas he
protected the Kadambas and earned fame.
Vinayadhitya (1047-98)
After Nrupakama his son Vinayadhitya ascended the throne. He
ruled for about half a century. During his period the Chalukyas of
Kalyani established matrimonial relationship with Hoysalas. The
queen of the Chalukya king Someshwara I. Hoysaladevi must have
been either Vinayadhitya’s sister or daughter. In an inscriptions he
has been described as Vikrama Ganga. This was an indication of the
sway he held over the Ganga kingdom. In the battle that ensued
between the Chalukyas and the Cholas, Vinayaditya and his son
Ereyange fought on the side of Chalukyas and were instrumental in
total defeat of the Cholas. Later in the civil war that took place
between the sons of Someshwara, Someshwara II and Vikramaditya,
he sent a big army led to his son Ereyanga to help Someshwara II. But
Vikrama’s victory spoiled Vinayadhitya’s plans.
Ereyanga (1098-1102)
After Vinayadhitya, his son Ereyanga came to the throne.
Gopanambi was the guru (preceptor) of Ereyanga. Though he
participated in the battle for the Chalukyan throne on behalf of
Someshwara, in the end he became a follower of the victorious
Vikramadhitya. Neither Vinayadhitya nor his son Ereyanga, it seems,
ever tried to become independent at all. It is probable that Belur must
have been their capital during this time. Someshwara II of Kalyani
died and Vikramadhitya VI came to the throne without any opposition.
Even then the Hoysalas continued to be the subordinates of the
Chalukyas. Brave and loyal Ereyanga was considered later as the
right hand of Emporor Vikramdhitya among his feudatories.
41
Manaveggade Kundamaraiah was the chief minister of Ereyanga. The
Jain ascetic, Ajitasena was his teacher. Chalukyan subordinate,
Paramara Dandanayaka Jagadeva raided Dwarasamudra when
Ereyanga attained old age. Dr.Derret in his book ‘The Hoysala’ has
expressed the opinion that Vikramadhitya who did not take any step
to prevent Jagadeva’s attack must have been dubious of the
increasing Hoysala might. Because of this incidence the relation
between Chalukyas and the Hoysalas during the period of Ballala I
and Vishnuvardhana, Sons of Ereyanga must have been cordial. Also
this became a reason for Hoysalas to raise the banner of freedom,
later.
Ballala I (1102-08)
Ereyanga had three sons, Ballala, Nittideva and Udayadhitya,
Ballala I, eldest of the three came to the throne in 1102 A.D. with the
help of Vikramadhitya VI he successfully attacked the Paramara king
Jagadeva and made him to retreat. Later he conquered the
Changawas (Coorg) and cleared the obstacles to the Hoysala
dominance. His guru ‘Charukirti’ was called Ballala Jeevarakshaka for
curing his disease. As he died with out male issue due to some
disease, his brother Bittiga ascended the throne.
Vishnuvardhana (Bittideva) (1108-52)
Another name of Vishnuvardhana was Bittiga or Bittideva. He
was the greatest among the Hoysala kings. He had taken part in many
wars during his brother Ballala’s regime. He gained a lot of experience
in administration as a governor of Nanjangud province. By his ability
and might he became the most powerful king in entire South India. He
had many titles. They throw light on his victories. He completely
routed the Cholas who held their sway over Gangavadi in the battle of
Talakadu in 1114 and came to have the title ‘Talakadugonda’. In
commemoration of this victory he build the Kirthinarayana temple at
Talakadu. He build the Chennakeshava temple at Belur (Velapura).
42
The coins that he issued at this period contains the title
‘Talakadugonda’. After this in a victorious march he conquered Kongu,
Namagali, Nolambavadi and Kovaturu. The Malavalli inscription tells
us that he uprooted the Cholas from yet another capital of Gangas
namely Kolar. Later he drove the Cholas upto Kanchi and earned the
title ‘Kanchi-gonda’. From there he raided Madurai and defeated
Pandyas. After conquering Panyas of Uchchangi in 1117 in the
Dumme battle he marched upto Rameshwaram. For all these victories
his general Maha Prachanda (Dandanayaka) Gangaraja was mainly
responsible. The inscriptions found at Salem, Jananathapura and
Coimbatore speak of Gangaraja’s brave deeds in those place.
Vishnuvardhana attained fame after he drove the Cholas out of
Karnataka. He later defeated Kongalvas, and the Cholas who were at
Nidugal. Thereby he established his suzerainty over Salem and
Nilgirls. The Kongalva king gave his daughter Chandaladevi in
marriage to Vishnuvardhana and became his friend. While
Vishnuvardhana was returning after the conquest of Halasige Rattas
he was opposed by Alupas of Alwakhedha (South Kanara). They were
troubling him for a long time. The Belur inscription declares that
Vishnuvardhana defeated them and took the title Maleverolganda. The
Chamarajanagara inscription of 1117 tells us that he threatened
Todas, made the Kongas to run away and hide, destroyed Poluvas and
by killing Malayalees threatened a king by name Kala. In 1130 he
invaded Honagal and conquered the Kadambas there.
Vishnuvardhana tried his best to escape from the suzerainty of
the Chalukyas. But he was surrounded by the principalities of the
Chalukyan Empire. These rulers were always trying to break the
strength of Hoysalas. They became obstacles in his attempts at raising
the banner of freedom. However, Vishnuvardhana with the help of his
brother Vinayadhitya and generals Gangaraja, Chamadeva,
Dannanayaka, was able to suppress the feudatories of the Chalukya
empire, one by one. But Achugi of Yerambaragi withstood his attacks.
43
It seems he drove the Hoysala army upto Dwarasamudra. All the
attempts of Vishnuvardhana in breaking the yoke of Chalukyan
overlordship ended in 1118 and he remained under Chalukya
suzerainty till Vikramadhitya VI was the emperor of the Chalukyan
empire. Dr.B.S.Krishnaswamy Iyengar is of the opinion that only after
Vikramadhitya’s death in 1126 Vishnuvardhana was able to declare
himself a sovereign ruler.
During the reign of Someshwara III, who succeeded
Vikramadhitya VI, Vishnuvardhana must have tried again to become
independent. Meanwhile in 1136 when he tried to re-conquer
Bankapura which was captured by the Chalukyas, he was driven back
by them. Three years after this he must have recaptured Hanagallu.
But in 1143 the Chalukyas were again after him. This time also
Vishnuvardhana returned to Dwarasamudra without any success. Till
the end of his life Vishnuvardhana was not able to accomplish his
dream of becoming a sovereign and died in 1152. The opinion of Dr.
Krishnaswamy Iyengar that Vishnuvardhana proclaimed himself as an
independent ruler immediately after Vikramadhitya’s death in 1126 is
a matter of controversy. Some inscriptions show evidence that he
remained a subordinate of the Chalukyan Empire till the end.
Vishnuvardhana had titles like ‘Mahamandaleswara’, ‘Chalukya Mani
Mandalika Chudmani’, ‘Tatpadapadmopajivin’ etc. these titles indicate
that he was under the suzerainty of the Chalukyas. After the death of
the Chalukyan emperor, Someshwara III (1139), Vishnuvardhana
invaded the north of the Tungabhadra River. Sir John Fleet remarked
that he was the most important and powerful of all the Chalukyan
feudatories.
Narasimha I (1152-73)
After Vishnuvardhana’s death, his son by his second queen
Lakshmidevi, Narasimha I came to the throne. He was a contemporary
of Basaveshwara and Bijjala. The great kingdom build by
44
Vishnuvardhana’s needed a king of the same ability. But Narasimha
was incompetent. He was a sensualist. He had neither the ability nor
the valour that a king should possess. As a result Nolambavadi,
Tungabhadra area and Banavasi slipped out of Hoysala hands. The
crown prince Ballala II could not tolerate the state of affairs. So he
usurped the throne in 1173 A.D., by removing his father from power.
Ballala II (1173-1220) “Karmatala Chakravarthi”
Ballala II had gained much experience in administration during
his father’s regime. He was as brave a king as his grandfather. His
discontent about the ways of his father at last resulted in usurping
the throne. Because of Narasimha’s weakness by the time Ballala
became a ruler many portions of his grandfather’s kingdom had
slipped out. There was trouble within the kingdom also. Ballala had to
struggle hard in order to set the things right. He began to suppress
the various rulers who had become independent during his father’s
regime, with his able commander Bettarasa. The moment he came to
power, he conquered the Kongalvas and Chengalvas of the south. The
Pandyas who were in Uchchangi of Bellary area were defeated. By
capturing Uchchangi he acquired the title ‘Giridurgamalla’. Meanwhile
the Chalukyas of Kalyani were on the decline and their feudatories
viz., Nolambas and Kalachuris had become powerful. Ballala broke
their might. Bhillama, the Sevuna king of Devagiri was trying to
become independent. Ballala II advanced his well prepared army,
against him. In the battle at Soratur near Gadag he defeated the
Sevunas. The inscription waxes eloquent and asks ‘who could be
equal to such a brave warrior’ (areasaman inthasahaya shuranol)
referring to this victory of Ballala. As a result of this victory, the
Tungabhadra area came under Hoysala domain. He had Lakkundi,
near Gadag, as the Northern capital of his kingdom. The Cholas asked
for his help. He helped Rajaraja Chola III to regain his kingdom that
had lost it and acquired the title ‘Cholarajya Pratistapanacharya’.
45
Meanwhile his queen Umadevi went with an army to quell the
revolt of Sindhas of Belaguthi. According to the inscription of Kadur,
this victory made Umadevi famous throughout the country from
Himalayas to Rameshwaram. In 1196 Ballala captured the fort of
Hanagal. As a revenge they attacked the Hoysala borders, seven years
after this event. The Tiptur inscription tells us that even in this border
trouble the Hoysalas came out successful and the river Bhimarathi
became the border of Hoysala kingdom. From Channarayapatna
inscription it is clear that Ballala who was old by then, crowned his
son Narasimha II in 1220 and later spent his last days peacefully.
Ballala had a troop of loyal body guards. They were called ‘garudas’.
Kuvaralakshma was a captain of such a troop of thousand body
guards. His wife was Suggaladevi. Inscriptions tell us that when he
heard of Ballala’s death Kuvaralakshma, his wife and the troop of
thousand men, committed suicide as a mark of affection and loyalty.
Ballala who ruled for about half a century achieved the same
grandeur as Vishnuvardhana. He enhanced the fame of the Hoysalas.
Throughout the kingdom peace was established. Many temples were
built under royal patronage. The Kedareswara temple of Halebeedu
was important among them.
Narasimha II (1220-35)
Narasimha II came to the throne after his father Ballala. By
then the Sevuna of Devagiri had became powerful and then had
checked the Hoysala expansion in the north to the Tungabhadra river.
Narasimha spent most of the fifteen years of his reign in the south
helping the Cholas. He had given his daughter in marriage to Rajaraja
III, son of Kulothunga, brother-in-law of Narasimha. A Chola
subordinate Peranjinga had became powerful enough to imprison
Rajaraja III and capture the Chola empire. Narasimha had to rush to
help his son-in-law. He killed Peranjinga and re-established Rajaraja
III on the throne. B.S. Krishna Iyengar rightly remarks, “As Cholas
and Pandyas were on the decline, Hoysala had acquired the status of
46
playing the role of arbitrators in the South Indian political affairs”.
Again Narasimha spoiled an attempt by Pandya king to take over
Chola kingdom. He marched upto Rameshwaram and erected his
victory pillar there. After Narasimha his son Someshwara came to the
throne.
Someshwara (1235-53)
Someshwara who was a crown prince during his father’s regime
had gained experience in administration by being a governor of the
southern provinces. Cannanore (re-named as Vikramapura) was his
capital then. He stayed in south even after his father’s death and he
visited Dwarasamudra once in a while. This encouraged the Sevuna’s
of Devagiri to be bold enough to become independent. Even in south,
during the regime of Rajendra III, successor of Rajaraja III, the Chola
Hoysala relationship became cordial. Someswara, instead of helping
the Cholas as usual, supported Jatavarma, the Pandya king against
the Cholas. He thus became responsible for the defeat of Rajendra in
the battle that ensured in 1252 between the Cholas and Pandyas.
Someshwara in his last days divided his kingdom into two and let his
elder son Narasimha III govern the Northern part with Dwarasamudra
as his capital and allowed his younger son Ramanatha to govern the
other portion including the Tamilnadu area (Eastern portion) from
Cannanore capital.
Narasimha III (1253-91) and Ramanatha (1253-93)
Narasimha III who came to the throne in 1253 at
Dwarasamudra had to face trouble at the hands of his younger
brother Ramanatha. The enemity between them resulted in the fall of
both. The Sevuna king Ramachandra took advantage of their internal
strife. He attacked Dwarasamudra and defeated Narasimha.
Maravarman Kulashekara Pandya who captured the Chola kingdom,
later conquered the Hoysalas of Cannanore. Many Tamil provinces
including Cannanore were captured by him. Kundini in North
47
Cannanore became his capital. As a result Ramanatha turned on his
brother’s kingdom. In 1291 Narasimha died and his son Ballala III
ascended the throne in 1295, after Ramanatha’s death his son
Visvanatha came to the throne of Eastern kingdom.
Ballala III (1291-1343)
Ballala III, son of Narasimha was the last of great Hoysala kings.
His long regime of fifty two years was an eventful chapter in the
history of Karnataka. When he came to power the Hoysala throne was
troubled greatly by enemies. Moreover, his own relatives Ramanatha
and his son Viswanatha were creating troubles. Ballala faced all these
problems with great ability. First he imprisoned Khotanayaka who
rose in revolt at Banavasi. Meanwhile he successfully withstood an
attack made by Ramanatha on Bangalore and Kunigal. Ramanatha
died in 1295 but his son continued his father’s policy. Ballala defeated
sevuna’s of Devagiri, Nolamba’s of Nolambawadi, Kalachuris and
occupied their kingdom. He extended the Hoysala kingdom in south
upto Tiruvannamalai. Meanwhile Vishwanatha died (1300) and his
death became an important event in the history of Hoysalas. Because
after his death Hoysala kingdom was unified under Ballala III.
The Muslim rulers of Delhi who destroyed many Hindu royal
families and who shook the entire North turned towards the South.
Tajuddin Malikkafur, (formerly Hindu-Gujarati Baraber) the great
general of Alludin Khilji- the Sultan of Delhi, struck Devagiri like a
whirlwind. The Sevunas and Kakatiyas were the first victims of his
attack. Later by 1311 Ballala III was also defeated by him.
Dwarasamudra fell to Malikkafur. Later when Malikkafur attacked
Pandyas of Madurai, Ballala tried to help Pandyas. But that attempt
too failed. Ballala committed a big blunder in thinking that the
invasion of Muslims was temporary. As a result he was caught
unprepared. In 1327, the Delhi Sultanate began yet another attack.
Dwarasamudra was looted in an inhuman way. Temples were ruzed to
48
ground. Some were defiled. The Hoysaleshwara temple stands as a
victim even to this day and it is a mute evidence of this attack.
Meanwhile Ballala had Tiruvannamalai as his capital. He sued for
peace, thinking that he could not do anything against the Islamic
might. Treaty was the only way by which he could save his temples
and liberate his subjects from the hardship. As a result of this treaty
he got back Dwarasamudra. On his return from Tiruvannamalai in
1329 Ballala built a new town in the North. This new township was
called Virupakshapura, Hosadurga etc., S.K. Iyengar is of the opinion
that “later this became the Vijayanagara and in 1339 Veeravirupaksha
was ruling this”. The sultan who drove Veerapandya and
Sundarapandya and captured Madurai established a Muslim kingdom
there. Ballala who was defeated helped the Sultan according to the
conditions of treaty in establishing this kingdom. But later Ballala
went on organizing the local resistance against the invading menace.
He tried to unify the waring lords against the alien rule which had
established itself in the South also. By his attempts, he was able to
organize many rulers of principalities and minor kingdoms into an
army against Ghiyasuddin, the Sultan of Madurai. Ballala died in
1343 on the battlefield. His son Veeravirupaksha of Veeraballala IV
who succeeded him died in 1345. Meanwhile, Vijayanagara Empire
which came into existence by including the Northern provinces of
Karnataka, stood for Ballala’s ideals of resistance against the Muslim
attack.
49
CHAPTER-II ACCESSION OF BALLALA III
The accession of Ballala III to the Hoysala throne at
Dorasamudra, following the death of Narasimha, paved the way for
the unification of the kingdom. Narasimha's death did not change the
attitude of Ramanatha. He seems to have even opposed Ballala Ill's
succession. Ramanatha's position in the south was becoming very
weak. Therefore he tried to claim the territories that were being ruled
by his brother. His records appear frequently in the eastern parts of
Southern Karnataka. In about 1295 A.D. his son Viswanatha
succeeded him. But he was a weak prince and could not maintain his
father's policy. He did not even rule for long. Nothing is heard of him
after 1297 A.D. Ballala III understanding the weakness of
Ramanatha's successor probably attacked him and ousted him that is
how again the Hoysala empire was reunited.
Ballala III and the Tamil Country
Ballala III ousted Viswanatha, the son of Ramanatha and united
the Hoysala kingdom. Since Ballala III was busy with his internal
problems and also in. checking the Sevuna attacks on the northern
side, he could not turn towards the Tamil territory to re-establish the
Hoysala dominance. And he could not think of immediately
conquering Kannanur from the hands of the Pandyas.
End of the rule of the Cholas and emergence of Pandyas
as a strong power in Tamil country
Since the disappearance of the Cholas as an imperial power
from the political arena, the Pandyas emerged as supreme in Tamil
country. The Chola capital Tanjore was occupied by Sundara Pandya.
This was the end of the rule of the Cholas. Rajendra III fled to
Gangaikonda Cholapura and died there. The death of Rajendra
marked the extinction of the Chola empire. Jatavarman Sundara
50
Pandya I has been praised as the greatest ruler of the Pandya dynasty.
Many attempts made by the previous Pandya ruler to overthrow the
Cholas had ended in failure. Sundara Pandya not only succeeded in
defeating the Cholas and also succeeded in freeing the Tamil country
from the clutches of the Hoysalas. He became the master of the
whole of Tamil country. He died in 1268 A.D.
Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I was succeeded by his son
Maravarman Kulashekara I. He ruled for 40 years (1268- 1308). His
long reign was marked by peace and prosperity in the Pandya
kingdom. He defeated Chera king. He also invaded Ceylon and
defeated Parakrama Bahu III and received from him many precious
things. Under Kulashekara the Pandyan kingdom was very extensive
and powerful. During his reign Ballala III did not interfere in the
affairs of Tamil country as he was busy in consolidating his position
in the kingdom. But with his death in 1308 A.D. hey days of the
Pandyas came to an end.
Ballala III and Pandya kingdom
Kannanur which was lost to the Pandyas during the rule of
Ramanatha, still remained under them. Ballala III during his rule of
first decade was busy in uniting the kingdom and also in fighting
against the Sevunas on the northern side of his kingdom. His position
at the time of his accession in 1291 A.D. was not as strong as it ought
to have been. Because he succeeded to the half of the Hoysala
kingdom. His grand father Somesvara had divided the kingdom.
Ballala Ill's foremost duty was to unite the Hoysala kingdom, which he
accomplished by 1301 A.D. Therefore it must be admitted that like his
great predecessors he did not succeed to a powerful kingdom. As a
result that he could not give any attention to the affairs in Tamil
country, despite the fact that the Hoysalas had lost many territories.
He was just waiting for an opportunity to turn towards the Tamil
country or the Pandyan kingdom.
51
Outbreak of civil war in the Pandya kingdom
Following the death of Maravarman Kulasekhara the political
developments which took place in the Pandya kingdom provided an
opportunity to Vira Ballala III to interfere with affairs of Tamil country.
Maravarman Kulasekhara had two sons, namely Jatavarman Sundara
Pandya III and Jatavarman Vira Pandya. Jatavaraman Vira Pandya
was the illegitimate son of Kulasekhara. Maravarman Kulasekhara
thought that Vira Pandya was more gifted than Sundara Pandya and
nominated him as his successor. This is indicated by the fact that he
was associated with his father in the administration and ascended the
throne in 1296 A.D. This led to a bitter hatred between the two
brothers and they fought several battles among themselves to secure
the throne. About five or six years later began the rule of Jatavarman
Sundara Pandya. According to Wassaf, the jealousy and rivalry of
these half-brothers embittered the last years of Kulasekhara, and
finally led to his murder by Sundara Pandya. This crime was followed
by a fraternal war which threw the kingdom into confusion on the eve
of the invasion of Malik Kafur. Thus after murdering his father,
Sundara Pandya ascended the throne at Madura. Vira Pandya
continued his struggle against Sundara Pandya. Amir Khusrau also
says that Malik Kafur was informed that the two Rais of Malbar, the
eldest named Bir Pandya, the youngest Sundara Pandya, who had
upto that time continued on friendly terms, had advanced against
each other with hostile intentions. Sundara Pandya is said to have
suffered defeat in the end. He is said to have sought the help of Ala-
ud-din Khilji. Marcopolo says that Sundarapandi (Sundara Pandya)
met Ala-ud-din at Delhi. This statementcannot be accepted. Because
Malik Kafur never tried to reinstate Sundara Pandya on Madura
throne.
52
Ballala's interest in the recovery of his predecessors
territories
Vira Ballala III also was waiting for an opportunity to reconquer
the territories which his predecessors had lost in Tamil country. When
the civil war broke out, he thought the conditions were more
favourable to interfere in the affairs of Tamil country. Therefore he
marched with a large army. His intention was more than anything
else, to make some territorial gains at the cost of two brothers. By this
act he could capture and occupy the fort of Kannanur.
Probably by 1311 A.D. Kulasekhara Pandya was murdered by
Sundara Pandya. After this murder he faced lot of problems in Tamil
country. Therefore he was forced to seek the aid of Ballala III, who was
in an excellent geographical position to attack the possessions of Vira
Pandya, which lay in and north of Kaveri Valley. Sundara Pandya
promised to cede Kannanur region if he should help to subdue Vira
Pandya. It is known from Amir Khusrau that Ballala had responded
favourably to this invitation and it was well known that he intended to
take advantage of the conflict on the plains at the expense of both the
brothers. According to J.D.M. Derrett this fits perfectly with what we
know of Ballala’s character, ever restless and opportunistic and the
history of the land immediately beneath the Ghats to the south of
Kundani. Amir Khusrau says in his Khazian-ul-futuh that Ballala
deva, the Rai of Dorasamudra on learning the civil war in the Pandya
country, had marched there with purpose of sacking and plundering
their two cities and their merchants. His main intention was definitely
to capture Kannanur and by involving himself on one side or the other
side he could achieve this without much struggle and hardship.
Founding of many temples and towns in Tamil country
Thus until the Muhammadan attack on the Hoysala capital,
Vira Ballala III with the able assistance of his ministers and generals
53
scored several victories, bore significant epithets, founded several
towns and cities, erected and renovated a few temples in Tamil
country. One of the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III at Perur in
Coimbatore district gives full details of achievements of this king and
his officer Kotayya Dannayaka. Another officer of his Madhava
Dannayaka boldly calls himself as the "Death to the Kongus"
'conqueror of Nilagiri' and 'founder of Dandanayakankottai'. The
presence of Vira Ballala's records in parts of salem and all over the
Nilgiris and Coimbatore as far as Manur in the Palni taluk, is an
indication of the restoration of Hoysala rule in Kongu. Ballala was
frequently at Kanchi between 1299 and 1335 A.D. Presiding over the
temple ceremonies and awarding honours to scholars of merit.
Kanchi, which was then an easy prey to invaders and adventures, was
not continuously under Ballala's direct rule. One fact however is clear
that Ballala's authority was recognised in the country round about
Kanchi and the local chiefs acknowledged his overlordship.
Malik Kafur's attack on Dorasamudra and Ballala's
return from Tamil country
Ballala III was in the Tamil country when he heard the news of
Malik Kafur's invasion of the Hoysala kingdom. He once hurriedly left
Tamil country to reach. By the time he reached Dorasamudra it had
already been surrounded by the advance guard of Malik Naib's men.
Ballala was not in a position to fight against the invader. Amir
Khusrau says that he had submitted conditionally. Isamy says that as
a result of the conference held with Malik Naib, that Ballala
submitted. From the above informations and also from the other
sources, it is clear Ballala III did not take the risk of fighting against
Malik Kafur. He knew that he was not prepared to fight such a
powerful enemy. Ballala not only surrendered all his wealth, including
horses and elephants, but also agreed to show the route to invade the
Pandyan kingdom and assist Malik Naib in all respects. It seems
Malik Naib also suggested to Ballala III that he would be profited in
54
numerous ways if he assisted him to go to Malbar, in other words the
Chola Pandya country in the plains. Ballala could lead the Muslim
army by a new route not generally used so that both Sundara and
Vira Pandya may be surprised by the attack.
Probably by the assurances given by Malik Kafur, Ballala III was
impressed very much. Therefore he readily agreed to guide and also
provide him with all necessary things. It was a fine opportunity to
recover Kannanur under these favourable conditions, as the Pandyan
kingdom was engulfed in the civil war between two brothers.
All the sources clearly state that the difference between Sundara
Pandya and Virapandya made the Pandyan country an easy prey to
aggressors, the Hoysala Vira Ballala III and Malik Kafur.
Role of Ballala III during Malik Kafur's attack on
Pandyan Brothers
It is necessary to describe the role played by Ballala III during
the expedition led against Malbar by Malik Kafur. Almost all the
accounts of chroniclers agree that Ballala III accompanied and guided
Malik Kafur during his Malbar expedition, but they do not tell clearly
about his activities there. Undoubtedly till the end of the expedition
Ballala III was with him.
From Kannanur the army marched to Madura. The army must
have taken the road from Trichinopoly by way of Kirangur to the town
of Pudukotta straight and thence to Tirumeyyam from there to
Tirupattur and from Tiruputur to Madura. Ballala and other Chola
Chieftains must have helped to plunder these places. When he
reached Madura Sundara Pandya escaped. Thus it is very difficult to
get a clear picture of the towns plundered by Malik Kafur. But from
the accounts of Muslim chroniclers it is clear that almost all the
important religious centres were plundered. After this expedition
55
Malik Kafur returned to Delhi. Ballala III accompanied Malik Kafur
upto Jalna, near Devagiri.
Ballala's interference in the civil war after the return of
Malik Kafur
Even after Malik Kafur's expedition in 1311, the civil war in the
Pandyan kingdom continued. As a result of fresh political
developments which had taken place in the Tamil country, Ballala III
was forced to interfere. Vira Pandya being pressed by both the Hoysala
and his brother Sundara, sought and obtained the aid of Tiruvadi
Kulasekhara the Kerala king, and these two attempted to hold the
Chola country. Sundara, whose headquarters had been at Madura
since 1310, sent for aid to Prataparudradeva at Warrangal. He sent an
army under Devarinayaka to the far south to help Sundara Pandya.
Ballala also joined the side of Sundara Pandya. The Kakatiya forces
together with those of the Hoysalas were victorious. Ballala fought
more than once during this campaign and received as his reward a
piece of territory which included the town of Arunasamudra which he
speedily renamed Arunasamudra Ballalapattna in the region of
Tiruvannamalai.
Relations with the Sultanate of Madura
The establishment of the Muhammadan power in Madura by
A.D. 1332 resulted in the loss of the capital to Pandyan princes. The
evidences from epigraphs, however, show clearly that even the loss of
Madura did not mean the immediate disappearance of the power of
the Pandyas from the districts of Madura, Ramnad and Tanjore. Till
about the middle of the century or even a little later, the Pandyan
rulers appear to have held sway over parts of these districts.
According to K.A. Nilakanta Sastri the Hindu subjects of
Madura never co-operated with the Turkish rulers. He says that the
56
neighbouring powers like the Hoysalas were making repeated efforts to
pull down the Mohammadan power. In fact there were constant
clashes between the Sultan of Madura and the Hoysalas along the
Kaveri - Coleroon border where wars had taken place previously
between the forces of the Hoysalas and the Pandyas. Though the
Pandyas had ceased to be a prominent power, after the occupation of
Madura, Kannanur and other places by the Muhammadans, they were
definitely carrying the resistance against the Sultanate of Madura by
guerilla warfare. At the same time Hoysala Vira Ballala III was exerting
all his power to reconquer the fort of Kannanur which commanded the
road to Madura.
In 1340 A.D. Ballala III arrived at Tiruvannamalai and settled
there. From there he was watching the activities of both Pandyas and
also Sultan of Madura. The Arunachala Puranam, a much later work,
refers to Ballala's stay at Tiruvannamalai. The seventh canto of that
work called Vallala Magarican - Carukkan, the chapter on the great
king Ballala gives the impression that the king was well established
there. The king actually crowned his son Ballala IV in the city of
Tiruvannamalai. An inscription of 1340 states that he had been
engaged in 'performing a coronation ceremony'. Ballala IV's coronation
was probably prompted as much by his father's age as by the
cumulative anxieties of Madura and Vijayanagar. Ibn Batuta tells us
that Ballala III was in his eighties; he had been on the throne for 50
years, and he had then reached what was an usually advanced age.
Even at this age he was active. But unfortunately his son Ballala IV
was not dynamic like his father. He lacked the qualities expected of
an able crown prince.
Ballala is believed to have built the third enclosure wall of the
temple and its four gopurams, and revived a yearly ceremony which
used to be conducted there in the month Tai (January -February) in
the name of Vallala-raya. Thus both Ballalas were in their look out at
57
Tiruvannamalai, perched at the edge of their dominions.
Tiruvannamalai was one of the main line of communication between
Madura and the north. Thus from 1340 he stayed at Tiruvannamalai
and made preparations to attack Sultan of Madura.
The Hoysala ruler was closely watching the situation at Madura
during the last decade and was observing constant inroads of the
Muhammadans. Ibn Batuta says that adjoining the state of Ghias-us-
din Dhamaghani was that of an infidel monarch named Ballala Dev
who was one of the principal kings of south India at that time,
Battle of Koppam - Kannanur and the death of Vira
Ballala III
Ibn Batuta has given a detailed account of the battle fought
between Ballala's army and the army of the Sultan of Madura. He
points out that this Hindu sovereign marched with a huge army
consisting of one lakh soldiers apart from 20,000 Muslim
mercenaries. Muhammadan army on the other hand consisted of
hardly six thousand men of which about half were worth nothing. The
two armies met at Kubban, which has been identified with Koppam
Kannanur near Srirangam. This place has been described as one of
the strong holds of Muhammadans.
In the battle the Muhammadan army was easily defeated. Then
Ballala ordered the Muslim to leave the town. The Hoysala king
Ballala also offered them to return to Madura under a safe conduct
and hand over the town to him. Finding it impossible to defend
themselves they asked for a truce of 14 days to obtain permission
from the sultan who was at Madura.
Ghiyas ud-din realized that if Kannanur were to be surrendered,
Madura itself would be in danger. Therefore he raised and marched
towards Kannanur. He attacked Ballala's army when it was taking
58
rest. Ballala's army was surprised by this attack. They threw the
besieging army into confusion. A general rout followed, after which
large number of Ballala's troops were killed. He told sovereign who
was about eighty years old was captured and taken to Madura. The
Sultan treated him with apparent consideration until he had exhorted
from him his wealth, horses and elephants by promising him to
release. When he had relieved him of all his possessions, he slew him
and had him skinned, the skin was stuffed with straw and hung on
the wall of Madura. Derrett has stated "so it, came about that the will
- o - the - wisp city of Kannanur, which had been the monument of an
idle fancy of Ballala II, proved fatal to his name sake and descendant.
This was the lamentable fate of the great king ot Hoysala dynasty.
End of the Hoysala rule in Tamil country
The death of Vira Ballala III was an irrepairable damage and
irretrievable loss to the Hoysalas and they did not recover from this at
all. The Hoysala kingdom practically came to an end after the death of
Vira Ballala III, though he was succeeded by his son Virupaksha
Ballala IV who ruled for a few more years. With the death of Ballala
the Hoysala rule also came to an end in Tamil country.
Conclusion
During the reign of Vira Ballala II the Hoysala dynasty emerged
as one of the powerful dynasties in the Deccan. At the same time the
Chola power was weakened in Tamil country and Pandyas were
gaining an upperhand. Sundara Pandya attacked the Chola ruler
Raja Raja III and humiliated him. During this crisis he appealed to
Vira Ballala II. He promptly sent his son Narasimha. He defeated the
Pandyas and their allies and restored the Chola authority.An army of
the Hoysalas was also stationed at Kannanur to help the Chola ruler.
When Narasimha II succeeded to the Hoysala throne, he also
continued his help towards the Cholas. The Pandyas along with the
Kadavas, attacked the Chola ruler and defeated him.Then he was
59
imprisoned. Again Narasimha II rushed to the help of the Chola ruler,
defeated the combined armies of Pandyas and Kadavas. Then the
Chola ruler Raja Raja III was released and reinstated on the Chola
throne.During the reign of Vira Somesvara the Hoysala influence in
the Tamil country reached its zenith and also witnessed a great set
back at the hands of the Pandyas. Vira Somesvara continued his
support to the Cholas and concluded a marriage alliance. Later on
there was a shift in his policy. He made alliance with the Pandyas.
Both the Hoysalas and the Pandyas became very close. This was not
tolerated by the Chola ruler he tried to free himself from the clutches
of the Hoysalas, but he was unsuccessful. After the accession of
Jatavarman Sundara Pandya to the Pandya throne, the relations
between the Hoysalas and the Pandyas were strained. Jatavarman
Sundara Pandya commenced a policy of conquest. He even attacked
the Hoysala territories in Tamil country. He waged a war against
Somesvara in which the latter was defeated. Thus ended the hey days
of the Hoysalas in Tamil country. Somesvara before his death divided
the Hoysala empire between his two sons namely Narasimha III and
Vira Ramanatha. He handed over the administration of Hoysala
territories in Tamil country to Vira Ramanatha. When Vira Ballala III
came to the throne, he succeeded in reuniting the Iloysala empire. The
Chola kingdom had grown weak and gave way for the establishment of
the Pandya dynasty. During the reign of Vira Ballala III, a civil war
occurred in the Pandya kingdom. A fight ensued between two
brothers for the throne. Ballala interfered in this civil war. When
Ballala III was busy in the Pandya kingdom, Malik Kafur attacked
Dorasamudra. Ballala III rushed back to Dorasamudra and was forced
to conclude a treaty with Malik Kafur. Then Ballala III agreed to guide
Malik Kafur to Pandyan kingdom, Ballala III rendered all kinds of
help. Even after the return of Malik Kafur the civil war in Pandya
kingdom continued. As a result the Pandya kingdom, was further
weakened. During this period a Sultanate was established at Madura.
The sultan began to attack the Hoysala territories in Tamil country. As
60
a result a battle was fought at Koppam Kannanur in 1342 A.D. Ballala
was captured and taken to Madura and was finally murdered. Thus
ended the rule of the Hoysalas in Tamil country. With his tragic end
the Hoysala rule also came to an end.
Some prominent feudatory families In the Hoysala
empire
The feudatories or samanthas as a segment of the ruling elites
acted as an important link between the people under their jurisdiction
and the paramount authority at Dorasamudra. Here we may examine
some of the important Hoysala feudatories as linkages in the Hoysala
State.
The Changalvas
The Changalvas were a family of kings who ruled in the western
portion of Mysore district and Coorg. Modern Hunsur taluk was their
original home and from there they spread to other neighbouring areas
and were a source of constant trouble of the Hoysalas. It cannot be
said with certainty when exactly the conflict between the Hoysalas
and Changal- vas began. Derrett is positive that Vinayaditya did not
attack the Changalvas. But there are some references in inscriptions
which can be taken as referring to Changalvas and Kongalvas. An
inscription from relur states that the sons of hill-kings placed their
heads at the lotus feet of 9Vinayaditya. These hill chiefs may perhaps
be identified as the Changalvas. This is further corroborated by an
inscription of A.D. 1091.These inscriptions mention certain grants
made by Chan-galva chief Nariyapergade during the rule of Vinay-
aditya.Whether Changalvas continued to be faithful subordinates
hereafter cannot be said with certainty. However, it can be said that
the wars between these two dynasties started during the time of
Vinayaditya. No conflicts between the two dynasties occured during
the reign of Hoysala king Ereyanga. The next Hoysala ruler Ballala I
61
distinguished himself by a victory over the Changalvas. The
comparative inaction of Ereyanga against them had made the
Changalvas strong enough to assume high sounding titles. Ballala
who observed this plunged into action against the Changalvas. By
about 1104 A.D., Ballala was on an expedition against
Changalvadeva. Two inscriptions from the very border of the
Changalva territories clearly show that Ballala encamped there on his
forward march. According to one of these inscriptions a battle was
fought at Hosavidu in which many brave warriors died. But this
defeat, the Changalvas, however did not become the subordinates of
Hoysalas. They were checked to a considerable extent.
But by 1116 A.D., they attracted the attention of Hoysala
Vishnuvardhana. The Hoysala king on an expedition against the
Changalvas, Kongalvas and the Tulunadu, subjugated the Changalva
ruler. But this did not prove effective and the Changalvas indulged in
anti-Hoysala activities soon after. In 1124 A.D., Vishnuvardhana's
army marched under the headship of Bokinayaka who killed Ballala
and others of the enemy camp. An inscription describes this battle in
graphic terms. Bckinayaka attacking the elephants of the Changalvas,
"treading upon the enemy like Cumin seed till disgust arose......gained
the world of gods." Another inscription clearly states that the
Changalva territory came under the sway of the Hoysalas. Another
inscription credits Vishnuvardhana with the title submarine fire to the
Changalvas. Probably, for some time the Changalvas acknowledged
the suzerainty of the Hoysalas as evidenced by an inscription of 1139
A.D. in which year certain gifts were made by the Hoysala king to a
Changalva king's officer.
Though the Changalvas vere subjugated by Vishnuvardhana,
the advantageous geographical position in hilly and impregnable tract
they had occupied encouraged them to asset their independence.
They began harassing the Hoysala ruler Narasimha I as the latter was
62
busily engaged in the northern parts of his empire. In 1145
Narasimha I sent an expedition against the Changalvas who were
again defeated. But Ballala II before becoming the emperor befriended
the Changalvas. The Changalvas thought this was a good opportunity
for them to fish in troubled waters and they readily supported the
cause of Ballala II. This must have happened in 1172 A.D. Taking
advantage of this, Changalvadeva began making preparations to
become completely independent. By that time Ballala II had assumed
full royal powers and felt secure to disregard the friendliness towards
the Changalvas. In 1174 A.D. Ballala II sent an army against
Changalva Mahadeva under the guidance of his trusted general
Bettarasa. Fearing this attack Changalvadeva retired to interior
portion of Kodagu and took refuge in the fort at Palpare. Bettarasa
fought valiantly and occupied Palpare fort. This was a complete
success for the Hoysalas and Changalva area came under the
Hoysala. This is evidenced by the presence of Hoysala inscriptions,
and the absence of Changalva inscriptions in their area. Hoysala
inscriptions begin to anpear in Coorg from 1175 A.D. Five years later
i.e., in 1180, there was a minor rebellion in the Changaivanad and
Eallala II himself aarched there and brought the rebellion under
control. For sometime there was no trouble in the Changalva area to
the Hoysalas. Many Changalva inscriptions of this period mention
Ballala II as their overlord.
But Changalvadeva's son Changalva Pamma Virappa rallied
round his forces with the help of Kodagu chiefs Badagaunda
Nandideva, Udayadityadeva and others. This combined army
marched to Palpare and drove the Hoysalas out. This must have
happened during the time of Ballala III. Finally they were
overpowered by the Hoysala rulers and they retired to Coorg. By 1245
.4.D. they built a new city called Kodagu Srirangapattana. In 1252
the Changalva kings Scmadeva and Eoppadeva were the subordinates
of the Hoysala king Somesvara. How long they remained as faithful
63
subordinates of the Hoysalas is not known. Though they survived the
Hoysalas, we have no information regarding their relationship with the
Hoysalas.
The Kongalvas
The Kongalvas, another feudatory family, ruled Kongal and
consisting of the modern Arakaigud taluk and parts of north Kodegu.
They were the subordinates of the Cholas and with their backing
harrassed the Hoysalas. The Kongalvas who were less terbulent than
the Changalvas maintained a mixed relationship with Hoysalas. The
Kongalva chief Rajendra Chola Prithvi Maharaja Kongalva felt so
strong as to invite Hoysala Nripakama to a fight. An inscription of A.D.
1022, refers to this fight and from this we can gain the impression
that Nripakama suffered a defeat. Encouraged by this, Kongalva
Maharaja came a second time against
Hoysala Nripakama. According to an inscription coming from
Honnur dated 1026 A.D., the battle was fought at Manni, and
Kongalva was victorious in this battle. But it is difficult to believe this
inscription. For a period of thirty years, we do not hear of the name of
this Kongalva king in this locality. Had it been a victory for the
Kongalva king as evidenced by the Honnur inscription cited above, it
becomes difficult to explain the absence of Konalva record in this
area (Nelamangala).
Hoysala king Vinayaditya while on his expedition against the
Changalvas, either before or after defeating them, diverted his
attention towards the Kongalvas, though the Kongalvas are not men-
tioned by name in a record, the hill chiefs referred to here may be the
Kongalvas. A large number of Vinayadityas inscriptions found in the
Kongalva area during this period is significant. During the time of
Vishnuvardhana, the Kongalvas made many minor incursions into the
Hoysala territory. Vishnuvardhana’s general Punisa who was
64
otherwise busy turned his attention towards the Kongalvas. Punisa
very ably put down the Kongalvas and because of this achievement
Vishnuvardhana assumed the title "a wild fire in burning the forest,
the Kongalva king". Derret to strengthen this point states that
Vishnuvardhana entered into a matrimonial alliance with the
Kongalvas. According to him Kongalvaraja’s daughter Chandaladevi
was given in marriage to Vishuvardhana.When Hoysala Narasimha I's
position was not comfortable the turbulent Kongalvas made an
attempt to attack the Hoysalas; During the end of Narasimha's reign
in 1171, Vira Dodda Kongalva-deva's trusted general Rudra attacked
the Hoysalas at Molateyabidu. The Kongalva inscriptions claim a
victory for themselves. The pleasure of this victory of the Kongalvas
did not last long. Ballala II as a rebel against his father Narasimha I
joined hands with the Kongalvas. The Kongalvas became a faithful
feudatory family under Ballala II. Many inscriptions of the Kongalvas
mention Ballala II as their overlord. Even Ballala's queen Padmadevi is
seen making gifts to temples in the Kongalva erritory. From that tinie
onwards in 1176 A.D. they continued to be Hoysala subordinates.
The Kadambas of Hangal
Hoysala Vishnuvardhana with a view to expand his kingdom
was exhausting all possible opportunities. Realising the importance of
the Hangal Kadambas, he was making raids into their territory as a
beginning of his plan of conquest. Though, as early as 1120 A.D.
Hanuragal appears in his prashasti it was perhaps not until 1130
A.D., Vishnuvardhana isade an attack on the Kadambas. Taila II was
the contemporary Kadamba ruler at Hangal. Hia general Taila Naga
opposed the army of- Vishnuvardhana. The mighty Hoysala army
defeated Kadamba general and proceeded to Hangal, and laid siege to
the fort there. Taila II was no match to the superior Hoysala army
and hence Taila II fell fighting. Vishnuvardhana lost no time in
assuming high sounding titles significant of this achievement.
65
After the death of Taila II, his eldest son Mayura Varman III
came to the throne. In his inscriptions he is stated to be ruling
Bansvase, Hangal and Santalige. It is doubtful whether this was just
a prashasti or a fact, because Vishnu vardhana's conquest seecs to be
almost complete. Mallikarjuna succeeded Mayuravarman III and
began to retrieve the situation for the Kadambas atleast temporarily.
He began minor incurssions against the Hoysalas to divert
Vishnuvardhana's concentration on Hangal. The Hoysala general
Gangadeva put an end to all these incursions and is stated to have
laid seige to Hangal. An inscription states that Vishnuvardhana was
ruling the kingdom from Hangal Tnus he achieved great success
against the Kadambas.
After the death or Vishnuvardhana Narasimha came to the
Hoysala throne. During the period the Kadambas seem to have
reoccupied most parts which they had lost during the previous period.
In an inscription it is said that Kadma Tailama drove the Hoysalas out
of his country. But a Hoysala inscription states that Narasimhas
generals entered the adarsba territory, defeated the Kadamba king
and returned with a large amount of booty. Kadamba Kamdeva, one of
the important rulers of his dynasty, was a contemporary of the
Hoysala Ballala II. The constant struggles among the Hoysalas,
Kalachuris, and the Chalukyas, which marked the period, were
uneventful years for the Kadambas. They suffered most in these
struggles. However, Kadamba Kamadeva was making attempts to
become independent. He even assumed the title Kadamba
Chakravarthi. Ballala II who was making himself powerful in all fronts
attacked Kamadeva many times. The evidence that is available from
inscriptions is indeed conflicting on this point. Probably, the conflict
began at the strong fort Uddhare, very near Hangal. By 1181 A.D. this
fort was under the Hoysalas evidenced by an inscription. But by 1196
A.D. this fort was under Kadamba Kamadeva. According to
inscription, Ballala's soldiers were completely defeated and Kamadeva
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drove the Hoysalas out of. During the uddhare time of kavarasa, the
last great ruler of the Hangal Kadambas, the fortunes of the family
looked brighter, Kavarssa rendered help to Saluva Tikkama, a great
general of Sevuns Ramachandra. Tikkama marched against the
Hoysalas and even plundered Dorasarmdra. In this campaign
Tikkama re-occupied many parts of Banavasi and Hangal. Though
Tikkama was not completely successful in his attempt, he was able to
restore the Kadamba territory to Kamadeva. He ever assumed the title
establisher of the Kadamba king. By about 1300 A.D. Ballala III
made an attempt to defeat Kadamba Kavadeva. But he does not seem
to have achieved any significant success. Thus the Kadambas eluded
the Hoysala rulers. But- it has to be noted that the energies of the
Hoysala rulers were wasted by the successive attacks gainst the
kadambas of Hangal, which after all did not bring them any
permanent gains.
The santaras of Humcha
The Santaras of ancient Pomburchapura played a significant
role in the history of Karnataka. Santrara country being situated in
the fertile valley attracted the Hoysalas. Hence there were many
conflicts between the Hoysalas and the Santaras of Humcha.
Vinayaditya with a view to expand his kingdom burned towards the
Santaras. Though the exact details are not known, it is clear that the
Hoysala army under Vinayaditya defeated the Santaras. Many viragals
testify to this fact. Two inscriptions of Vira Santaradeva of 1062 A.D.
and 1068 A.D. do not help us to know the details of the conflict.
But the comparative rarity of Santara inscription in the area is a
clue to testify that they were defeated. This is further corroborated by
the fact that Vira Santar’s son married a Hoysala princess. But
however, this should not be taken to mean that the Santaras were
completely subjugated by Vinayaditya. There existed between the two
dynasties some sort of uneasy friendship.
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Vishnuvardhana wanted to enlist the support of the Santaras to
subdue the Kadambas. Hence he first attacked them and took their
fort at Humcha. By this the Santaras became subordinates. The
Santaras allied themselves with the Hoysalas in many wars during
this period. Sonse inscriptions credit Vishnuvrdhana with a victory
over Santara king Jagadeva. However, there is every reason to believe
that it was during Hoysala Narasimha’s period that Jagadeva began
harassing the Hoysala with the help of the Kalachuris. During the
time of Ballala II, the Santaras were faithful subordinates and assisted
the Hoysala ruler in his wars. It was with the active support of the
Santaras that Ballala II was able to keep control over the neighbouring
minor powers. Thus the Santaras of Humcha helped in the
development of the Hoysala empire as feudatories.
The Santaras of Hosagunda
It is not known when exactly the Hoysagaunda Santaras
branched off from the main line. But we know that one Birarasa was
probably its leader. These Santaras were very weak and they were on
the verge of being wiped out of existence by the Sevunas Hence, these
Santaras became the feudatories of the Hoysalas, just to save
themselves from the powerful Sevunas. Even the Hoysala rulers were
very happy at this gesture of the Santaras. In 1239 A.D. Birarasa
attacked an army of the Sevunas, with the hope of getting Hoysala
support. But Birarasa's calculations proved wrong and the Sevuna
generals distinguished themselves against Birarasa. But the Santaras
were waiting for an opportunity to invade the Sevuna kingdom with
the help of Hoysalas. The opportunity presented itself when Sevuna
king Mahadeva after defeating Kadamba Kamadeva, marched against
the Santara king Bommarasa. With the aid promptly sent by the
Hoysalas, Bommarasa was able to repulse Mahadeva's attack. But
they could not play the same game for long. Saluva Tikkama, a great
Sevuna general under Ramachandra after defeating the Hoysalas and
establishing Kadamba Kamadeva on his throne, marched against the
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Santaras of Hosagunda. The Santara chief Bommarasa could not get
any help from the Hoysalas and hence he was defeated. Bommarasa
became a Sevuna feudatory in 1267 A.D. Sometime after this, taking
advantage of the critical position of the Sevunas, the Santara chief
freed himself from the Sevunas and began ruling independently. At
this stage Ballala III intervened, defeated the Santara ruler
Bommarasa and took full possession of Hosagunda.
Vira Balla’s Conquest and Wars
Vira Ballala II one of the most prominent among the Hoysala
rulers and among the contemporary rulers placed the Hoysalas at the
zenith of their power to which height they never again reached. By the
time Vira Ballala III took the responsibility of steering the ship, the
situation was so hopeless that all he could do was to protect the
empire from the ever active enemies on all the side. That is why the
reign of vira Ballala III was full of battles and he could pay very little
attention to the welfare of his people. There was no marked
development in the field of art and architecture, education or
literature.
An inscription from chikkamagalure Taluk of A.D.1292 refers to
the coronation of vira Ballala III. This inscription states that Vira
Ballala III was ruling from Dorasamudra after his coronation when
Marakala of the house of Samudra Pandya invaded the territory of
Virapandya of the Kalasa-Karkala line who was a feudatory of Vira
Ballala III.
In fact several conflicts took place between the forces of the
Hoysala vira Ballala III and the Sevunas. Even before the days of Vira
Ballala III Ramachandra had made aggressions the Hoysalas. In A.D.
1276 he had sent a very large army under the leadership of saluva
Tikkama which had traversed the Hoysala territories and was hardly a
few miles from the imperial capital of Dorasamudra. But for the timely
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action on the part of the Hoysalas, known through their inscriptions,
what would have been a sure collapse was postponed for some more
time. The Hoysala inscriptions claim victory to their side after creating
lot of tremor in the sevuna army. The sevuna inscriptions on the other
hand give a different picture. They claim Victory for the sevunas afte
capturing the Hoysalas capital Dorasamudra and taking tribute of all
manner of wealth, especially horses and elephants.
The sevuna ruler Ramachandra respected the powers of vira
Ballala is evident from the fact that he ordered his men to capture
that tiger cub, the sovereign of Karnataka, apparently referring to the
Hoysala Ballala III.
Kampiladeva of Kummata was a sevuna feudatory to start with
as known from the inscriptions and fought battles on their behalf and
after the disappearance of the sevunas became independent but
continued his hostilities against the Hoysalas and atleast four battles
that took place between these two are known through the inscriptions.
The Muhammadan chroniclers have given one sided version of the
muhammadan-Hoysala conflicts.
There are inscriptions to prove that it was not an unconditional
surrender but the Hoysalas really made some attempts to check the
muhammadan army. Only when they failed in doing so Vira Ballala III
surrendered. An inscription dated A.D.1310 from Dudda in the
Hassan Taluk refers to a attempt made by Bayicheya Nayaka, son of
Macheya Nayaka of Nadagove to check the muhammadan aggression.
The reconstruction of the Hoysala capital as also sending Vira Ballala
IV to the court of the Delhi Sultan and his return in A.D. 1313 are
known only through the inscriptions.
One more important feature of Vira Ballala’s administration was
that he never stayed at any particular place for longer period that
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necessary. Inscriptions clearly show him moving from
Tiruvannamalai, the southern capital to as far north as Virupaksha
Pattana with immense speed and involving himself in the
administration of those areas.
But for the epigraphs nothing would have been known regarding
the different capitals of Vira Ballala III ofcourse except the ancestral
capital of Dorasamudra. Tiruvannamalai is know from several
inscriptions as one of his capitals where he stayed most of the time
during the later part of his reigh. Arunasamudra was perhaps another
capital different from Tiruvannamalai. Virupakasha Pattana or
Virupaksha Hosadurga became one more capital of his which is
identified with the present day Hampi by those who support the
Kannada origin of Vijayanagar.
An inscription from the Kadur Taluk of A.D. 1368 is known to
give last date of Vira Ballala III. This inscription while commemorating
the death of one Kankaya mentions that Devarakude Devatokava
Suregondanta Kankaya” which is taken to mean that kankaya died
along with Vira Ballala III while fighting against the muhammadans in
A.D. 1342 at Tiruchinapalli.
The reign of Virupaksha Ballala is known only throuhg his
inscriptions numbering to hardly four. He ruled for hardly three or
four years and with him the Hoysala Empire disappeared as a political
power in the plains.
Again it is inscriptions that come to our help regarding the
occupation of south Kanara by Vira Ballala III and that Chikkayi tayi
becoming his pattada Piriyarasi. She is known to have ruled on behalf
of her husband parts of south Kanara from Baraha Kanyapura which
strangely enough remained to be the headquarters of another branch
of the Alupa line at the same time. She ruled atleast upto A.D. 1348
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and after the death of Vira Ballala III she came in contact with
Harihara and his brothers of the sangama lineage, either as a friend
or as a feudatory. After her death she was succeeded by her son
Kulasekhara, who, as known from the inscriptions, ruled for some
time.
The only work of historical importance in Sanskrit literature
pertaining to the period of Vira Ballala III is “Rukmini Kalyana” of
Vidya Chakravartin III, his court poet. This is a mahakavya written in
several cantos. Only first canto i.e., the introductory canto contains a
brief history of the Hoysalas from the reign of Vira Ballala II upto the
reign of Vira Ballala III and the actual kavya deals with the story of
Krishna and has nothing to do with the Hoysala history. It is is taken
by several scholars to mean that his patron Vira Ballala III is
compared with Krishna, the hero of this kavya who built the city of
Dwaraka.
Sri Vidyachakravartin, author of the Mahakavya Rukmini
Kalyana was the son of Vasudeva, a court poet of Narasimha III. His
elder brother Mahadeva was the tutor of Narasimha III’s son Vira
Ballala III. Vidyacharkravarthin learnt all the sastras under his
brother. He was one of the favourites of Vira Ballala III. Many of the
inscriptions were composed by this great poet.
His ancestors were also great scholars and served the Hoysalas.
The first known person of importance among the ancestors of Sri
Vidyachakravartin was Chakravarthin the court poet of Vira Ballala
III.
Ballala III whose court poet the author of this mahakavya, was
very intelligent, farsighted, valiant and an ornament to his race. He
established the Hoysala ruleon a firm footing like Sri Krishna. He won
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many battles against such enemies like the kanka (Konga) Kerala,
Konkani and Kanchi).
Many of these statements are supported by the inscriptions
also. Thus vidyachakravartin in the 1st canto of Rukmini Kalyana
provides very valuable historical information. Many of his statements
are confirmed by the inscriptions while a very few are just
hyperbolical.
Guruvamsa Mahakavya of Lakshmana sastri who flourished in
the first quarter of the 18th century reveals several points of historical
interest. It also gives reference to the conflicts that took place between
Harihara I and Bukka and the Hoysala monarch Vira Ballala III.
Kannada literature also provides some information relating to
the history of Vira Ballala III. The stories of Kumararama, the worthy
son of Kampiladeva of Kummata, make reference to his conflicts with
the Hoysala Monarch. Thus this makes an indirect reference to the
activities of Vira Ballala III. The Kannada literature provides us three
works on the exploits of Kumara Viz. Paranariyarige Sahodaranem-
bantha Kathe of Nagasangayya, Paradarasodara Ramanakathe and
Kumararama sangathya of Ganga.
These three pieces of literature provide us information regarding
the battles that took place between the armies of Kumararama and
Vira Ballala III. They refer to one battle in detail and the result of this
war, according to them, was that when the forces of Kumararama had
gained the upperhand both the armies came to an understanding and
the battle thus ended. Anyway it is clear from these works that
Kumararama, son of Kampila, proved more than a match to the
Hoysala monarch. It is also known from them that Kumararama had
almost gained victory over the muhammadans whom he defeated and
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drove back twicebut became victim in the third encounter that too as
a result of moral turpitude on the part of the muhammadans.
“Arunachala Purnam” a local legend of Tiruvannamalai refers to
some historical information relating to Vira Ballala III. But the
evidence given there is absolutely untrustworthy as some of the points
mentioned say that Vira Ballala III had no children, hence she prayed
Goddess of the place for a son to rule the and he was blessed with a
child and this was Virupaksha Hoysala empire after his own self
Ballala IV. But it is evident from inscriptions that Ballala III came into
contact with Arunasamudra somewhere around 1316-17 after
rebuilding the Hoysala capital. Naturally he must have prayed the god
for a son afterwards. But it is known through inscriptions and
Muhammadan sources that he had a son Virupaksha Ballala IV whom
he had sent to the Delhi court as a token of his submission. Hence
‘Arunachala Purana’ as a historical source is absolutely useless.
The most important among the literary sources for the
reconstructon of the Hoysala-muhammadan conflicts is writings of
some Persain travelers. Of course the muhammadan chronicles have
also erred in that they are always partial towards the muhammadans
and Ibn Batuta, the Moor traveler is some what an exception to this.
Amir Khusrau, Isami, Barani etc were almost contemporaries and
they had very intimate contacts with the kings and their courts and
naturally they were in a better position than the writers who came at a
latter date, in understanding the wars and intrigues. But as a human
instinct it is, not at all expected of true historian, they present a
picture of the Muhammadan upper hand and a sorrowful picture of
the indigenous rulers.
Among foreign writers Amir Khusrau Dihlavi stands very
prominent. His account of the sack of the sevuna capital of Devagiri
and the Hoysala Capital of Dorasamudra are of great historical value.
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Infact he draws our attention to each and every detail of these
expeditions. It is known from his work Taikh-i-Alai or Khazain-ul-
Futuh. About the first sixteen years of Ala-ud-din’s rule, Amir
Khusrau states that Ala-ud-din personally led the Muhammadan
army into Devagiri and defeated the Sevuna ruler Ramachandra, when
his son Singhana tried to attack the returning muhammadan army,
he was also seriously punished and he had to escape the horrors by
paying a heavy purse. Within a few years after thae first expedition to
the south, Ala-ud-din sent a very large army under his able general
Mallik Kafur and this time the target was Dorasamudra, the Hoysala
capital. The Muhammadan army was supplied with arms and
ammunitions at Devagiri and he marched to Dorasamudra speedily
and within twenty two days he was at the doors of Dorasamudra. Vira
Ballala III who was busy in the Pandya country at that particular time
made a hurried march back to the capital. Amir Khusrau opines that
he surrendered without offering any resistence. He has pictured the
Hoysala monarch begging the general of the imperial army to pardon
him for having thrown a few stones from the walls of his fort which
apparently means that Vira Ballala III did try to offer some resistence
in the beginning but when it was found out that they were far superior
to his own army, Vira Ballala made peace at the cost of a very rich
purse. Amir Khusrau goes to the extent of stating that the Hoysala
moarch submitted to Mallik Kafur all his possessings including the
golden ornaments worn around his body except his sacred thread
(Junnar) which looks very hyperbolical. As a result of his submission
he had to send his son Virupaksha Ballala IV as hostage to the court
of Delhi Sultan. This statement is confirmed by an inscription from
Kudali in Shimoga District already referred to.
After sending the treasure to Delhi court Mallik kafur marched
to Mabar the country ruled by the Pandya brothers, Vira Pandya and
Sundara Pandya. It will not be out of place to mention that the
pandyans adopted the guerilla tactics and created lot of inconvenience
75
to the muhammadans. But that did not prevent the muhamadans
from sacking lot of wealth and passing on the same to Delhi.
Zia-ud-din Barani appeared on the picture after Ala-ud-Din had
made his first victory against the sevunas. In his Tarik-i-Firoz shahi
he has given really valuable information regarding the conquests of
Ala-ud-din on the sevunas and the Hoysalas. He is of the opinion that
the Muhammadan army was led by two general khwaja Haji and Malik
Kafur and Vira Ballala III fell a victim at the very first onslaught and
36 elephants were captured along with the treasures beyond what
imagination could conceive. He also says that a dispatch was sent to
Delhi and Malik Kafur further marched to Mabar.
Isami who was a contemporary of Zia-ud-din Barani wrote
Futuh-us-Salatin in A.D.1358 refers to events that took place at an
earlier date. He gives details of Alauddin’s campaigns. Regarding the
first campaign of Malik Kafur on the Hoysala empire he is of the
opinion that the Hoysala monarch surrendered to Malik Kafur as a
result of the conference between the two. Isami collected the material
for his work from the hearsays, legends and some faithful reports
made by the earlier historians like Amir Khusrau.
Ibn Batuta is perhaps very useful for the last part of Vira
Ballala’s reign. When he entered the city of Madura, Ballala III was
dead and gone and his body was hung on the walls of Madura. But he
was the eye witnesses to all the cruel deeds of his patron Ghias-ud-
din Damgani. His description of Damgahni’s out look towards the
Hindus is really touching and he declares that he himself was
horrified and disgusted at the acts of Ghias-ud-din Damghani. He also
says that the cruel Sultan of Madura had to pay penalty for this by
losing his son and wife shortly after his cruel deed and he himself
became a victim to overdosage of some medicine prescribed by a
doctor.
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Abd Alla Shirazi wasaf wrote his Tazjiyatu-I-Amsar-Wa
Tajriyatu-I-Asar in Persian language in Persia. He relied upon the
informant residing in the southern peninsula and has provided with
very useful information. According to wasaf Vira Ballala III did not
surrender to the Muhammadan army. On the other hand he asked
Vira pandya, the Pandya ruler to send an army for his aid. But
realizing that he could not withstand the powerful Muhammadans,
submitted to them. As a result of this submission the country of
Arakanna was delivered as a token of his loyalty together with
treasure what imagination could conceive.
Thus the sources for the history of Vira Ballala III are provided
largely by the Epigraphs and literary sources and a combination of
these two in a proper fashion with certain necessary changes a
complete political career of Vira Ballala III could be brought to light.
With the above discussed source material an attempt is made in
the following pages to reconstruct the history of the Hoysalas in all its
aspects during the days of Vira Ballala III, the last ruler for all
practical purposes.
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CHAPTER-III BALLALA’S CONQUESTS AND WARS
Ballala III, the last flicker of the Hoysala Dynasty, and the son
of Narasimha III born to his queen pattamahadevi, ascended the
Hoysala throne in A.D. 1291 and the coronation must have taken
place a little later. An inscription from the village Induvara of January
A.D.1292 mentions Vira Ballala III as ruling from Dorasamudra after
his coronation.
Ballala III was very active even before becoming the emperor.
Several inscriptions show that he was active as governer under his
father. Dr.B.A.Saletore and Dr.Derrett have included an inscription
from Mudubidre as belonging to this period. In this connection one
Mallideva Dannayaka has been identified with Ballala III and thus an
attempt has been made by scholars like Dr.Sewell that Vira Ballala III
took active part in driving the Yadava army which had shaken the
Hoysala power. It appears that this Hoysala monarch had another
name called Mallikarjuna as can be seen from an inscription of A.D.
1290. This is a mere hypothesis.
Vira Ballala III was perhaps 30 years of age at the time of
accession. It is known from the writing of Ibn Batuta that he was an
old man of 80 years whose dead body, the latter saw hanging from the
walls of the fort of Madhura.
The condition of south India as well as of the Hoysala Empire
was not at all favourable to Vira Ballala III. It was a period when the
Hoysalas were struggling hard for their mere existence. Enfeebled by
continuous wars against the neighbouring powers like the Yadavas,
the Kakatiyas, the Pandyas and a host of other minor powers, its,
economic condition was not encouraging, to be precise it was at its
lowest ebb. The empire had been exposed to danger from outside as
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well as inside in the form of his uncle Hoysala Ramanatha. His rule
for over fifty long years epitomize his youth, middle age, senility and
death is a very remarkable way and the last efforts made to remove
from the root, the sultanate of Madura.
Ramantha, a step brother of Narasimha III was trying hard to
cut short Ballala’s III attempt to unite the empire also trying his best
to come in his way of expanding the empire. It is seen from the
inscriptions that Vira Ballala III could not give much attention to his
enemies outside the Hoysals Empire till the death of Ramantha.
Ramanatha continued his hostile activites during the early days
of his brother’s sons perhaps undermining the powers of Vira Ballala
III. He was under the impression that he could make some territorial
gains with the change of power in the Plateau. He claims to have been
ruling as an emperor in his own right.
It is known from an inscription at sahapura that a battle had
taken place between the two Hoysala armies in which two of
Ramanatha’s officers had taken part. This clearly shows that
Ramantha did not hesitate to attack Vira Ballala III immediately after
the latter’s accession at Dorasamudra. But is is evident from several
inscriptions that Vira Ballala III was more than a match for
Ramanatha who realized this quite well. Thus Ramantha’s threats
were faced bravely and his ambitions of making any territorial agins
were spolied by Vira Ballala III.
There were several changes in the political sphere of south India
with the accession of Vira Ballala III to the Hoysala throne. The
external enemies of the Hoysalas were quite several in numbers and
were a source of constant anxiety and danger. Among these enemies
the sevunas were the most powerful and it was necessary to have a
watch on their activities. Only about a decade back the sevunas were
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on the verge of giving a lethal blow to the Hoysala Empire when saluva
Tikkama had marched the sevuna army almost to the Hoysala capital
of Dorasamudra.
The kakatiyas were still an enemy force for the Hoysala.
Ambadeva, the kayastha chief had made attempt to capture the
Hoysala territories. Some of the Hoysala feudatories had changed
their allegiance by the time the accession of Vira Ballal III. Santaras of
Hosagunda who were the feudatories of the Hoysalas only a
generation back were against the Hoysalas and carried on activities
against them. They had reached the peak of their power with the
accession of Koti Nayaka, under whose reign they had even stopped
paying tribute to the Hoysalas.
The rulers of Kapli were definitely not in good terms with the
Hoysalas at the time of Vira Ballala III’s accession and shaped to be a
very formidable enemy whom Ballala III could not at all subdue
though several encounters took place among them, till this death of
Kampila in A.D.1327.
Scholars agree regarding the date of accession of Vira Ballala III
to the Hoysala throne scholars like Coelho opine that he was crowned
on the 31st of January A.D.1292. But it is known from several
inscriptions that he was ruling the empire even as early as A.D. 1290
itself.
Ambadeva the Kayastha chief was ruling from Gandikota. He
had defeated Kakatiya Prataparudra with the aid of Sevunas and the
Hoysalas. But for some reason Ambadeva raised his sword against the
Hoysalas for an inscription of A.D.1290 claims that this Kayastha
Chieftain defeated several kings including Mallikarjuna. This is in all
probabilities none other than Vira Ballala III who after his accession.
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The realm that Vira Ballala III inherited was very weak and in
this respect he was the most unfortunate among all the Hoysala
rulers. During the first ten years of his rule which was comparatively
uneventful he was mainly engaged in the task of reuniting the Hoysala
Empire. He had the strongest opponent in Ramanatha who stood
between Vira Ballala III and the reunion of the empire. When Vira
Ballala III ascended the Hoysala throne he made serval attempts to
thwart his power but in vain for the latter proved more than a match
for him. The attempts made by Ramanatha between the years
A.D.1292-95 were not very successful ones.
It was in these ten years that Khandeya Raya, son of Mummadi
Singaya Nayaka of Dorewadi had shifted allegiance to the sevunas.
Koti Nayaka, the Santara ruler who was ruling from Hosagunda on
behalf of Bommadevarasa, was an enemy of both the Hoysalas and
the Sevunas. Vira Ballala III could subdue him only in the early years
of the first decade of the 14th century.
It was only after A.D.1300-01 completing the task of reuniting
empire that he could turn his attention to the outside powers.
The Royal family of Kalasa were again subordinates of the
Hoysalas. But Coelho says that on the very day of Vira Ballala III’s
accession to the Hoysala throne, this family got inspired by the
change of royal head at the head quarters and made an attack on the
Hoysalas.
The most important duty of the Hoysala king after the accession
was to unite the divided empire. The purpose of the division of empire
by somesvara had evidently failed though it had been done with a view
to safeguard the interest of the empire. Ballala III understood very well
as to where this would lead the Hoysalas. The only way to stop the
downfall of the empire was to unite the divisions. This was almost a
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marathon task as long as Ramanatha was there as an obstacle to his
way. But once Ramanatha disappeared it progressed very rapidly and
by the beginning of A.D.1300-01, this had been almost complete.
Parts of Kolar District and Bangalore District including II avanjinad,
Kaivaranad etc., which formed parts of Ramanatha’s territories. Infact
Ramanatha made efforts to throw the power of his nephew in the
years 1292, 1293 and 1295, but with very little success.
Derrett rightly states that there is no evidence to show that Vira
Ballala III invaded the territories of Ramanatha after the latter’s death
for there is no reference to prove that wars took place between the
forces of Viswanatha and Ballala III.
Anyhow by A.D.1301-02 Ballala III had become the sole
monarch of the united Hoysala Empire and on this happy event that
he granted remission of taxes on mathas and temple priests in the
Tamil districts and confirmed the old ones. Thus at this time the
hoysala empire was considerably vast consisting of a part of Mysore.
Except the southern portions of Trichnopoly and Tanjore Districts
Hoysala had not suffered much in territories.
Santaras under Koti Nayaka had reached the climax of their
political career. Though the santaras had ceased to be in friendly
terms with the Hoysalas. They were definitely not in good terms with
the sevunas for in A.D.1296 yabarapa, the sevuna general had
attacked him. Ballala III, ever agile and opportunistic that he was, did
not lose time. He made several attempts to thwart the power of Koti
Nayaka. But he could not put down the prowess of this santara chief.
Ballala III next turned his attention to the powerful kadamba
ruler Kavadeva. He marched with a large army in A.D.1300 and
encamped at Sirsi, in North Kanara District and from there attacked a
place called Kadabalahu i.e. modern Kadabal in sirsi Taluk,
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demanding tribute from Gangeya Sahani, the mahapradhani of
Kavadeva. On the refusal to pay the tribute he over on the Banavasi
12000. Kavadeva did not keep quiet. He joined hands with the then
Chalukya ruler and put up a strong resistence. The chalukya king
who supported seems to be Vetugideva or more probably his son
Somadeva. No inscriptions throw any light on the result of this
encounter. Another inscription from sagar taluk of A.D.1303 perhaps
refer to the same encounter.
Vira ballaa III seems to have failed in his attempt to subdue the
Kadambas as the latter under Kavadeva still continued to rule with all
the imperial titles with Banavasi as his capital.
But Kavadeva did not rule for long for he disappeared from the
scene by the end of the first decade of the 14th century. It is known
from the accounts of Ferishtah that Mallik Kafur who marched from
Deogir towards sea coast was opposed by the Hindus whose countries
he had to traverse. Perhaps Kavadeva became a victim of the
Muhammadan army at this time.
The Muhammadan attack on the sevunas marks an important
milestone in the history of south Indian Politics. For nearly a century
and a half they dominated the political arena of the southern
peninisuala. No power could stand their tide. Such great powers like
the Sevunas, the Kakatiyas, and the Hoysalas were swept away in this
tide. None of them proved a match to their power. It was only the
Hoysala Vira Ballala III who stood between the Muhammadans and
the capture of the Hoysala territory till his death. But he became a
victim to their treachery and his death marked the end of the Hoysala
empire for all practical purposes. Internal dissention and mutual
jealousy added to the distruction of all the south Indian powers. Some
of the minor powers like the kadambas, the ruler of Kampili etc., were
no exception to this.
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Ala-ud-din Khilji, the ruler of Khara District as a representative
of his uncle Jalal ud din Khilji, marched to the south with the
intention of sacking the abundant wealth for which the southern
kingdoms were well known. He launched an attack on Ramachandra
in A.D. 1294, which is, known from all sources, the first instance of
their landing in the south. Infact he showed enough to select the
correct time to attack the sevunas ruler. When the main army had
gone on war against some enemy, whose name is not mentioned by
Amir Khusrau, under the generalship of this son singhana, Alla-ud-
din made the attack. He was also tactful enough and spread a rumour
that his army was only a part of the big army coming from behind.
Ramachandra was shocked at this and hurried for a treaty and made
it at the cost of heavy riches. Unfortunately for the sevunas singhana
who returned from his southern campaign was enraged at the
shameful treaty made by his father and in a fit of rage marched
against the Muhammadan army. But he was not a match to a
displined and well trained Muhammadan soldiers. The result of this
encounter was that he was defeated and the sevunas had to sue for
peace at even a higher price. Ala-ud-din returned to his place with a
heavy booty. Instead of quenching his thirst, it made him more greedy
and once he became the sultan on the Delhi throne, made a few more
campaigns to the south and amassed unimaginable amount of
treasure.
Ramachandra was unable to realize anything from the
campaign of Ala-ud-din on his empire. Instead of safeguarding his
own territories against the greedy Muhammadan invaders he again
involved in fighting with his enemies in the peninsula and aimed at
the expansion of his empire, Hoysalas being his important target.
Hardly two years after the first Muhammadan attack he turned his
army against the santaras of Hosagunda. An inscription of A.D. 1296
his general yabbara nayaka attacked the santara chief koti Nayaka.
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Ramachandra did not, or more likely could not turn his
attention to the Hoysalas for some time more. But at any rate he did
not keep himself aloof. By A.D.1302 he renewed his attacks on the
Hoysalas when Yabbara Nayaka, who had attacked the Santara chief
a few years back, was making attempts to encroach into the Hoysala
territories and had encamped at the Village Rattihalli. At the bidding
of the Hoysala monarch, sodala devarasa, the Santana chief and
apparently a feudatory of the former marched against the four fold
army of Yabbara Nayaka and a fierce battle ensed at salur. Many
heores died as attested by a large number of hero stones issued by
them. Rattihalli, where the Sevuna general had encamped was hardly
15 miles from the battle field of salur. The result of this was cannot be
made out. Perhaps Vira Ballala III tasted defeat in the encounter. He
on the other hand made preparations for launching on expedition over
the sevunas. Perhaps the time came somewhere in A.D. 1303 when it
is seen from an inscription that Ballala III was ruling the empire after
lodging a successful campaign over the sevunas and destroying the
fort of Nakkigundi.
Ramachandra at any rate did not keep quiet. He had very well
understood that Vira Ballala III was very busily engaged in facing
enemies and thought he could expand his empire southwards at the
cost of the Hoysalas. Ramachandra therefore tried to make the
maximum benefit out of this situation. In A.D.1303 he sent a very
large army under the generalship of his subordinate Kampila Deva the
ruler of Kampili. On hearing this news of the march of the sevunas
army to the Hoysala country, Dannayaka, the trusted mahapradhana
of Vira Ballala III who was ruling over a part of the present day
chitradurga and surrounding parts, marched with an army and met
the enemy near Holalkere, about 20 miles from his head quarters. In
the battle that ensued somaya Dannayaka lost his life. It is evident
from several inscriptions that this battle was a very fierce one for
several heroes died on the Hoysala side. Hoysala army consisted not
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only of the imperial soldiers, but their feudatories had also taken part
in the encounter. This inscription from Jenukallu mentions that
Basavappa, brother-in law of Kandari Devarasa, who was a sub-
ordinate under Vira Ballala III died in this fight against the forces of
Kampila Deva.
Somaya Dannayaka who died in this encounter at Holalkere
was none other than the officer of that name who was a
mahapradhana under Narasimha III. Even during the days of
Narasimha III he was a prominent figure and got constructed the
Kesava temple at Somanathapura and an agrahara there.
The enmity that existed between the Hoysalas and the ruler of
Kampili is known from literary sources also. It is known from the
heroic stories of Kumara Rama that there were frequent conflicts
between the forces of kampila and Vira Ballala III. There comes a
reference to a fierce battle between the two forces. Knowing that there
were a large number of dogs of very good breed at Huliyar, Kumara
Rama sent his men to catch hold of them. But the officer of Huliyar,
who was a sub-ordinate of the Hoysalas denied this and as a result of
this Huliyar was attacked by a very well disciplined army of Kampila
and that officer of Huliyar was taken a prisoner.
When the news of the defeat of the Huliyar chief fell on the ears
of the Hoysala monarch, he got wild and collected a very huge army
which was reinforced by forces from Kongu, Kodagu, Malayala and
Tigula. This united army marched against the territories of Kampila.
Kampila did not keep quiet. Preparations were made by his men also.
His army included Caveliers from Lalas, Ariyas, Gaulas, Gurjaras,
Kannojis etc. even a strong elephant force was made ready for the
battle, with the Tuluvas and parukas for their aid. Many heroes like
Kalanji Kampa, goldsmith chikka, Naga, the fire carrier, Hadapada
Ballluga, gindiya Lakka, Vokkaliga Naganna, Bhandari Sovanna,
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Mayideva, soyideva and a band of others came and occupied their
positions and kampila himself led the army along with Kumara Rama
the battle lasted for a whole day and large number of soldiers and
horses and elephants died on both the sides. But certainly Kampila
had gained an upper hand because of the bravery exhibited by his son
Kumara Rama. Then somaya Dandadhipa, general of Vira Ballala III
and Baicha Dannayka, officer of Kampila succeeded in bringing the
war to an end.
It can be taken for granted that soma Dandhadipa is non other
than Somaya Dannayaka. Naturally this was an encounter that must
have taken place a little earlier to the one in A.D. 1303 when Somaya
Dannayaka lost his life in the battle field against the army of Kampila.
If this piece of literature can be relied upon, the kongu, Kodugu, Tamil
country and Mabar were favourable to the Hoysalas, while the Tuluvas
fought for kampila Inscriptional sources also support this.
Ballala III captured the fort of Nakkigundi after the battle with
Kampila. This was with the Sevunas continued upto A.D. 1305 also,
when an inscription mentions the march of the Hoysala army
personally led by their monarch against Sevunas. This clearly
indicates that the Hoysala emperor did not keep quiet after capturing
the fort of Nakkigundi in A.D. 1304. Ramachandra sent an army
under able leaders to capture Vira Ballala III. The inscription says that
the sevunas emperor asked his men to capture vira Ballala and “to
bring that tiger’s cub to his front”. This evidently shows the respect
Ramachandra had for the prowess of his foe. He failed not only in
capturing the Hoysala monarch but also in defeating him.
Not content with his activities in the Northern part of the
southern Peninusula Vira Ballala III turned his attention to the
southern part. Since the disappearance of the Cholas as an imperial
power from the political area of Southern peninsula, the pandyas and
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the Hoysalas were the only two powerful rulers left in the lower half of
the southern Peninsula. Unfortunately for themselves and other
subsidiary forces they were never in good terms during the days of
Vira Ballala III and remained in the same state when the
muhamadans made a very surprising attack on them. Thus these two
dynasties also had their own shares for the total destruction of the
whole of the southern peninsula from the hands of the turbulent
muhamadans and for the disappearance of all the four major
dynasties, the Kakatiyas, Sevunas the Pandyas and the Hoysalas.
The pandyas under Maravarman Kulasekhara were still very
powerful and were a source of trouble to the Hoysalas. Infact this
pandya soverign wrested Kannanur from Hoysala Ramanatha and it
was one of Vira Ballala III’s great ambition ever sine his accession to
recapture this fertile region and a strategically important position. He
was only waiting for a chance to pounce on his pandya opponent. This
came with the disturbance that arouse with the rivalry between the
two sons of Maravarman Kulasekhara, Vira Pandya and sundara
Pandya for the Pandya throne.
By A.D. 1295 Mahavarman Kulasekhara had associated his
illegitimate son Vira Pandya in the administration of the country
completely overlooking the claims of his legitimate son Pandya. This
led to a bitter hatred between the two brothers and they fought several
battles among themselves to secure the throne and in all probabilities
these were continued atleast up to A.D.1310-11. It was at this time
that the Pandyan army atleast if Vira Pandya was very unexpectedly
attacked by the Muhammadan army Pandya but this attack had only
a passing effect on the two/brother Vira Pandya and Sundara pandya
for the feud between these two brothers continued for some more
years. Some time before the year 1310 sundara Pandya got so wild
against his father, who had established his illegitimate son Vira
Pandya
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Over looking the claims of sundara Pandya, that in a moment of
fury he did not hesitate to murder his own father. But this did not
resulted in creating any advantage to sundara Pandya to occupy the
pandya throne for Vira Pandya ha to taste defeats in the beginning
was succeded in stopping Sundara Pandya and ultimately gained on
upperhand. When sundara Pandya was thus hard pressed by his step
brother went to the aid of the muhammadnas.
It is quite possible that sundara pandya contacted the
Muhammadan general mallik Kafur who had then camped at Devagiri
and was making very large preparations to launch expedition against
the Hoysalas. Sundara pandya perhaps invited him to the Pandya
country to help him in bringing the situation under his control.
Marcopolo says that sundara Pandi (Sundara Pandya) met Ala-un-din
at Delhi. This is rather difficult a statement to accept.
Vira Ballala III did not waste time when there started a civil war
in the Pandya country between the two brothers. He was very alertly
watching the happenings in his surroundings and once he found it,
suitable to interfere in their affairs he entered the Tamil Country with
a very large army. His intention was, more than anything else, to
make some territorial gains at the cost of the two brothers. By this act
he could capture and occupy the fort of Kannanur. He was
unfortunate enough in not achieving his goal as the alarming news of
the attack on his capital by the Muhammadan army made him hurry
back to his own head quarters.
Amir Khusran says in his Khaain-ul-Futuh that Ballala Deo, the
Rai of Dorasamudra on learning the civil war in the Pandya country,
had marched there with purpose of sacking and plundering their two
empty cities and their merchants. This is a statement of not any great
value because it was a quite common factor during those days to
plunder the enemy cities whenever one army marched against the
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other. There was certainly a better motivation behind this march of
Vira Balala III with a large army to the Pandya country. His main
intention was definitely to capture of Kannanur and by involving
himself on one side he could achieve this without much struggle and
hardship.
Thus until the muhammadan attack on the Hoysala Capital,
Vira Ballal III, with the able assistance of his ministers and generals
scored several victories, bore significant epithets, founded several
towns and cities, erected and removated a few temples, and had
planned to regain some of the lost territories. One of the inscriptions
of Vira Ballala III at Perur in Coimbatore District gives full details of
the epithets and achievements of this king and his officer Ketayya
Dannayaka. Another officer of his Madhava Dannayaka boldly calls
himself as the destroyer of the kongus and the Pandyas”.
The imperial army left Delhi at the end of A.D.1310 and
marched via the right bank of Yamuna to Tanku, Kanhum, gurgaon to
Deogiri and from where it reached Dorasamudra capital of the
Hoysalas. Mallik Kafur on his way camped at the Sevuna
headquarters on Thursday the 13th Ramzan. Amir Khusrau gives a
graphic description of the Hoysala capital. He says that theTurkish
army collected shooting stars i.e., spears and four feathered arrows
provided by Rayarayan (Ramachandra) for overthrowing the Hoysala
monarch and the other south Indian powers. After providing them
with necessary weapons he directed them to conquere Bir and
Dorasamudra. Accoring to Amir Khusrad, this direction by the sevuna
sovereign was to slay the huge demon of Dorasamudra, again
admitting that the Hoysala monarch was a very strong opponent. The
words of this Persian chronicler is really trust worthy as
Ramachandra who had failed to subdue and put an end to the
Hoysala dynasty made use of the turbulent muhammadan army as a
means to get his desire fulfilled.
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Ramachandra just did not keep quiet after bringing the
attention of the eyes of the Muhammadan general on the Hoysala
empire. He personally ordered his commander-in-chief, Dalvoy
parasuram Deo to direct the Muhammadan army into the Hoysala
Head quarters. Amir Khusrau gives the route of the Muhammadan
army under Mallik Kafur reached the head quarters of Paras deo
Dalvoy in five stages and in this long tedious journey they had to
cross five big rivers. Then afterwards the Muhammadan army took five
complete days to reach Bandri which was in the territories of Paras
Deo Dalvoy who rendered all possible help to the Muhammadan
general and his army. It was from this place that Mallik Kafur sent
forward some cavaliers in succession to find out the condition of the
Hoysala capital and made deligent inquiries on all sides. They were
also ordered to find out the situation in the Mabar country. Amir
Khusrau says that the muhammadan general was informed that,
there were two rulers in Mabar country, who till then were in friendly
terms, but had changed their outlook regarding each other and were
fighting for the Pandya throne, and that the Hoysala monarch had
marched for the purpose of sacking their two empty cities.
After getting the information required, Mallik Kafur held a
council of war and it was decided that the fast moving cavalry should
be sent first as they could make sudden attack on the Hoysala capital
withour giving them much time to make preparations. Accordingly
mallik Kafur marched with one “Tuman” (a division of 10,000 soldiers)
to wards Dorasamudra. The probable route taken by mallik Kafur is
suggested by Dr.s.Krishnaswamy Aiyangar in his south India and here
Muhammadan in vaders. He says that Mallik Kafur left Bandri, i.e.
Pandarpur and reached Bijapur from where the arm marched to
harihara and Hiriyur and then crossing the main road from Arsikere
to Banavar and attacked the Hoysala capital. Amir Khusrau says that
army covered the distance with most of its soldiers, apparently
meaning that some of the soldiers died while covering the distance.
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Mallik Kafur reached Dorasamudra with a part of the army and that is
why stayed there for sometime more even after subduing the
Hoysalas, so that the slowere moving units of the army could join him.
This very clearly indicates that Mallik Kafur marched with swift
moving units for two reasons. One was that he wanted to make a
surprising attack on the Hoysala capital and the second and the more
important reason was to capture and if possible to occupy the fort
before the Hoysala monarch could hurry back with his army from
Mabar.
Vira Ballala III was already in the Kongu country on the
Pandyan border when the alarming news of the attack of the
Muhammadan forces on his capital was conveyed to him. Once Mallik
Kafur had entered into the territories of the Hoysalas he had
devastated many villaged an towns and spread panic wherever he
marched. Ballala wasted no time. He hurried back to his capital with
all speed he could gather leaving behind the slowere moving units like
the elephant carps and foot soliers. But even with all his speed Vira
Ballala III could not protect his fort for the enemy was already there
and had covered the fort on all the four sides.
Infact Mallik Kafur’s speedy march to wards the Hoysala capital
really paid its dividend. The Hoysala sovereign, it appears from the
statements of Wasaaf that he first intended to offer resistence. Wasaf
is the only Muhammadan chronicler who says that Vira Ballala III
sent words to Vira Pandya to send an army to his aid. Surprisingly
enough it is seen that Vira Pandya really dispatched an army
consisting of cavalry and infantry, though Hoysala monarch had
exhibited his enmity towards the Pandyan brothers just earlier. It is
known from Amir Khusrau that Virs Ballala Deva sent Balak Deo
Nayak as his representative to forbid him for having raised his arms.
It is possible that if Vira Ballala III had found the enemy power to be a
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feeble one he would have attacked them. He infact tried his might by
throwing huge stones from the fort walls but to no effect. That is why
he requested the Muhammadan commander later to forbid him for
having thrown a few stones from the fort wall. He soon realized that
fighting with an enemy like Mallik Kafur, who had brought with him a
very disciplined and a large army, meant the total destruction of
himself and his empire.
At any rate the Hoysala sovereign did not concede immediately.
One the other hand he sent one of his favourites, Kisumal to find out
the, strength and the circumstances of the Muhammadan forces.
When this person entered the Muhammadan camp, he was stunned
on seeing rows after rows of horsemen surrounding the fort and
keeping a close watch. He was also astonished to know that they
would commence the struggle from the very next morning and enter
the home of the demons in full force to establish the Khutban and
prayer, where idols had been worshipped till them.
After hearing this alarming news Vira Ballala III realized that if
the war prolonged any further, the whole country would be destroyed
along with his own self and his people, the temples of the Gods would
have been devastated. He also realized that submission to the enemy
meant only loss of wealth which could be made over if he could save
himself from the hands of his foreign enemy and keep him at a
respectable distance. He could also save him from girefs and sarrows.
Many meetings were held to decide as to what step should be
taken and what reply to be given to the Muhammadan general. Many
of the officers and nobles under Vira Ballala III opposed him for
having taken a sanely and cowardly decision. They argued that it was
better to die a heroic death in the battle field than to live with a
shameful face. They also suggested that this submission would lower
the prestige of the royal family, adding to it, that one has to die earlier
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or later and death was enevitable to each and every one by avoiding
death now, no one could live for ever. But their master was unmoved,
he retorted at this suggestion and shouted at them pointing to the
ends met by such great powers like the Kakatiya pratapa Rudra and
Sevuna Ramachandra and the same could be the result of the
Hoysalas too had they raised their arms against the Muhammadans.
He made them realize that the welfare of his subjects should be looked
first and the remaining things stood afterwards. By submission,
though it was a shameful one, it could leave him in the undisturbed
possession of his kingdom and his subjects could escape the slashes
of the Muhammadan swords their heads. This argument convinced all
his nobles and they agreed to make peace at the cost of even all the
wealth.
It was only after coming to this agreement that Balak Deo
Nayak, who was reputed to be a clever diplomat, was sent to convey
the message to the camp of the imperial army that Vira Ballala is also
ready like Rudradeva and Ramachandra and what ever the
muhammadan general demands it will be fulfilled including horses,
elephants etc. Amir Khusrau says that he Hoysala king brought his
own personality as well as the prestige of the dynasty to a low level
humbly accepting all the desires of the Muhammadan general. When
Mallik Kafur sent the reply with Balak Deo Nayak that the condition
under which he was ordered by the sultan to offer protection to the
Hindu sovereign. The imperial sultan of Delhi, Ala-ud-din had asked
Mallik kafur to place before the subdued Hindu rulers two negatives of
oath of affirmation i.e., allusion to Wisdom and judgment. If they
failed to realize this and raise their arms, the alternative then was to
place over their necks the yoke of tribute i.e., zimmi. If this was also
not accepted, then it had been ordered to separate their necks from
they body.
This news was conveyed to the Hoysala king and as a result of
the discussions he had already made, he agreed to become a zimmi
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and surrendered his horses, elephants, gold and everything kept
nothing for himself except his Hindu Faith and sacred thread (zannar
Janivara) which he were around his body.
On the 6th Shawwal, a Friday Vira Ballala III sent a few of his
servants including Balak Deo Nayak, Jitmal etc., to the muhammadan
camp accompanied by some elephants and sent words to Mallik Kafur
that he would not defend his fort against the attacks of the
Muhammadan army. On the next day of Mars i.e., Tuesday he sent
his horses in rows after rows to the imperial stables. On the next
Sunday he personal visited the Muhammadan camp and submitted
before the commander of the imperial army. After returning from there
he spent most of the time in the night in taking out all the valuables
he had and handed them over to the imperial treasury the very next
morning.
Mallik Kafur stayed there at Dorasamudra for twelve days till
the main army reached him. On Wednesday the 18th Shawwal the
Muhammadan army left Dorasamudra for Mabar after sending all the
treasures captured on the Hoysala capital to Delhi.
Feristah who also describes the sack of Dorasamudra differ
slightly from Amir Khusrau. According to him Mallik Kafur and
Khwaja Haji left with great army at the orders of Ala-ud-din to sack
Dorasamudra and Mabar, where, he had heard that there were
temples rich on gold and jewels.
Accorind to Feristah, Ramachandra had died by the time
muhammadans marched against his capital where as from the
statements of Amir Khurau he is known not only to have been living
but also taking active part in helping the muhammadans. Feristah
mentions that shankul Deo (Shankara Deva) had succeeded
Ramachandra to the sevuna throne. This ruler had not at all bothered
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the Muhammadans. So leaving some officers at paiton on the
Godavari, Mallik Kafur crossed, with the remaining army the
territories of the Sevuans and began to lay waste the country,
eventually reached the sea coast after three months’ interval, during a
great part which they were opposed by several Hindu rulers whose
countries they traversed. Ballala Deva, the Hoysala soverign was on
among them whom they defeated and took as prisoner and ravaged
his territory. Large quantities of prodigious spoils such as idol of gold
adored with precious stones and other rich effects, consecrated to
Hindu worship.
Isami, one more historian of this period says that Vira Ballala
surrender to the Muhammadan general as a result of the conference
with him. In the course of this conference Mallik Naib, as h is called
by Isami, convinced the Hoysala sovereign that he would be profited in
several ways by helping muhammadan army to reach the pandyan
country by unfrequented route so that both the Pandya brothers must
be surprised. He also asked Vira Ballala to provide him with
interpreters and guides in the Tamil Country.
If the words of Isami are taken at their face value, then if must
be accepted that Vira Ballala must have quite willingly taken part with
the Muhammadan army in this Mabar expedition. By this he could get
back his cherished desire of securing Kannanur again. Added to this,
by helping the muhammadans in this enterprise he could save his
own country in this enterprise he could save his own country in case
any further incursions were made by the muhammadans in the
southern Peninsions he could achieve nothing except bringing his own
end faster.
Zia-ud-din Barani in his Tarik-E-Firoz Shahi very much
resembles feristah in his description of events connected with the
period we are very much interested. He says that Mallik Kafur with
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Khwaja Haji marched to the south and finding the Sevuna
Ramachandra dead he marched further south. At the very first
onslaught Vira Ballala was defeated and victimized. His capital was
captured and 36 elephants with lots of treasures fell in to the
Muhammadan custody.
Abdulla wasaaf, one more historian of importance of the period
says that the Hoysala monarch surrendered to the Muhammadan
general though he tried for a contest in the earlier stages by asking
aid from the pandya ruler Vira Pandya. As a token of acknowledging
the supremacy of the Muhammadan army the country of Arakanna
(Yet to be identified) was delivered to Mallik Kafur and thus saved his
men and materials from the havoes of shall blouring, pysolatry and
idol worship.
Indeed there are a few inscriptions which support the
statements of some of the Muhammadan chroniclers atleast that there
took place a sort of clash between the army of Vira Ballala and that of
the Muhammadans to stop the aggressions of the Turkish on
Slaughers as against the statements of Feristah. An inscription from
Dudda in the Hassan District, of the cyclic yea saumy refers to a clash
between the Turukas and the Hoysalas and registeres the death of one
Baichaya Nayaka, son of Machaya Nayaka of Nadagove.
Derrett points out one inscription from Hosahalli about 70 miles
north of Dorasamudra and very near Malik Kafur’s line of approach.
This inscription according to him is dated in February A.D.1311. it
records the death of Bommaya Nayaka against the Turukas. As the
description given by Dr.Derrett is a very vague are it cannot be made
out as to which particular inscription he is referring to.
He refers to yet another inscription from belur itself dated
approximately to the 4th March of Vira Ballala a certain wittier fought
and died when the turks were there.
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One of the officers of Ballala III, Katheri saluva Racheya Nayaka
known from a few inscriptions had the Turukayan vibhala i.e., the
destroyer of the Turukas.
All these evidences go to prove tat some attempts were really
made by the Hoysalas, though very tame ones and in vain, to stop the
Muhammadan army before actually submitting to them.
It is evident from the statements of the Muhammadan writers
that vira Ballala III had to buy peace the cost his family prestige and
unimaginable Treasure.
Mabar, the next launching spot of Mallik Kafer, consists of the
entire coastal region extending from Quilon to cape camorin. It is
known through the accounts of Isami that Ballala III marched to the
Pandya country as a guide to the mahammadan army.
As the path to Mabar is through continuous mountain ranges,
mallik Kafur had to rely on the Hoysala ruler who knew the country
very well. Ballala III’s idea was that as long as muhammadans
remained to be his allies there was no fear of attack from their side.
Very little or almost nothing is known about Vira Ballala III’s
activities in the Pandya country. Nothing can be made out from the
statements of Isami inscriptions are also of no use. Muhammadan
chroniclers only refer to the activities of Mallik Kafur.
Mallik Kafur did not spare anything at Mabar though he could
not come across the Pandyan arms face to face as they had adopted
the guerrilla tactics well suited to the hilly regions. But he was able to
capture large amount of booty there.
After being defeated by the muhammadans Ballala III seems to
have shifted the Capital to Belur while he himself shifted to Tondanur
(tonnur) near Srirangapatna according to traditions.
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Feristah says that a second campaign was undertaken by Mallik
Kafur over southern Peninsula in A.D. 1312, Killed Sankarakdeva and
realized tribute from the rulers of Telingana and Karnataka. Coelho
rightly points out that the Hoysala ruler showed no reluctance in
paying the tribute as he was very to get rid of the muhammadans from
his territories. He accepted the suzereignty of the Delhi sultan as he
styles himself as a mahammada lesvara in one of his inscriptions
which states that several of his officers had gathered together perhaps
to discuss an important problem. Thus he had very well realized what
the Muhammadan attacks meant and naturally decided to keep the
sultan in good terms as long as it was necessary.
The Muhammadan attack on Dorasamudra had definitely
undermined the presige of the Hoysalas. In fact the period between
A.D.1311 to 1313 did not produce many inscriptions of that ruler.
None of the available inscriptions refer to him with the imperial titles.
An inscription from Hiriyur Taluk refers to him as
mahamandalesvara. Another viragal inscription from Motta in
Nanjangud Taluk refers to Vira Ballala III by the same title.
The most important task of Vira Ballala III after the first attack
of the muhammadans on his capital was to enchance the lost prestige
of the family. The enmity and quarrel between virapandya and
sundara pandya still continued and the Hoysalas monarch really
made some profit out of it. His able commander and Mahapradhana
Mdhava Dannayaka boasts with titles like “ruler of the pandya
country,” an elephant to the lotus pond, the Pandya,” clearly
indicating that the Pandyas had really suffered some defeat at the
hands of the Hoysalas.
Thus Vira Ballala III was able to put an end to the confusion
that existed in the Kongu country by subduing the and became
stronger than at any other time in the history of the dynasty itself. His
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inscriptions extended all over the Kongu country including the district
of Coimbatore, Nilagiri and Palani Taluks.
In the mean time things had worsened at the imperial head
quarters of Delhi. Mallik Kafur had become very powerful and
treacherously he got Ala-ud-din murdered. There was confusion every
where. Gujarat rebelled, Harapala deva, who had built up a
principality over the ruins of Devagiri, expelled many Muhammadan
garrisons. Chittoor be came independent and the Kakatiya
prataparudra had stopped paying the annual tribute. Things remained
to be worse until Mubarak Shaw ascended the throne in A.B. 1318
and took the reign to his hands.
Vira Ballala III’s foremost duty was to rebuild the capital city
which had been destroyed during the first Muhammadan invasion in
A.D.1311. An inscription dated A.D.1316 states that the Hoysala was
ruling the empire in happiness from Dorasamudra after rebuilding it.
The rebuilding of Dorasamudra is, according to S.Krishnaswami
Aiyangar, a certain indication of the reviving Hoysala security and of
facing boldly enough any further possible even tualities from the
muhammadans.
It was only after the rebuilding of the capital that Vira Ballala
turned his attention to the consolidation and expansion of the Hoysala
Empire. As already stated, he had been rewarded parts in and around
Arunasamudra, perhaps identical with Tiruvannamalai. It remained to
be one of his capitals from this time onwards.
The Muhammadan invasion had posed many problems to Vira
Ballala III. He had understood that Dorasamudra could no longer be a
safer place and he had to go further south as Mubarak Khilji and
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established at Devagiri again and was a source of danger to the very
existence of the Hoysalas.
The Situation in the Tamil country was favourable to the
Hoysalas and the capital could be shifted there. The Pandyas were
attacked by the Kerala ruler Kulasekhara and Vira Ballala did not
hesitate to make use of the situation. In fact it was now that he came
across the region of Tirupati which was under the Yadavarayas, who
became feudatories of the Hoysalas now.
While Vira Ballala III was thus very busy with the re-
establishment of the glory of the hoysalas, things were taking a
different shape at Delhi. Mubarak Shaw, son of Ala-ud-din had
brought the situation under his control. He was very liberal with his
subject and thus won their hearts.
Mubarak’s first launch was on prataparudra, the Kakatiya
ruler. He sent one of his trusted generals Khusrau to punish
Prataparudra who had stopped paying the annual tribute. Then
Mubaraks army marched against the Sevunas, killed Harapaladeva.
From here he sent Mallik Khusrau to raise tribute from the rulers of
Maber. It was at this time that coorg was captured b his men from the
hands of the Hoysala ruler this series of victories perhaps made Mallik
Khusrau tery ambitions and he got Mubarak shaw treacherously
killed and ascended the throne in A.D. 1320-21assuimng the titile
Nasir-ud-din. But he was thrown out within a short time by Ghias-
ud-din Tughlak. The accession of Ghias-ud-din Tughalk to the Delhi
throne marks the beginning of period of an orderly administration and
a reassertion of the Muhammadan hold upon the south Indian power.
He was clever and his civil measures have been praised in laudable
terms by Amir Khusrau.
Troubles in the Kakatiya headquarters attracted the attention of
Ghias-ud-din first. He sent a disciplined army under his son Ulugh
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Khan to put down the situation. But Ulugh Khan evidently failed in
his attempt and the Muhammadan army re treated to Devagiri, where
he received communication and reinforcement from Delhi. A very big
army was marched against the fort of Warangal. Prataparudra had not
expected such an early attack from the muhammadans. Naturally he
could not withstand the Muhammadan attack. But iwt was not a easy
job for Ulugh Khan to break the fort. It took him nearly five months to
break the fort. Prataparudra and his people ran short of food and
water and they were forced to submit to Ulugh Khan. Prataparudra
was taken prisoner and sent to the imperial court. Warrangal was
named as sultanpur from this time onwards. A governor was
appointed at Telinagana.
Somewhere around A.D 1325 Ghias-ud-din died as a result of
the treachery planned by Ulugh Kan Ulugh Khan ascended the throne
under the name of Muhammad-Bin-Tughlak.
The disgrace, Vira Ballala III had sustaind at the hands of the
muhammadans had encouraged even petty chieftains to raise their
hands against him. Though Hosagunda was under his control and
Kotinayaka was loya to him he had to face insults from Alvakheda
below the ghats. Basavadeva of Chandavur had grown so powerful
that he had rebelled against the Hoysalas. Vira Ballala III despated a
tropp under saniya sahani, brother-in-law of Baichaya Dannayaka to
Chandavur. It was destroyed and the Tuluvas were utterly defeated.
This is the first known encounter between the Hoysalas and the
Alupas.
It appears tht Vira Ballala did not achieve any material benefit
from this encounter, for, the alupas did not any territory nor they
acknowledged the suzeraignty of the Hoysala ruler. It was only in the
early thirties of the 14th century that he gained complete over the
alupas.
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This did not complete the task of Vira Ballala III on the other
hand it was only a beginning in that direction restoring the Hoysala
control in the regions south of Tungabhadra was very essential. There
was Kampiladeva who had successfully fought against the Hoysala
army in the first decade of the 14th century. After the disappearance of
the sevunas he had become independent and was difficult to tackle
with. He was ruling over the regions of Kummata, Kampila and
Dorewadi.
An attack on Kampili from the North was almost impossible as
the river was very wide one and could not be easily crossed. It was
covered in the southwest and North eastern regions by huge hill
ranges. Kummata was also on the peak of a very huge hill. Thus
kampili had an almost impregnable fort. By capturing and occupying
this region the Hoysala could have good protection against, any
further Muhammadan aggression.
Perhaps with the intention putting an end to the Kingdom of
kampili that Ballala III marched with a large army. His army was
reinforced by the armies of his feudatories like kotinayaka. The
Hoysala army first compad at Balalla then started to Dorawadi and a
fierce battle took place between the two armies in which an officer of
Koli Nayaka Kuruka Nayaka fought bravely and died. According to
Derrett the Hoysala won this battle and as a result received
Penukonda and that Mahapradhana Machaya Dannayaka to rule
there in the month of September of the same year. He continued to
rule this region till his death and late was succeded by Gangadeva
Dannayaka.
Penukonda remained to be an important strategical poin till the
end of the Hoysalas and later occupied by the Vijayanagar Rulers. It is
known from an inscription that Bukkaraya was ruling from
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Penukonda and Dorasamudra simultaneously. From here a close
watch could be made over the Northern and North Eastern regions.
The Kadambas had regained their power gradually but were not
powerful enough to raise their arms against the Hoysalas. It is seen in
an inscription of A.D. 1320 that sagar had been again aptured by the
Hoysala Vira Ballala III. He must also have had occupied Gutti by
A.D.1324. But his activities in this direction were stopped because of
the fresh attacks from Delhi.
Ballala III appears to have defeated the rulers of Nidugal also
who were enemies of the Hoysalas from a long time. One of his officers
Holakal Ganga Nayaka was ruling from Nidugal. Another inscription
from Serejammanahali mentions that a gift of land was made at some
place in the Nidugal Rajya. When Mahapradhani Macheya Dannayaka
was watching the northern frontier, Vira Ballala himself was very busy
reinforcing his southern border from the attacks of the Pandya
brothers. Vira Pandya had asked for the support of Vira Ballala III on
one hand and on the other supported a rival claimant Udaya
Marthanda Varman to occupy the Kerala throne against Ravi
Varman Kalasekhara, the then existing ruler of Kerala who was
supporting sundara Pandya. The two armies met near srirangam in
about A.D.1318.
By the end of A.D.1322 Vira Ballala III was ruling from
Tiruvannamalai and remained there for some more time. By residing
at this place he could watch the activities in the Pandya country with
much ease and could act accordingly. From here Ballala could safely
place himself for the attack of Kannanur.
When Ballala III was thus busy in the south Kampila had
launched an attack on the Hoysalas. A Hoysala army was dispatched
immediately to the place and in the encounter Baichaya Dannayaka,
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who commanded the cavalry force of Kampila died. The Viragal
inscription which makes a reference to this encounter syas that the
Hoysala army was led by Vira Ballala III himself. The Hoysalas did not
achieve anything as a result of this encounter.
Kampila nevr the less did not keep quiet. He was definitely
making preparations to face the Hoysala attacks. An undated
inscription from kudali in simoga district states that Vira Ballala III,
who marched with all his forces to destry the pride of Kampila,
encamped at Siruguppe in the Kernel of the Kingdom of Kampili.
Kampila met the enemy and fought as to win the praise of the whole
world. Ballala III in all probabilities tasted defeat in this as it is seen
that he is making yet another attempt to destroy the fordes of Kampila
in A.D. 1325. In this, the last encounter between the two forces,
Baichaya Dannayaka and Singaya Dannayaka, officers of Vira Ballala
III took part.
While the Hoysala was thus engaged in the expansion of his
empire, the muhammadans casted their shadows on the Hoysalas
once again. This was again much unexpected to the Hoysala and came
in the form of the episode of Bhauddin Gurshasp.
Baha-ud-din, a nephew of king Ghias –ud-din Tughalak was
ruling over sagar province in the neighbourhood of Gulbarga in
Deccan. He did not accept the friendly hand offered by his cousin and
this resulted in a war between the two. Baha-ud-din was defeated and
ran to Kampila Deva. When Kampila deva could not protect him, sent
him to Vira Ballala III, who for some reason handed him over to the
Muhammadan general.
Rice says that Vira Ballala III did not surrender immediately as
a result of which the Hoysala capital was demolished during the
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muhammadan attack of A.D. 1326-27 inscriptions clearly show that
Vira Ballala was ruling from Dorasmudra as late as A.D.1338.
Only a few inscriptions refer to Ballala III as ruling from
Dorasamudra from this time onwards. The reason for this was that
Dorasamudra had lost it importance as head quarters and became a
halting station during Ballala’s movements. He had to be more alert
on his frontiers in the South as well as north. Thus Virupaksha
pattana, Tiruvannamalai etc. became strategic points.
Though Ballala III stayed at Tiruvannamalai most of his time,
his political activities to the south of this town are not Apart from the
region of Tiruvannamalai, no inscriptions of Ballala III have been
found to the east or south of Tiruvannamalai.
Vira Ballala III, Very unlike to his character, never turned his
attention to the reign below the ghats the Alupa territories, unless, he
was provoked.
The Muhammadan attack under Muhammad-bin-Tughlak,
troubles from the ruler of Kampili, his ambition to capture Kannanur
and several other problems kept Vira Ballala III tightly engaged and
kept him away from entering into the politics of the Tuluva country.
Once he got rid of Kampila Deva and the muhammadans dis appeared
from the scene, he turned his attention to the Tuluva country and
placed himself firmly there which resulted in the end of the Alupa
independence. They remained to be the feudatories of the Hoysalas till
their end.
Anyhow by A.D. 1333 it is seen that the inscription of Vira
Ballal III in Tuluva prove that he was recognized as a king, atleast in
some parts of Tuluva. He assumed the royal titles of the tuluvas like,
“pandya Chakravarti, Ariraya Basava Sankara etc., and placed his
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chief queen chikkayi Tayi, who is called by other names like Kikkayi,
Bikkayi, Krsnayi Tayi, etc as his representative in Tuluva.
Derrett and Salatore are of the opinion that the Mudubidre
inscription is the earliest inscription of Vira Ballala III. But
Dr.K.V.Ramesh has conclusively proved that they have erred in this
identification and that the earliest inscription is the one from Nilavana
in Udupi Taluk of A.D.1333. This inscription refers to his chief queen
Kikkayi Tayi along with Vayijappa Dannayaka and other officers in
whose presence certain gifts of lands were made to the temple of
Durga Bhagavati by the 14 members of the Niruvana Assembly.
The Alupas realized that hostility with the powerful Hoysalas
meant their own destruction. Therefore it appears that they
compromised with the Hoysalas as proved by the alupas and chikkayi
tays in the same village at times.
Alupa soyideva’s reign ended somewhere in A.D.1335 and was
succeeded by Kulasekhara who ruled from Barahakanyapura.
Chikkayi Tayi was also ruling from the same place. Hence it may be
assumed that there developed a sort of understanding between the
Alupas and Chikkayi Tayi.
Kanchi had become a part of the Hoysala empire in the thirties
of the 14th century. Vidya chakravarin in his rukmini Kalyana
descripbes Vira Ballala’s success over the Panyas and the rulers of
Kongu (Kanka), Kerala, Konakana and kanchi.
Kanchi had become an easy target to invaders because of its
position and therefore constantly changed hands. Though it is known
from inscriptions that Vira Ballala III was in Kanchi atleast once in
A.D. 1295 and then in A.D. 1335 it was not under his rule
throughout. The Kerala ruler Ravi varman Kulasekhara was occupying
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it upto A.D. 1315. He withdrew from Kanchi because of the constant
troubles from Virapandya who occupied it then. But the authority of
Vira Ballala III was certainly recognized in and around Kanchi and the
local chiefs acknowledged his overlordship.
Since the establishment of the Sultanate of Madura, Vira Ballala
III was residingly mostly at Tiruvannamalai which was the base of his
operations against the muhammadans. Probably it was ast this time
that b he became more acquitted with Kanchi. Perhaps trouble in the
east induced him to march to kanchi. An inscription dated to
A.D.1335 in the Arulala perumal temple says that the Hoysala
monarch was camping at Kanchi, and made liberal grants to scholars
and poets.
There are a few more inscriptions of his Hoysala ruler at Chikka
Conjivaram. All these inscriptions reveal his devoltion to the
Vaishavism. Like his predecessors, Vira Ballala III also had great
devotion for this religion.
On the left wall of the Rashigopura in the Kamakshi temple at
Kanchipuram, Chinglapet district there is an inscription which to
classified under prasastis and is famously known as Vira Ballala
prasasti. It was composed by vadya chakravartin, the court poet of
Vira Ballala. He calls his composition as Vallala gunasthhava. This
gives an account of the relation that existed betws betseen Vira
Ballala II and the other contemporary rulers of Southern Peninsula.
In an inscription of a.D. 1334 from the Malavalli Taluk
Viraballala is described as Kanchi Kanchana is a blinding mirror to
Kandhi and clari ms that he was to the Kadava family. Parts of Kongu
mandalam were also the actual god of death annexed to his territories.
Some of his inscriptions are seen in few places of Dharapuram Taluk
of Coimbatore district also. He authority and control over these areas
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had realy a role to play in his future plans of driving away the
muhammadans from the south.
While Vira Ballala III was busy in the south, there arose
confusion in the santara country and he promptly dispatched an army
under the generalship of Kamey Nayaka. This army marched to Kuppe
and attacked the Santaras. A fight ensued on at Jiduvaligenad in
which some were dead.
Thus aetch safeguarding his southern borders and suppressing
internal dissentions, Vira Ballala had the much more difficult task of
protecting the northern frontiers of his kingdom, particularly from the
destructive nature of the Muhammadan on slaughts. He certainly
matched himself to the situation and did his best in this direction.
The muhammadans under Mubarak Khilji established garrisons
in different parts of south India Viz., Devagiri, Madhvna, Kannanur
etc. the pandyas were more incapable of stopping the Muhammadan
army and had thus brought their own downfall.
Muhammad Tughlak who ascended the throne after the death of
Ghias-ud-din Tughlak could not give sufficient attention to this far
away country because of the constant trouble in his own
surroundings. The rebellion of baha ud din gurshasp had inspired
many. Added to this the moghals were a constant threat to him on the
other hand Vira Ballala III by his occupation of Tiruvannamalai and
the surrounding territories acted as a screen between Madura and the
representatives of Delhi sultan at Devagiri.
The sultanate of Madura was established in A.D.1335 as a
result of the rebellion of Jalal-ud-din Ahsan shaw. The establishment
of the Muhammadan power in southern India was definitely going to
be a death blow to the Hoysala if he did not keep himself on the alert.
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He was making his own preparations against the sultanate of Madura.
He joined hands with kapaya Nayaka of the Telugu kngdom of
Prataparudra and attacked the fort of Devagiri where, as already
pointed out the muhammadans had established a garrison malik
maqbul who had been stationed there was driven away by the
combined forces of the Hoysala and Kapaya Nayaka. After this they
marched together to Tondaimandal vanquished the Muhammadan
army stationed there and drove them away. It was placed under the
sambuvarayas.
It is perhaps possible as known from an inscription at
Tiruvamutthe that vira ballala and kapaya Dannayaka went to the aid
of sakala loka chakravartin venru man Konda sambuvarayar when
the latter had been attacked by the muhammadans. It appears that
the samburaraya had lost some of the territories and they were
regained with the help of the hoysala. Any how ballala’s part in the
establishment of the sambuvaraya power involved him in a series of
troubles from the muhammadans of Madura.
Hammed between two powerful enemies Vira Ballala III had to
bring all the southern powers to gather and had to pose a common
front if his own destruction had to be avoided.
The establishment of the Vijayanagara empire marks a very
important phase of the south Indian History. This empire was
destined to play a very prominent role in freeing south India from the
clutches of the muhammadans. It was the rulers of this kingdom that
completed the task which Vira Ballala had started. The subject of the
origin of Vijayanagara Empire has stood a challenge to the scholars,
who were responsible for the establishment of this empire is not
clearly known.
Anyhow it is true that the empire of Vijayanagar was closely
associated with the Hoysalas on the hand and the muhammadans on
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the other. It is very difficult to pinpoint the exact time of Harihara’s
appearance in the political arena of south Indian history.
An inscription from chitrad urga dated A.D.1328 refers to a list
of officers in which appear the name of a kuthora hera who is
identified by some with Harihara of Vijayanagara empire. Other
officers mentioned in this inscription are Bhimaraya, simha
Raghunatha, Kalamegha, Ballappa and Singaya Dannayaka.
Feristan syas that Krishna Naig and Ballala deve decided to face
the enemy unitedly and as a result of this Ballala got constructed
Beejanuggur in the north in the name of his son Beeja. This is
generally identified with Hampi
.
The earliest inscription of the Vijayanagara rulers comes from
Bowringpet Taluk dated A.D.1336. Harihara seems to have made
several grants immediately after his coronation. As a result of the
attempts made to strengthen the northern territories of the Hoysala
empire the birth of Vijayanagar took place.
After the establishment of a city in the north Ballala could safely
turn to the activities in the south. He had already occupied places esst
of Tiruvannamalai. It is known from an inscription that he made a
successful campaign to the north somewhere in the early part of
January A.D.1337 along with a few of his Dannayakas. It was perhaps
after this that he retuned to Tiruvannamalai.
Parts of Dharapuram Taluk of Coimbatore district remained to
be under the control of Vira Ballala is proved by three of his
inscriptions parts of pollachi Taluk in the same district was also
under suzeraignty of Vira Ballala III is proved by an inscription of A.D.
1338.
Vira Ballala III payed a visit to Barakur in A.D.1338 where he
had stationed a grarrison. This was to inspect his army and when
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Ankaya Nayaka obayed to stay there he was pleased and made a grant
to Ankaya Nayaka. He remained at Barakur for some more time. It is
known from an inscription of a stilightly later date refers to some
grant made by Ballala III for the God Kotesvara.
Ballala III next marched towards Sri Vijaya Virupakshapura Via
Dorasanmudra. He was perhaps going there with the intention of
performing the coronation cermany of his son Virupaksha Ballala IV
which he had in the next year. Another inscription of the same year
i.e., A.D. 1339 says that he was ruling the empire from Hosanadu
apparently referring to the newly established capital in the North. By
A.D.1340 he is seen again staying at Dorasamudra. It is very strange
to know that Vira Ballala III never stayed at any one place for long
interval of time particularly after the first Muhammadan attack on his
capital city. In an inscription of A.D. 1340 from Davanagere Taluk,
hardly after few months interval he is seen to be residing at a place
called Malapattana. Rice had identified this with Unnamale pattana.
The coronation ceremony must have taken place after the
activities of Ballala III mentioned above. In the latter part of the year
that the anointing ceremony was performed. The inscription reads
Rajyam gayyuttavyire Rajyabhisekavam Madi. Sri.M.V.Krishna Rao
feels that there is no evidence to state that the anointing ceremony
took place at Hampi as a few scholars state. Derrett on the other hand
behieves that this ceremony took place at Tiruvannamalai.
When things were slowly coming under Vira Ballala’s hold there
arouse trouble at Madura for the throne. Jalal-ud-din Ahsan shaw,
the king of Madura was murdered by some officer of his own in
A.D.1340 and was succeeded by Alla-ud-din Udaiji who assumed the
royal titles. In A.D 1341 he fought a successive battle against the
infidels and when he was hit by an arrow from an unknown hand.
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According to Dr.K.A.Neelakanta Sastri the subjects of Madura
sultanate never co-operated with the Turkish rulers. He says that the
neighbouring powers like the Hoysalas were making repeated efforts to
pull down the Muhammadan power. In fact there were onstant
clashes between the sultan of Madura and the Hoysalas clashes
between the sultan of Madura and the Hoysalas along the Kaveri-
Coleroon border where there had taken place wars previously between
the forces of the Hoysalas and the Pandyas. Though the pandyas had
ceased to be a prominent power, after the occupation of Madura,
Kannanur and other places by the muhammadans, they were
definitely carrying on the resistence against the Sultanate of Madura
while the Hoysala Vira Ballala III was exerting all his power to capture
back the Fort of Kannanur which commanded the road to Madura.
The years 1340-43 mark a very important phase in the History
of south India. It was now that several changes were destined to take
place. Ballala III was busily engaged as a hornet and was making
preparations to give the ultimate blow to the sultanate of Madura. He
remained at Tiruvannamalai. Knowing that failure in the mission
against the Sultanate of Madura meant the end of the Hoysala
Empire, he never wished to take risks. He was perhaps making
preparations all the while.
An inscription of A.D.1341 from Malur Taluk mentions a new
title of Vira Ballala III called setumulajayasthambha denoting that the
Hoysala Monarch planted a pillar of victory at setu, which has been
differently identified by scholars with some place near Goa,
Ramesvara etc.
With the death of Ala-ud-din udaiji, his son-in-law Qutb-us-din
ascended the throne. But he was an inefficient ruler and ruled for only
four days. After killing him Ghias-ud-din Dhamghani succeeded to the
Madura throne. He was a son-in-law of Jalal-ud-din Ahasan shaw. It
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was during the reign of this ruler that the Hoysala monarch attacked
kannanur. Ibn Batuta, the moor traveler stayed in the court of the
sultan Ghias-ud-din Dhamghani and has left a graphic description of
the events that took place during his stay there. He has given
importance to even the minute points and by given importance to even
the minute points and by the time he entered the city of Madura the
battle between Dhamghani and Ballala III had just been over as he
says that he saw the caricature of the last great Hoysalaruler hung on
the walls of Madura.
It can be understood from the statements of Ibn Batuta that
Ghias-ud-din Dhamghani was a very and ruler and mercilessly put to
death a large number of innocent Hidus, men and women alike Ibn
Batuta himself was horrified by this and says that for all these cruel
acts Ghias-ud-din Damghani paid penalty in the very future. He lost
his only son and then his wife affected by some unknown digease. His
own death took place a little later.
Vira Ballala III, beigg a Hindu ruler, that too one of the
strongest Hindu monarch of the days, could not tolerate the cruelties
perpetrated on the Hindus. This perhaps added to the general desire
that was in him to free the southern peninsulas from the havoes of the
sultan of Madura.
The Hoysala ruler was closely watching the situation at Madura
during the last decade and was wathcin the constant predatory
activities of the muhammadans. It was very essential for him to guard
the frontier here Ibn Batuta says that adjoining the state of Ghias-ud-
din Dhamghani was that of an infidel monarch named Ballala deo who
one of the principal kings of south India at that time. He also points
our that this Hindu sovereign marched with a very huge army
consisting of one lakh soldiers apart from 2000 mussalman soldiers
whose service he received the muhammadan army the other hand
consisted of hardly six thousand men of which about half were worth
114
nothing. The two armies met at Kobban identified with Kannanur
Koppam near Srirangam.
In the conflict that ensued, the muhammadan army was easily
routed when Ballala ordered them to vacate the fort of Kannanur they
asked 15 days true with in in which period they suddenly attacked the
unprepared Hoysala army and captured Ballala. After extracting all
wealth from him on the pretext that they would leave him and then
put him to death. Ibn Batuta saw the body hanging when he entered
Madura. This is how Vira Ballala III, one of the most prominent rulers
of the Hoysala dynasty and of the contemporary times met his end. He
had almost succeeded in his mission of driving away the
muhammadans from south India but for his treacherous murder. His
task was continued by the Vijayanagar rulers and hardly three
decades later was this completed by Vira Kampana Raya of
Vijayanagar.
Inscriptions also refer to the clashes between the Hoysalas and
the muhammadans. An inscription from Kudur Taluk dated A.D.1342
refers to a battle took place at Chirichi… Palli in which it stated that
Vira Ballalaraya lost his life along with one Kankaya for whom this
Viragal inscription was erected.
The Hoysala Empire practically came to an ent after the death of
Vira Ballala III though he was succeeded by his son virupaksha
Ballala IV who ruled for a few more years.
The death of Vira Ballala III was an irreparable damages and
irretrievable loss to the Hoysalas and they did not recover from this at
all.
Virupaksha Ballala IV who ascended the throne with the death
of his father was already man of atleast 45 or 50 years. His last
115
inscription is dated to A.D.1346. His reign was not an eventful one.
The Hoysalas had already lost as an imperial power and was giving
way to Vijayanagar which later became the very powerful empire.
Soon after the death of Vira Ballala III many of his officers
became independent and some joined Vijayanagara rulers, like
Ketayya Dannayaka, Singaya Dannayaka etc.,
Ballappa Dannayaka, who was one of the most powerful and
very influential officers during the days of Vira Ballala III was now
perhaps in a position of full fledged King maker and naturally
attracted the attention of Harihara I, the First ruler of Vijayanagara
empire. An inscription of Harihara I dated to A.D. 1349 from Sringeri
refers to Ballappa Dannayaka as Aliya Ballappa Dannayaka giving us
an idea tht he must have married a daughter of Harihara I another
inscription of the time of Harihara II dated A.D.1380 refere to the
same incidence. He is mentioned along with Harihara and his
brothers in that inscription officially. Ballappa Dannayaka must have
joined with the Sangama brothers probably after the death of
Virupaksha Ballala. Another inscription from Trinisi issued only six
months after the sringeri inscription mentions Aliya Ballappa
Dannayaka as making some grant. By the time of this inscription he
had been promoted to the rank of mahamandalesvara.
The Hoysala Empire slowly merged into the Vijayanagara
kingdom with in a very short span of time. The shifting of powrs was
bloodless one and a conclusion proof that the Vijayanagara rulers
were in friendly terms with the Hoysalas and their subjects. An
inscription from the Bangalore District refers itself to the reign of
Harihara I of Vijayanagar. It was a part of the Hoysala empire hardly a
year prior to the date of this inscription as suggested by Bn.120.
Another inscription in Tamil of the same year from Malur Taluk
recods the remission of taxes by Harihara issued uner the royal seal.
116
This further confirms that the Hoysala Empire merged with the
Vijayanagar Kingdom very speedy.
Though the death of Ballala III brought the Hoysala rule to an
and in the plains, in the Tuluva country it continued under his chief
queen chikkayi Tayi. She assumed all the imperial titles although her
reign was also not eventful. She was succeeded by her son
Kuiasekhara in A.D.1348 who is known from three inscriptions issued
by him. It is known from these inscriptions that Barakur remained to
be the capital of the Alupa Hoysalas.
117
CHAPTER-IV ADMINISTRATION DURING BALLALA III
The object of the present Chapter is to analyse briefly the ideal
of Vira Ballala III’s state organisation, the characteristics of the
Government, its aims and policies and to sketch some of the
important features of administration and the administrative systems
and to fill in detail in the light of the available Inscriptions.
Inscriptions of the Vira Ballala III by themselves may not give a
clear picture of the Hoysala administration of the times, but taking
Hoysala administration in general as the background during the reign
of this ruler.
It is already stated in the earlier chapter that the reign of the
Vira Ballala III extended to over fifty years from A.D.1292. It was
period of continuous struggle. In fact the latter part of his reign
completely engaged him in safeguarding his empire against the hostile
Muhammadan attacks. Inscriptions reveal that he had appointed his
trusted officers at different strategic points to stop the Muhammadan
forces from entering into the Kernel of the Hoysala Empire. It is
known from the inscription at Chitradurga1 of A.D.1340 that Kamaya
Dannayaka, a mahapradhana of his, was ruling over Virupaksha
Hosadurga.
The Hoysala administration in general had been based on the
ancient Hindu ideals and it was not much different from that of other
contemporary South Indian empires. They owe much to the Gangas
and the Chalukyas for the basic pattern of administration. Some of
the officers like that of Nadagauda, Nad Prabhu, Senabova and the
formation of the nad assemblies are largely due to the Gangas and the
appointing of the crowned prince and other princes reign on behalf of
the rulers and the division of the empire rule over different into
118
different provinces were largely due to the influence of the Chalukya
administration.
Vira Ballala III definitely introduced many innovations to the
administrative machinery which will be discussed in detail later.
These changes were largely because; the Hoysala Empire had reached
the climax in extent. Though the Tamil districts practically came
under the Hoysalas during the reign of Somesvara himself it had been
divided between his two sons Ramanatha and Vira Narasimha III,
thus the newly acquired portion i.e., the Tamil regions which had
formed a part of the Cola and Pandya Kindoms went into the share of
Ramanatha, while the ancestral part was presented to Narasimha III.
Ramanatha and Narasimha III were not in good terms form the very
beginning of their career. Thus they became two different powers. It
was only during the regin of Vira Ballalla III the Hoysala Empire was
united once again and it added to Vira Ballala’s responsibilities, by
demanding the close attention for the far off parts of the empire.
Added to this for the first time in the history of South India,
muhammadans landed on the soil here and proved a menace to all the
royal families here. Hitherto the enemies, who were natives of the
Southern Peninsula, would have been satisfied with mere territorial
gain. But the muhammadans showed more inclination to ransack the
cities and to loot the treasure here and it was only after that they
thought of staying here and held the local powers under their control.
In these circumstances the only way left to postpone the doom of the
Hoysala dynasty was by introducing new system in the administrative
mechanism.
King
Hereditary succession was the usual system of the day. The
King was the supreme authority in all matters, whether political or
religious or social or economic though he had to consult the various
department heads on all important matters, His exercise of authority
119
and involvement in the administrative mechanism never stood an
impediment in carrying an a harmonious working of the system.
The duty of the king was two folded as constantly mentioned in
the inscription “Dushtha Sikshana” and “Sistha Pratipalana”. When
the man on the throne proved to be inefficient, the a number of
internal troubles in the form of cattle raids, decoity outbreaks
increased and the subject could never be happy at all during the reign
of such rulers.
One of the most important duties of the King was to attend to
his military forces. At times of crisis he personally attended battles
and made grants to those who fought bravely on his side.
He was the supreme authority in matters of religion, society,
law, justice etc. The King was the protector of all religious and looked
at all the religions with impartiality. He very well knew that
predilection to any particular religion would spoil his sense of
catholicity.
The King took active interest in matters of law and justices. In
matters of disputes he used to consult his officers before giving
judgement. The Panchapradhana Council joined hands with the King
in deciding very complicated disputes. In treating cases where there
would have been no proof to show that the suspected was the real
culprit, he was made to undergo a sort of severe ordeal. It was beloved
that if the accused was blemish free he would win the ordeal. Such an
ordeal is recorded in an inscription of A.D.1309.2 Governors ruling
over different regions with the aid of the assemblies were deciding
many disputes involving men belonging to their own regions. Courts
were accessible to even a common man.3
The King used to make extensive trips throughout his empire
with the main intention of securing the integrity of his power.
120
Yuvaraja
The position of Yuvaraja was a very prominent one. It was
customary to appoint the eldest son as the Yuvaraja. He was
invariably associated with the King in carrying out the administration.
The crown prince was usually placed to rule as Governor of a
particular region during the life time of his father. Vira Ballala III was
not an exception to this. He was ruling over the coastal region as early
as A.D. 1278.
The Yuvaraja was taking part in campaigns also on behalf of the
King through there is no reference to such campaigns under taken by
Vira Ballala III as a crown prince.
It is known from the Muhammadan chroniclers that Vir Ballala
III had sent his son, crown prince Virupaksha Ballala IV to the
custody of the muhammadans as a token of his loyalty to the victor. It
is believed that he had been sent on a very responsible diplomatic
mission.
Queens
The Hoysala rule witnessed the involvement of the Queens along
with Kings in the administration. Umadevi one of the Queens of Vira
Ballala II was an able administrator and stood hand in hand with her
husband in Administration. She participated in many battles and it is
known that she was ruling over the empire from the Hoysala
headquarters of Dorasamudra during the absence of her husband.
Another Queen of Vira Ballala II, Abhinava Ketala Devi also
participated in the administration. It is certain that Vira Ballala II was
the only ruler who made best use of his wives in matters of
administration.
121
The words of Derrett are to be accepted4 that Vira Ballala III did
not make much use of his wives in the administration of the Country.
But it is known from the inscriptions that Chikkayi Tayi who ruled
over the region of South Kanara, provides us a solitary example to
prove that he made use of at least one of his Queens in
administration.
Ministry
Administration of the empire was not a simple affair. It required
a large number of portions each held by a respective officer. The
member of such offices depended upon the necessities of the time. At
times a single officer was holding different offices at the same time
and it is also seen that an officer was holding different offices at a
different times. The peace and prosperity of the empire largely depend
upon the ability of its ministry.
The most important and the frequently mentioned officer was
the mahapradhana. He was generally in charge of a province. It is
known from several inscriptions that Madhava Dannayaka, Son of
Ferumale Dannayaka was ruling over the Padinakunad from
Terakanambi.5 Machaya Dannayaka, another mahapradhani and later
his son Gangideva Dannayaka were ruling over the region of
Penukonda.6 Mahapradhana Somaya Dannayaka was ruling over the
region of present day Chitradurga7 and Kameya Dannayaka over the
region of Virupakshapattana.
In addition to their duties as Pradhanas, many a time they were
given different portfolios and it is seen that an officer holding more
than one office at the same time. Malliyanna Dannayaka, a
mahapradhani under Vira Ballala III was also a senapati.8 Kameya
Dannayaka a mahapradhani is known form an inscription of A.D.
1341 from Channapatna Taluk, to be a royal Dandanatha.9
122
Lakumaya, an officer of Vira Ballala III was holding the officers of
Mahapradhana, Sarvadhikari, Senadhipati and Hiriya Dandanatha.10
By the time of Vira Ballala III, mahapradhanas were very large
in number and all of them could not be use at a time. Derrett is
convincing in stating that the mahapradhanas must have formed a
sort of Privy Council from which a group of select members carried on
the general affairs.11 Altekar translates the “mahapradhana” as Prime
Minister, but Derrett says that mahapradhana was an official of a very
high rank. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy is of the opinion that the
mahapradhanas were usually officers in the capital of the subordinate
rulers and were thus bringing a sort of connection between the Head
Quarterrs anf that of the Feudatories.12 This statement is supported
by an inscription of Vira Ballala III where it is nentioned that Singaya
Dannayaka, son of Madhava Dannayaka was a mahapradhana, stayed
in the court of Tiruvenkatanatha Yadavaraya who was ruling over the
regions around Tirupati as well as in the court of his son
Sriranganatha Yadavaraya. Mahapradhana Singaya Dannayaka, son
of Somaya Dannayaka was in the court of Virapandya and died in a
battle while fighting for that ruler against Samudra Pandya.13
Appointment to the post of mahapradhana was hereditary. Thus
it is seen that perumala Dannayaka was succeeded by his son
Madhava Dannayaka as mahapradhana who in turn was succeeded
by his two sons Singaya Dannayaka and then Ketayya Dannayaka.
Somaya Dannayaka, who was a mahapradhana even under
Narasimha III was succeeded by hi son Singaya Dannayaka and
Ballappa Dannayaka. Mahapradhani Macheya Dannayaka was
succeeded by his son Gangideva Dannayaka.
The mahapradhana was assisted by a large number of officers
and thus a mahapradhana was in no way different from the
mahamandalesvaras. Kengu Irame Nayakka was a subordinate officer
123
of Singaya Dannayaka.14 Kaluva Chikka Vittappa mentioned in an
inscription from the Kolar Taluk was pradhana under the
mahapradhana Ballappa Dannayaka.15
It is ponted out by A.V.Narasimha Murthy that the
mahapradhana was invariably present on the occasion of grants made
by the mahamandalesvara or savantas.16
Sarvadhikari was another portfolio of great importance. The
nature of work assigned to this officer is not known. He must have
been a very important officer, sort of a spokesman in a Council, others
being merely his colleagues. According to Dinker Desai, Sarvadhikari
was an officer of the Finance Branch.17
Derrett is of the opinion that the Sarvadhikari had role to play
in all the Departments.18 An inscription form the Mysore Taluk of
A.D.130319 that Lakumayya was Mahapradhana as well as a
Sarvadhikari. It is definitely known that an officer holding one
portfolio was given later another portfolio, perhaps a sort of
promotion. Thus Lakkanna a sandhivigrahi in the house of Vira
Ballala III was placed on Sarvadhikari of Hadavalikenad.20
Sarvadhikari was frequently mentioned in connection with grants of
land and money to temples.
Senapati was another office connected with the military duties.
A large number of Senapathis are known from the inscriptions of Vira
Ballala III. These senapatis were also called by other names like
Senadhipati, Senadhipa, Samastha Senadhipa, Mahanayakacharya
etc. It is suggested by a few that the Senadhipatis were also taking
part in other aspects of administration as well. Lakumayya, to whom a
reference has already been made to, was senapati as well as a
mahapradhana. Feudatory rulers were also given opportunity to serve
as military officers by the sovereign. Kariyabbarana Nayaka’s son
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Chikkanna Nayaka had the title Manayaka Charya. Feudatories also
encouraged by giving them opportunities to serve in the imperial army
as officers. Bilachokkayya Nayaka Bogayya Dannayaka and another
officer whose name is effaced were feudatory rulers as well as military
officers.21 The term Dannayaka, was perhaps very loosely used.
Actually the term Dannayaka or Dandanayaka means the head of an
unit of the army. But there are references to the Dannayakas engaged
in the civil administration also. Thus Somaya Dannayaka a
mahapradhana of Vira Ballala III who was ruling over Bemmattur
Kallu as a governer, went and fought against the army of Kampiladeva
and died. Several such references are seen in the inscriptions of Vira
Ballala III. Infact Dr.T.V.Mahalingam mentions that there was not
much difference between the officers of administration and Military
officers.22 That is why it is seen in a large number of instances a
single officer holding more than one post at the same time including
both military and the civil administrative posts. Lakanna was a
senapati Hiriya Dandanatha, a mahapradhana and a Sarvadhikari.
It can be said with certainty that the Dannayaka was the most
important and highest official in a district.
Mahasavantadhipati is another officer often mentioned in the
inscriptions. The term Samantha means a feudatory and naturally the
term Samanthadhipati means, an officer appointed by the King to rule
over the Samanthas. These officers were entrusted with the collection
of imperial dues like Perjunka, Vaddaravula and bikoda.23
The officers of the Sandhivigrahika and the mahasavantadhipati
are connected to Dr.T.V.Mahalingam, in that the mahasavantadhipati
took the role of the Sandhivigrahikas of the earlier times as no
reference is seen in the inscriptions of the rulers of the Vijayanagar
Empire, to the term Sandhivigrahika.
125
There were several feudatories under each mahasavantadhipati
and one such feudatory of Bommaya Nayaka of Holakal was Bhairarsa
Chola Maharaha.24 Apart from this there were subordinate officers
under the mahasavantadhipati like Honnagauda who was the
mahanadprabhu of Kukkalnad during the rule of Bommaya Nayaka.25
The mahasavantadhipatis were also very proficient in the art of
military activities. In fact it can be easily made that officer of all most
all the portfolios whether civil or military had to be through in the art
of warfare.
“Sandhivigrahi” was an officer in charge of the foreign affairs i.e,
a minister of war and peace. He was perhaps carrying a diplomatic
neogotiations with the neighbouring countries. Derrett syas26 that it
was the duty of these Offices to contract alliances, watch the relation
that existed with the foreign powers, to treat the foreign visitors and to
decide as to when to break and on what grounds, treaty and to change
alliance. Dr.A.S.Altekar points out in his” The Rashtrakutas and their
Times”27 that the Sandhi Vigrahika was usually entrusted with the
drafting of the copper plate charcters creating alienated holidays.
Altekar also says that there were mahasandhivigrahikas under whom
there were ordinary sandhivigrahikas.
Srikaranadhikari was the principal accountant. The treasury
consisted of a number of officials who superintendent the activities in
the treasury. Each governor ruling over a particular region had a
treasury under his control from where he could send the revenue of
the region under his control to the imperial treasury.
References are available to the office of “Bahattara Niyogi”
during the days of Vira Ballala III. Several inscriptions of this
monarch from South Kanara make reference to the Bahattara Niyoga.
There was a Bhattara Niyogadhipati over them. Derrett and
126
Dr.Narasimha Murthy28 explain the term Bahattara as an officer of 72
offices or branches.
“Rajaguru” is classified by several scholars as an office
connected with the administration. Quite a few inscriptions of Vira
Ballala III point out the name of Rajaguras. The King was seeking his
advice on important matters connected with religion. There comes a
reference to a pattana Rajaguru in an inscription from Chitradurga.29
The Rajagurus were even invested with powers to control the activities
of the Kings.
The administration of the palace was no longer a simple affair.
The administrative machinery had become more complicated by the
time of Ballala III it had become so well developed that a large number
of offices were appointed to look after the activities of the imperial
palace. The palace had its own Srikarana Adhikaris, House ministers,
Senior House Senabovas etc. Baichaya Dannayaka was a Senior
House Minister of Vira Ballala III.30 Baichaya Sahami and Davayya
Sahani were officers in the house of the Hoysala sovereign. These
house ministers again had several subordinate office of Bireya
Dannayaka, a pradhana in the palace of Vira Ballala III.31 Even
mahamandalesvaras were appointed as house minister of Ballala III.32
Mahapasayitas was an officer connected with the palace. This
office was also usually held by such distinguished officer like the
mahapradhanas, Dannayakas and many a time even by the governor
of a province.33 Reference are not scanty to show that mahapasayitas
were ruling over different territorial divisions. It is known from an
inscription in the T.Narasipur Taluk of A.D.C.130034 that
Mahapasayita Rayappa was ruling over Torenad, with considerable
Power. They were efficient even in the field of warfare. Chikka
Bayireya Nayaka, a mahapasayita had the tittle Miseyaraganda,35 a
title usually borne by military officers.
127
The other officers of the palace were chamberlain, Durbar
Bakshi and betel carrier.36
Feudatories
The most important feature of administration of the times was
that a number of feudatories had spread far and wide in the Hoysala
country. Invariably, rulers who were defeated and subjugated became
the feudatories of the conqueror and their successors continued to be
the feudatories, till they were able to stand against the power of their
conqueror. The feudatories of Vira Ballala III, at least some of them,
were royal to him and at times of crisis even helped the king by
supplying to him with men and materials. Koteya Nayaka whom
Ballala III defeated in A.D.1302-03 became a loyal feudatory and
helped in battles.37 Madedeva was a mahamandalasvara whose
subordinate Kandarideva sent his ‘maiduna’ to fight against the forces
of Kampiladeva in A.D.1320.38 Sodaladeva, another feudatory is
known to have fought against the Sevuna army that had marched
under Yabbara Nayaka somewhere in A.D.1303.
Thus the feudatories under Vira Ballala III were certainly loyal
and sacrificed their lives for him.
It is correctly pointed out by scholars that the mahapradhana
was a connecting link between the imperial headquarters and the
feudatory state.
Important matters connected with the society and religions were
decided by the mahamandalesvaras. An inscription from the Maddur
Taluk of A.D.1325 refers to Kamalaraja Tammayya, a Mahamanda-
lesvara of Vira Ballala III who decided some important matter
connected with the duties and privileges of the 18 Samayas.
128
The Feudatory rulers can be classified under different
categories. Inscriptions often make references to feudatories by the
terms like Mahamandalesvaras, Mandalikas, Samantas etc. The
mahamandalesvaras were of the highest rank among them. Many
such mahamandalesvaras often referred to in the inscriptions. Next
comes the mandalikas. At the very outset it is clear that the
mandalikas were definitely of a lower rank compared to the
mahamandalesvaras. Dr.Derrett supports this view.39 Sarumeya
Nayaka was one such Mandalika under the Vira Ballala III and he was
ruling over Harunad.40 Devandicchayan was another Mahamanda-
lesvaras ruling over Koygaikkumnadu.
Samanthas are classified as rulers, who were guarding the
frontiers once. But as the boundary fluctuates often their hereditary
lands could have been far beyond the frontiers.41 Derrett points out
that in the Tamilian Districts in the east the subordinate rulers were
called nadalvas with a prefix of the nad they were ruling over.
The Santaras were feudatories of the Hoysalas since a very long
time and they remained to be so even during the days of Vira Ballala
III. It is known from an inscription42 in the Chikkamagalur Taluk that
Kaladevi was the Santara Queen and her son was Vira Pandya Deva.
The Cholas of Nidugal were again Feudatories ruling over a
small region in the central Mysore and in the last decade of the 13th
century Gunesa Chola Maharaja was their ruler. By about the early
part of the forties of the 14th Century this area was under the control
of Holakal Bommaya Nayaka. This again gives a hint that
Samantadhipati were placed above the Samantas.
Gangas were also a feudatory family under the Hoysalas.
Vikrama Gangan, a son of Uttama Sola Gangan, Lord of the City of
129
Kuvatala i.e, Kolar and a descent of the Ganga family was his
feudatory.43
Territorial divisions:- The Hoysala empire during the days of
Vira Ballala III had reached the Zenith in extent including quite a
large part of the tamil Country, almost the whole of the kannada
Country and had extended a little in the Telugu Country also. Parts of
Anantha pur and Hindipur districts were under the control of Vira
Ballalla III.
The highest division in the Tamil Country was a ‘mandlam’.
Three such mandalas are known from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala
III. They were the Nigarili Sola mandalam, i.e., Nolambavadi44
Tondaimandlam i.e., Jayangonda Sola Mandalam45 and Mudigonda
Sola Nandalan i.e., Gangadevi.46
The Mandalam was divided into ‘Valanadus’. Very few Valandus
are known from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala.47 The Valanadu was
inturn divided into ‘nadus’. An inscription from Mulbagal says that
the nadu was a part of the Valanadu.48 Dr.T.V.Mahalingam observes
the existence of large number of nadus in each Valanadu49 though
inscriptions of Vira Ballala III do not throw any light on this point.
Each nadu had a number of ‘mangalams’ in then. These
manglams were replices of the agrahara of the Kannada country.
Vijayaditya mangalam was in the Ilavanjinadu.50 Kongu Narayana
Chaturdedi mangalam was in the Ilavanjinadu.51 Udaiya pirattu
mangalam was in the Narayyanur nadu52 and Vira Sola Chaturvedi-
manglam was in the Vira Sola Valanadu.
Inscriptions refer to atleast twelve nadus belonging to the
Nigaritu Cholamandalam though it is very difficult to say the exact
number of nadus in each mandala. Anyway it is certain that the
130
Nilgarili Solamandalam comprised almost the whole of the present day
Kolar District and a part of the Bangalore district.
Dr.Mahalingam points out that each nadu was divided into
units of fifty villages’ i.e, aimbadin melagaram.53 He also says that the
melagaram was further divided into the manglams. It is known from
an inscription from the Malur Taluk that Malaimundi Agaram was in
the Simadaparru54 and Settihalli was in Vittamangalaparru.55
‘Sthala’ was the next division. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam opines that
the division “Bhukti” gave place in latter times to sthala which
consisted of a few villages. The number of villages in each sthala
varied.56 Very few such sthalas are known through the inscriptions of
Vira Ballala III. Gajekara Kuppe was one such sthala1.57 Kadagodi, in
the Torevala Viritti in the Mahasannenad was another ‘sthala’.58
Village was the lowest division. It is known from the inscription
in the Honnali Taluk59 that several villages like Belagavatti, Hattivur,
Suratur, Chidugur, Honnali, Harubenagar, Golehalli, Gavanahalli,
Madanabavi, Chettanabavi etc., were a part of Belleyanad.
Some of the territorial divisions have been identified. From a
survey of the inscriptions belonging to Vira Ballala III, it is clear that
the Hoysala Empire now included parts of North Kanara, Shimoga and
Chitradurga districts in the north, districts of Kolar and Tumkur in
the east and North east respectively and the districts of Coimbatore,
North Arcot and Chinglepet districts in the south. It is possible that
parts of south Arcot and Tiruchinapalli districts also came under his
subjugation during the latter part his reign.
Administration of the Nadu
Each nadu had an officer appointed by the ruler, to look after
the administration. He was variously called as Nadu Gauda,
131
Nadaprabhu, Mahaprabhu, Mahanadprabhu, etc. Usually succession
to this post was hereditary. But at times they were appointed by
responsible bodies of the nadu like the Priests, Pattanaswami etc. It
aca be observed from the inscriptions that a particular nadu was
under different heads at different times. Thus Turavar Ammaiyan was
the superintentdent of Pulliyurnad in A.D.1332,60 than it was Turavar
Nayan by A.D.134161 and in the next year Turavar Savukka Devar.62
It is very difficult to say whether the above three heggades belonged to
the same family and succeeded to the post of Nad heggade or that
they were different persons appointed by the authrotities of the nadu.
The Nad heggade had several officials under his control with the
assistance of whom he was carrying out administration. Senabova,
the revenue officer etc. are often mentioned as assisting the nad
heggade in his duties. In fact it was the duty of Nad heggade to see
that the revenue was collected for which the revenue officer had been
appointed and to despatch the same to the royal treasury. The
Nadprabhu was also an authority in matters of justice. In the Tamil
speaking regions the Nad heggade was called differently as Turvar,
Nattu Nayagar, Nattavar etc. He was present on all important
occasions of the Nadu. The Nad heggade was wielding lot of power in
the local administration is evident from the fact that he was making
grants of villages. He was also proficient in the art of warfare. At times
of need he used to take part in military campaigns. They had their
own armies.
Grants of land were often made in the presence of the
mahajanas. The remuneration received by the Heggade was decided
by such important bodies like the priests, the mahajanas, the eighteen
samayas and the pattanaswanmis.63
The Nad senabova appears to have been considerably powerful.
Dr.A.V.Venkatarathnam suggests that the Nad Senabova had to
132
maintain what may be called the revenue registers of the nadu of
which he was the senabova. He also quotes an inscription from the
Sidlaghatta Taluk of A.D.1346 which contains the signature of the
Nad Senabova (accountant) Nilappaa.
Nad Assemblies
Each Nadu had its own assembly to assure a smooth
administration. The assembly of the nadu was known as the “Nadu”.
Inscription often refer to assembly of the nadu as
“prajegaundas” meaning that the representatives of the subjects.
These wielded lot of power in matters connected with land grants,
appointment of candidates for different offices etc.
Hadinentu Samaya’ and the ‘Halarus’ also find frequent
references in the inscriptions. It was very essential that at least one of
the Nad assemblies should have been present at important occasions.
The nad assemblies were meeting very frequently to discuss
matters connected with the nadus. One such meeting of the nadu was
held in Sigalanad.
Dr.G.S.Dikshit64 points out that the nad assembly consisted of
members belonging to different walks of life so that each community
could pose its trouble through its representative and get their
problems solved.
Whenever the trouble reached beyond the control of the Nad
Assembly, some of the responsible officers of the nadu, used to
approach the emperor himself and ask him to interfere in the matter.
Dr.Dikshit points out three types of assemblies via, the
Prabhugavanda’ comprising the headmen of the villages in the nadu,
133
the ‘Prajegavundas’, formed by the representatives of the people and
sometime these two were supported by the merchant guilds and the
agraharas.
Thus the Nad assesmbly could meet at its own accord. During
the meeting of such assemblies grants could be made, follies
committed could be set right works of social importance done like the
construction of temple or tank etc.
The Nad assembly had its own lands and the public lands were
controlled by them. These could be granted their own will and they
were not expected to refer this to a higher authority, the governor of
the region or the King.
The Nad assembly including the prajagavudamgal, the
merchants and perhaps even the governor of the nadu used to make
grants for various purposes. Some other times the donee was relieved
of paying any taxes for some time and afterwards a small amount
have to be paid provided they get sufficient income.
Administration of the Town
The Nadu had been, as already pointed out earlier, formed by a
group of towns or pattanas and villages. There was a municipal chief,
comparable to the present day mayor or a municipal councillor in a
city to look after the administration of the pattanas. This was the
‘Pattanaswamy; generally a Prominent merchant of the place.
Kalisetti, a pattanaswami was a mahavadda byavahari and a ubhaya
Nanadesi Chief.65 He was a representative of the King in a Town.
Assemblies of the Town
The towns had their own assemblies called differently as
Nagaras, Mahanagaras etc. The assemblies consisted of Vaddabya-
vaharis, Mummaridandas, Settinguttas, etc. Inscriptions of Vira
134
Ballala III do not supply with adequate information regarding the
administration and assemblies of the town. When a canal was drawn
off from the Yagachi river66 these municipal authorities were present.
The inscription which refers to this region of these times. It is signed
by the Rajaguru Vishnu Upadhyaya. At Talkad, there was sthanapati
in charge of the town. Dr.A.V.Venkatarathnam mentions that the
municipal organisation of Talkad consisted of four pattanaswami and
twenty five members.
Reference to the erection of new towns and to the conversion of
villages into towns are not scanty. One such new town was
constructed to the east of Chaudihalli by about A.D.131012,67 village
Chandi Maidiyanahalli was converted into a pattana by Singeya
Dannayaka, son of Chikkaya Sahani.68
When even a new town was constructed or a village was
converted into a town, certain regulations were made regarding the
taxes to be paid and any concession given. Some of the regulations
engraved on a foundation stone of a town69 is as follows. No fine was
levied to the mother and property of the deceased should be equally
distributed among the brothers, younger and elder alike. If a female
dies, her body should be buried if she were a married lady her body
was to be cremated.
In the case of the conversion of the village Chandinadayanahalli
into a Pattana, the regulation was that the elder brother’s property
should go to the younger brother and vice-versa. Invariably fairs were
established after the erection of new town. An inscription from
Channapatna Taluk of A.D.1319 makes reference to the establishment
of a fair.
The towns had their Senabavas called the Pattanasenabavas. It
was the duty of the senabava to write the text of the inscription and it
was later inscripted on stone by the engraver.
135
Village Administration
The head of the village was commonly called an “Ganda’ or
‘Gavunda’. Instances are there to show the presence of several gaudas
at the same place at the same time. An inscription of A.D.1343 from
Halasubalu in Bidurenad Hobli mentions several gaudas and the
inscription may mean that there were at least four gaundas in that
village.
The remuneration given to the gauda was not a fixed one.
Usually he was given rent free lands as grants or ‘gaudagodage’. He
was also given a house free of cost in the village and was also allowed
to take the dues of the fair. The gauda was a powerful personality in
the village and his orders could not be overlooked. He took active
interest in public welfare and in this he was assisted by the
Government as well as the villages.
The headman in an agrahara village was called ‘urodya’. He was
appointed by the mahajana assembly. The mahajana assembly was
very powerful an agrahara village and this was the administrative
body there. It was the mahajanas who were vested with the power to
decide boundary disputed, make new regulations and even to change
the Gauda of the place if he was irregular in his duty. Thus when
Hariyanna was unable to pay the original taxes and the extra that was
levied, handed over the lands to the Mahajanas assembly which gave
the gaudike of the place to Ramanna son of Mahapasayita Kavanna
who paid 8 gadyanas and one gadyana per year to the Brahmins as
taxes like Kattuge and Kanike.70 The Brahmins were expected to
defray and new tax that the palace would impose on them.
Village Assemblies
Among the village assemblies, inscriptions mention Okkalu,
Chaugave, Praje, Samaya, etc. It is very difficult to understand the
significance of these terms as inscriptions do not provide us with any
136
information. Anyhow the Mahajana assembly was wielding lot power
in the village administration. These mahajanas were Brahmins and
were great scholars and they were an embodiment of Vedas,
Upanishads etc. As already said Urodeya was the head of the
Mahajana assembly.
The agraharas adopted a peculiar system in appointing the
headman. Instead of appointing a heggade or a headman on lifetime
basis they used to appoint monthly headman or ‘Nasaveggade.’.
Whether this system of monthly headship was in vogue in the whole of
the Hoysala Empire or was restricted to a particular area is anybody’s
guess. Dr.Dikshit is of the opinion71 that this system started
somewhere in the middle of 13th century. The Masaveggade was to
receive certain allowances granted by the Mahajana assembly. Thse
Masaveggades were also called by a different name as ‘Varikaras’.
Dr.G.S.Dikshit says that they were executives of the village and town
assemblies in central and south India. This inscription which refers to
the ‘Varikara’ is from Bellary district and therefore it is certain that
this was in vogue in their particular area at least.
The Mahajanas of each village had contact with their
neighbouring villages and there were even transactions taking place
among them. It was not uncommon that the mahajanas of the village
making some land grants to the mahajana of some village.
‘Halaru’ a term often referred to in the inscriptions, was a village
assembly. An inscription from Holalkere Taluk of Chitradurga district
makes reference to this assembly. The ‘Halaru’ also took active part in
appointing Maragauda of Honnayakere as the mad heggade and in
fixing his remuneration.
The Hadinettu samaya or the HadinettyJati was also a village
assembly. It is referred to in the Sanskrit character of 8th century
137
A.D. as eighteen Prakritis and in the inscriptions of later dates this
term is used in the sense of castes. Thus this assembly was formed of
members from the different castes and communities.
Military Administration
Great importance was given to the military administration as
the very existence of the empire depended on the strength of the army
that it possessed, particularly during the days of Hoysala Vira Ballala
III. There were enemies all-round him and if he survived for over a half
century, it was largely because of the strength of his army. He must
have had a very strong and enormous army.
At time of dire need the king was personally leading the army
against the enemy. In fact there are various instances when Vira
Ballala III personally led the Hoysalas army against the Sevunas, the
Pandyas and even against the forces of the Muhammadan Sultans of
Delhi who ultimately put an end to his power.
A large number of officers had been placed as strategic points to
guard the borders. Madhava Dannayaka one the mahapradhana was
ruling over the padinalkunad from Terakanambi. Machaya
Dannayaka, another important officer of his was placed at
penukondain in the Ananthapura district. It was very essential that a
mahapradhana who was mostly performing the duties of a vivil
officer72 was also taking part in military campaigns.
Ibn Batuta gives us an idea of the strength exerted by Vira
Ballala III while marching against the sultanate of Madura. According
to him it included one lakh soldiers apart from about 20,000
Muhammadans made use of by Vira Ballala III. Wars seemed to have
been very fierce. Though ethical principles of warfare was usually
neglected by both the sides the Hindu rulers and God fear. They gave
respect at least to some of these principles. They never used to touch
138
the temples in the enemy area or the valuable therein. On the other
hand were making grants to the temples in the enemy territories
though war was a medium for looting, destruction of villages and the
inhabitants therein. In fact the inscriptions proudly call the emperors
here with the title as “Saranagata Vajra Panjara”. It was only with the
advent of the Muhammadans, who cared very little for the Hindu
ethical principles, that the rulers here had to change their outlook and
they understood that this enemy was really a turbulent one and could
not be defeated easily. But even then they did not stoop to such low
level. Vira Ballala III allowed them a true of 14 days and he did not
raise his sword against them for which the penalty was that he was
captured and later put to death.
The army had been divided into three groups’ viz., the elephant
force, cavalry and the infantry. The use of the naval forces, as seen in
the case of the Senunas73 was unknown to the Hoysalas.
Elephants were very much valued in the armies. Because of
their very huge size and robustness they were always feared off by the
enemies. A wild elephant was a terror to an army of any size. These
elephants were controlled by the mavuths who had a
Kasthipakadyakes. Many a time the loser of a war had to pay the
victor elephants as tribute. Sometimes the enemy’s elephants were
captured as was the case when Vira Ballala III defeated Koti Nayaka.74
Cavalry stood next to elephant in importance, while the
elephant could create great confusion in the enemy army, cavalry
force could move very swiftly from one place to another and were best
suited to cross particular types of lands like the forests and hills. The
King personally sat on horses sometimes though he was usually
sitting on elephants. Ibn Batuta says that the Hoysala monarch was
riding a horse when he was captures by the muhammadans.
139
Infantry was the biggest part of the army. Usually the foot
soldiers were provided with lances, spears, swords and bows arrows.
During times of necessity, the subordinate rules used to send a
part of their own army for the assistance of the emperor and often the
petty chieftains themselves used to participate in the wars. Thus Koti
Nayaka, a feudatory under Vira Ballala III sent an army under Kuruka
Nayaka when the former was marching on an expedition against the
forces of Kapila Deva. At times the king had to seek help from an
outside as did Ballala III whenthe muhammadans attacked the
Hoysala capital in A.D.1311. He sent words to Virapandya on whom
he had marched on war a little earlier.
Forts were built in different regions of the empire and they were
normally erected over a hill or huge mound. The Hoysala capital of
Dorasamudra had a fort which had been destroyed by the
muhammadans in the war of A.D.1311 was renovated by A.D.1316.
Penukonda had a fort which had constructed on a hillock.
Likewise Tiruvannamalai, where Ballala III got constructed fort stood
on the hill. The fort formed a safe when the enemy attacked him. In
fact Ramachandra, the Sevuna ruler took shelter in his fort when Ala-
ud-din attacked and defeated him. Likwise did the ruler of Kampill
and Vira Ballala III during the first Muhammadan invasion. It is
observed that Vira Ballala III died while fighting to recapture the fort
of Kannanur which was his child day dream. He attempted till his last
to capture this, but without success. From all these references the
importance of the forts in these days can be understood.
140
REFERENCES
1. E.C.XII Gb 30., PP.60-62
2. M.A.R 1908., P.25
3. History of Medieval Karnataka, Vol.II. P.11-12
4. Derrett. Op.cit., P.178-79
5. E.C. IV., GU 58, PP.114-15
6. Derret., Op.cit., P.191
7. E.C.X,Gd.16, P.231,A.D.1331
8. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy Karnatakada Sevunara Itihasa P.80
9. E.C.XII., Kr.84., P.52
10. E.C.XV Hn 82., PP.130-131
11. M.A.R.1929., P.129., A.D.1319
12. E.C.IX. Cp.185., PP.350-51
13. M.A.R.1939., My.53., PP.179-81
14. E.C. IV., GU 58, PP.114-15
15. Derret., Op.cit., P.191
16. E.C.X,Gd.16, P.231,A.D.1331
17. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy Karnatakada Sevunara Itihasa P.80
18. E.C.XII., Kr.84., P.52
19. E.C.XV Hn 82., PP.130-131
20. M.A.R.1929., P.129., A.D.1319
21. E.C.IX. Cp.185., PP.350-51
22. M.A.R.1939., My.53., PP.179-81
23. E.C. IX . Ht.109.9.101
24. E.C.XVII.K1.32., P.1
25. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy., the Sevunas of Devagiri P.147
26. Dinkar Desai, Mahamandalesvara under the Chalukyas of
Kalyana. P.33
27. Derrett., Op.cit., P.191
28. M.A,R. 1939., My. 53., PP. 179 - 81
29. M.A.R.1939., P.167
30. M.A.R.1937 Ch.32., PP.202-03
31. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam, Soth Indian Polity, P.120
141
32. Dinkar Desai: Mahamandalesvaras, P.318
33. E.C. XII. Si S., P.256
34. E.C. IX. Bn.110., P.39
35. Derrett, Op.Cit., P.192
36. Dr.A.S.Altekar, Rashtrakutas & their Times, P.166
37. Derrett: Op.cit., 191., A.V.Narasimha Murthy Op.cit.,P.149
38. E.C.XI Cd.4., P.5
39. E.C.VII. H1.117., P.423
40. M.A.R.1943, B1.8., PP.62-63
41. E.C.IX. Cp.71., P.324
42. Students in Indian History & Culture P.B.Desai Felicitation
Vol.P.339
43. E.C.XIV. Tn.72., P.220
44. E.C. IX Bn 24., P.14
45. B.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar: History of Medieval Karnataka
Vol.II
46. E.C. VIII Nr. 19., P.350
47. E.C. XI Hk 106., P.376
48. Dr.A.V.Narasimha Murthy, Op.cit., P.147
49. Derrett , Op.cit. , P.188
50. Ibid
51. E.C. X. Ct.15., P.247 ET
52. Derrett., Op. Cit., P.188
53. E.C. VI. Cm.36., P.170
54. E.C. X. K1. 77., P.21
55. E.C. X K1. 82., P.23
56. E.C. X Mb. 181A., P.119
57. E.C. IX Kn.47., P.272
58. E.C. X Mb. 57B., P.90
59. Ibid
60. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam: South Indian Polity., P.314
61. E.C. X Bp. 10., PP.136 -37
62. E.C. IX Bn. 23., P.9
142
63. M.E.R.1920. No.178., P.67
64. T.V.Mahalingam., Op. Cit., P.314-15
65. E.C. X Mr 15., PP.159-60
66. E.C.X K1 10., P.2
67. T.V. Mahalingam., Op.cit., P.316
68. E.C. IX Ma 38., P. 114
69. E.C. IX Bn 41., P.19
70. E.C.VII H. 76., P.406-07
71. M.A.R. 1919., P.32
72. E.C. X Mr 82., PP. 174-75
73. E.C. IX Ht 90., P. 98
74. E.C. XI Hr.87., PP. 319-20
75. Dr.A.V.Venkatarathnam. Local Government in the Vijayanagar
Empire, P.82
76. G.S.Dikshit: Local Self Government in Karnataka, P. 44
77. G.S. Dikshit: Local Self Government in Karnataka, P.46
78. EC. XII. Gb. , PP.60-62
79. E.C. XV. B1. 341., P.89
80. M.A.R. 1920., P.34
81. E.C. IX. Cp. 12., P.303
82. E.C.III. M1 114., P.201
83. E.C. IX Cp 12., P.303
84. E.C. V Ak 113., P.489
85. G.S. Dikshit., Op. Cit., P.106
86. Dr. A.V.Narasimhamurthy Op. Cit., P.158
87. Dr. A.V. Narasimha Murthy, Op. Cit., P.161
88. E.C. VIII Sa 96 PP. 295-96
143
CHAPTER-V SOCIAL LIFE DURING BALLALA III
The social life in any particular period is nothing but a
continuity of the existing practices along with some times new
innovations. The Hoysala period in general witnessed a healthy and
harmonious social life and very rarely we come across caste and
communal conflicts. It is noticed in an inscription of Bukkarya of
Vijayanagara Empire that there arose quarrel between the Vaishnavas
and the Jains on certain privileges and this was amicably settled by
Bukkaraya. But the reign of Ballala III perhaps did not notice such
clashes.
It was during this period that Virasaiva Philosophy gained lot of
prominence and popularity in Karnataka. It stood firmly against the
case system and received great response from the society.
From the extremely scanty material available from the
inscriptions of Vira Ballala III it is very difficult to give a picture of the
social conditions during his days. By a study of the contemporary
inscriptions and literary sources a somewhat clear picture of the
social life of the people during the days of Vira Ballala III can be mad
out. The Muhammadan chroniclers who visited South India during
different decades of the 13th and 14th centuries have left very little in
this direction.
Caste System
The traditional four castes the Brahmanas, the Ksatriys, the
Vaishyas and the sudras had given rise to a large number of sub
castes and communities and by the time the Hoysalas the number
was considerably large. The system of caste and communities
definitely had many evil results and had lot of influence over the social
activities.
144
Brahmin was the most respected member in the society and
enjoyed a very high position. This was largely due to his profound
knowledge of Veda, Smritis and other aspects of learning. He led a
very simple life and quite naturally had certain previlages which no
other community enjoyed. He was never put to death even if he
committed great crimes.1
It was only the Brahmin who had the privilege of being placed
as priest in the empire. But it appears that only some families were
attached to temples while others were engaged in all walks of life. An
inscription form the Arsikere Taluk of A.D.C.1300 mentions that the
Brahmins were poets, speakers, orators, lovers of fame, devoted to the
God Kesava.2
Brahmin by and large was connected with the agrahara villages.
A large number of inscriptions refer to the existence of large number
of agraharas. They were given grnats by the members of the royal
family, high officials and private persons. An inscription from the
Muulabagal Taluk of A.D.13123 refers to Ilavanjirayar making certain
land grants to s Brahmin Paramessvaran Bhattan of the Gautama
gotra. Another undated inscription4 definitely assigned to the reign of
Ballala III mentions the land grant of 20 Vrittis to the Brahmins by all
the mahajanas of a nadu. The Brahmins never allowed this to be a
one way business. They certainsly made grants to temples and for
other charitable purposes. It is known from a partly effaced
inscription from the Malur Taluk5 that a Jagadguru Varadaradhhya
granted all the rice lands together with the ‘tapu’ and ‘tavudi’ to the
blacksmiths, goldsmiths, carpenters etc.
Inscriptions also mention several sub castes and communities
like Washerman (Agasa) the Barber (Nayinda) potter (Kumbara)
Carpenter (Badagi) Blacksmith (Akkasaliga) Golla, Holeya, Madiga etc.
Vokkaligas are also referred to in an inscription from the Holakere
145
Taluk dated A.D.1310.6 Most of the subcastes referred to above were
occupational groups. Dr.Narasimha Murthy feels that they had
assumed the status of sub castes and were hereditary.7
Prosperity of the King
People paid utmost importance for the prosperty of the King. It
was generally believed that the king was representation of the God
and therefore at time of crisis private individuals were making land
grants to the temple and other religious institutions for the welfare of
the King.
People sacrificed for the sake of their Kings. A faithfull band of
men called as garudas cheerfully embraced death for the sake of their
masters. Kuvara Vishnnu was one such garuda of Vishnuvardhana.
Incidently no reference is seen in the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III to
the garuda institution. But it is evident form an inscription of
A.D.12928 that the garuda system existed during the days of Vira
Ballala III also.
Apart from this, at times of dire need heroes readily sacrificed
fighting against the enemy, when defeat was obvious, some here was
offered betel leaves and sent against the enemy. When heroes died in
the battle field their descendents were given the Koduge grants. Thus
loyalty and devotion were recognised and rewarded.
Family System
Joint family was the practice of the day and the property of the
father automatically was transferred to the son. Many inscriptions
clearly state the regulations that the property of those who were
without male issues would go their wives, female children, brother
and their children.
146
Position of Women
In ancient times the birth of a daughter was looked to as an
unwanted event. This was largely because that they were handicap at
some times when an enemy was on the attack. It is observed
elsewhere that the women enjoyed equal rights with man during the
Vedic period. She was equally eligible for learning. Later on she was
considered unfit for the study of the Vedas and was not allowed to
undergo the thread ceremony.
Later on gradually the inclination of woman was more towards
the art, music, and dance. Even this was available to women of a
higher class only and ordinary women just remain uneducated. The
marriages of a daughter certainly took place at a very early age.
Brahmin was never permitted to marry a girl aged above 12 years.
Inter caste marriage was never entertained. But in the royal
families the Vaishnavas, the Jainas and the Saivas had matrimonial
contacts with each other. A very good example that can be cited for
this in the case of Shantala Devi, the chief Queen of Vishnuvardhana.
Her father was a saivits, her mother a Jain and her husband was a
Vaishnava.
Polygamy was the fashion of the day. A Brahmin could marry
women belonging to all the four castes, the Ksatriya three, Vaishya
two. The Sudra could marry only a person belonging to his caste. The
Kings invariably possessed a number of wives. Vira Ballala III must
have had several wives and only two of them are known through the
inscriptions. The mother of Virupaksha Ballala IV, whose name is not
known, was perhaps his Chief Queen. Later on Chikkayi Tayi, the
Alupa Princess became hsi Chief Queen. Bairava Devarasa, whom
inscriptions recognise as a son of Vira Ballal III was perhaps born to
some other queen of his.
147
Woman was considered as an ideal companion for the man. It
was her bounden duty to devote herself for the good of her husband.
The husband inturn was also expected to be very prompt to his wife.
Woman was desired to safeguard the respect of both her parent’s
house and her husband’s. When the husband died the wives used to
jump into the pyre and sacrifieced themselves. But it was not very
common in the Deccan.9 On such occasion mastikals were erected in
their memory.
Contemporary evidences clearly show that women were highly
respected in all matters, particularly religion. Janinism was one
religion which whole heartedly invited women as well as men as its
supporters. The Vira Saivas again came forward to give women an
equal status with the men.
A large number of women built temples and made gifts to them.
It is seen that Sanatla Devi the chief queen of Vishnuvardhana was a
great Jaina. She was responsible for the construction of several
temples on the Sravana Balagoala hill and made grants to several
Jaina temples and Jaina gurus. Chikkayi Tayi, the queen of Vira
Ballala III made some grants to the followers of Bharati thirtha
Sripada.10
Women took active part in the administration also. Infact
Umadevi the senior queen of Vira Ballala III appears to have enjoyed a
high rank. An inscription from the Arsikere Taluk states that she was
ruling Magure 30o and was helped by Mahapradhana Kumarapandita
Dannayaka.11 Another senior queen Chola Mahadevi was ruling
Kebala.12 Ketala Devi, a third queen also played an important role in
the administration. Chikkayi Tayi was the representative of Vira
Ballala III in the South Kanara region. She successfully protected the
Hoysala power there even after the latter’s disappearance in the
plains.
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Nothing is known regarding women actively engaged in
literature. Hoysala period definitely witnessed a few poetesses, Kanti
being the most prominent. Anyhow their number was very meagre. It
appears that women played prominent role in religious, social,
political and Art history, but did not take much interest for literature.
During the days of the Hoysalas women had equal rights with
the men regarding the ancestral prosperity. Inscriptions state that the
head of a family could not make grants without the consent of his
sons and daughters.
From a number of inscriptions it is seen that prostitution was
quite in practice. Some of the prostitutes were devoted to the temple
and were commonly called Devadasis. The Devadasis and other
prostitutes were highly respected in the society. The prostitutes had to
take the permission of the government for carrying out their business.
Inscriptions often refer to a tx called ‘Suledere’. A few Hoysala
inscriptions refer to the tax levied over the mirrors they had
(Suleyaralliya Kannadivanamumam).13 There were separate areas
where the prostitutes lived. These are called as ‘Sulgeri’.
Grants of land on eclipses
A large number of grants were made by persons from the royal
house, high officials and by private indivisuals.14 The grants were
namely in the form of land grants made to the Brahmins and the
temples. For perpetual lamps, oil mills etc. As it is believed even to
this day, the grants were made to avoid calamities that might occur as
a result of the eclipses.
Consturction of Tanks
Constructions of tanks was one of the best way of securing the
gratitude and good will of the masses. This benefitted people to a large
extent. Several inscriptions refer to the constructions and renovation
149
of tanks. Grants were made to the Brahmins on the occasion of the
erection of tanks.15 In another instance a village and a tank were
constructed by removing sand.16 Mahapradhana Machaya Dannayaka
purchased lands from several persons for the construction of a tank
Machasamudra in the name of his mother Machawe.17 Grants were
given to those who got constructed or restored temples. An inscription
from the Anekal Taluk18 of A.D.1302 states that all the mahajanas of
Sugani, Vaichahaya Nayakkar and Singaya Nayakkar assembk=led
and granted certain lands to Marappan for having restored a breached
tank at Suguni. Grants were made for the maintenance of tanks as
Masralipemmana granted some land to Madiganda of Settikere.
Religious discourses
These were common during the Hoysala regime.19 Number of
grants was made for the erection of lingas. In A.D.1328 Ballappa
Dannyaka erected a linga in the name of their father Bebaya
Dannayaka and Vira Ballala III made the grants of Bennedon in the
Bemmattur vritti for the offerings and decoration of the God.20 Another
act of merit was the endowment for the learning of the students.
Perumale Dannayaka, minister under Narasimha III and later under
Vira Ballala III made grants for the education of boys in different
aspects of learning like Rigveda, Yajurveda at udbhava
Narasimhapura i.e, Bellur.
Dwellings
Inscriptions provide lot of information regarding the dwelling of
the people. In fact people were living in house of various sizes. An
inscription from the Arsikere Taluk of A.D.134021 refers to a house of
15 spans. It is grant made by Chandappa Butappa Virappa to Virappa
of Agunda, a village about 15 miles from Kanikatte in the Arsikere
Taluk, on some important occasion. It is to be remembered that such
houses were available to only people of a rich class and the poor lived
in thatched huts. High importance was given to the uniformity of the
150
houses which would add to the beauty of the place. Thus an
inscription from Maddure Taluk states that a row of houses of same
length was constructed and was given to the Brahmins. The first row
consisted of houses of a certain specification; the second was of a
different specification.
Dressing and Ornaments
Though much reference is not available from the inscriptions of
Vira Ballala III it is known from the references of an earlier date and
from the inscriptions of the contemporary rulers of the South that the
dressing did not require much tailoring. It is known from the accounts
of the Muhammadan chronicles like Ibn Batuta that the clothing
people used consisted of two pieces of cloth one worn round the lower
portion of the body and another as a sort of Dhoti, an upper garment.
This type of clothe existed at least from the 7th century A.D. It is again
known from the accounts of the Ibn Batuta that even kings and high
officials used to wear the same type of dress. Thus the Zamorin of
Calicut was wearing only a loose unstitched upper garment which was
fluttering in the air. Women on the other hand did wear stitched petty
coats.
Inscriptions of Vira Ballala III make no reference at all about
ornaments used in these days. But Hoysala sculptures, depict large
number of ornaments of different patterns, such ornaments were used
during those days by people of higher classes. To support this,
inscriptions often make reference to the goldsmith whose profession
was to make gold ornaments. Such gold ornaments like the head
dress, necklace, earrings, girdles etc were common.
Food
Milk, cooked rice, different pulses, fruits, millet, formed the
basic food of the people of those days. Varieties of dishes like ‘Iddali’
‘Shalyanna’ etc. were very common, the later being invariably having
151
some religious connection. Meat also formed food. Such fruits like
plantains, Mango, Jambo were common and were grown everywhere.
Milk was available in abundance. Drinking liquors was also in
practice, though prohibited to the people of higher classes.
Amusements
The period of Hoysala rule in general witnessed such common
amusements like wrestling, Dice, Music, Dance and Drama,
swimming, Hunting, etc. Music was particularly very popular and
there were singers appointed in the temples. Grants were made for the
Rangabhoga’.
Cattle raids and Viragals
Cattle raiding was a common feature of the times. Throughout
the length and breadth of the country cattle raids were taking place.
Usually they used to take place in the borders of different villages. At
least some twenty such references are seen in the inscriptions of Vira
Ballala III. Whenever cattle lifting took place in a village, some hero
would emerge to the situation and fight against the robbers and
rescue the cattle, which formed a source of income. Viragals were also
erected in memory of the heroes who died fighting against the robbers
and were greatly praised for their valorous acts. An inscription from
Chikkanayakanahalli22 says that some Gauda having rescued the
cattle fell where upon celestial nymphs carried him to the abode of the
Gods.
Viragals were also erected in memory of people who exhibited
their valour on different occasion and died. Thus Arasalu Madayya
while returning from the fair was robbed and killed in a fight.23
Viragal was also erected when some person died fighting against some
enemy. Thus when Hadapada Sayanna died fighting on behalf of
Somaya Dannayaka against forces of kampila Deva in A.D.1303, a
virgal was erected by his elder brother Bhimanna.24 Whena servant of
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Singa gauda died fighting against the tiger, a viragal was erected in
his memory.25 Viragals had some religious significance also. The
inscriptions always stress that one who died fighting in a battle field
would go to the abode of Gods. It was perhaps because of this reason
that virgals were worshipped and grants were made to them, An
inscription from Chikkamagalur Taluk26 states that on the death of
Vira Masana, son of Masanitamma, a grant of land was made by
Nagamma.......... of Masanitamma for the worshipping of the Viragal.
Samadhi
The Jains favoured death by the ‘religious suicide’. Numerous
such Samadhi are brought to lights by the the inscriptions.27 Thus the
spiritual outlook of the people is clearly seen in those references. Men
and women belonging to the Jain faith performed the Sallekhana right
which recommends death by starvation. According to this, the person
performing Sallekhanna takes one food per day for some days. Then
he would take only fruits etc. for some more days then reduce his diet
to mere water and finally he would stop this also and die.
Koduge grants
A type of rent free land grant called the Koduge grant was made
on certain important occasions. Such Koduge grants are in large
number known from the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III. A type of
Koduge grant called the ‘Nettaru Koduge’ was given in the name of
deceased who exhibited great chivalry in saving the prestige of the
village or the nadu or the country for which cause he sacrificed. An
inscription form the Arsikere Taluk28 mentions that Nettaru Koduge
was given to Ramagauda, son of Kataka Totakara Balagauda of
Kavalingadahalli when Ramagauda died fighting against the
muhammadans who attacked the Goravakal.
As already stated Koduge grants were made on important
occasions. Three settis named, received four Khandugas of wet land
from the Nad assembly of pulliyur nad for having rebuilt a village
153
which was in ruins for a long time.29 They were also given certain
benefits. Ramagauda gave Hiriyagundakal as a Koduge grant to
Machanna whom he got married to his daughter.30 On another
occasion Siyanan, the superintendent of the Periyanad received the
Koduge grant of six Khandugas of wet land for having built the big
tank at Ovattam.31
Boundary Disputes
Boundary disputes was a common feature of those days. Each
territorial division had their boundaries marked. It is known from
inscriptions that stones with trident mark and other marks were used
mark the boundary and these were done to avoid any boundary
dispute. An inscription from Bangalore Taluk refers to a boundary
disputes in which Kaurana, son of Honnagauda died fighting at
Thagarekusuvara.32
Imprecations
Inscriptions at their end invariably stress on high moral
principles. These were not mere sentiments. In fact people really
valued those principles and respected them. These were intended to
guide people to the righteous path. Inscriptions often refer to an
imprecation which says that if any one overlook the words mentioned
there and violates the grant will be incurring a sin equal to that of
killing a tawny cow on the banks of river Ganges. An inscription of
A.D.1294 from Chintamani Taluk gives a very fine impression. It runs
as “If there be any one who violates the charity, he shall not only incur
the sin of one who has killed a tawny cow on the banks of Ganges but
also a traitor to his master, to his king and to his Guru.33 But it need
not be taken for granted that his the people led a pure life. But they
certainly respected at least some of the principles for this reason a
very large number of inscriptions are still remaining with us to help in
the historical research. The imprecations act as a source of inspiration
to all.
154
REFERENCES
1. Dr.T.V.Mahalingam: Administration & Social Life in the
Vijayanagar Empire, P.240 ff
2. E.C. V Ak 114., P
3. E.C. X Mb 181., P.119
4. M.A.R.1919., P. 32
5. E.C. X Mr., 15., P. 103 - 04
6. M.A.R. 1931., Hk.1., PP. 95 - 8
7. A.V.Narasimha Murthy, Op. Cit., P.168
8. E.C. IV Kr 10., P.
9. A.S. Altekar – Bashrakutas and their times
10. E.C. V AK 40., P
11. E. C. VI Shringeri 1., P
12. E.C. V Cn 205., P
13. M.V. Krishan Rao – Karnataka Itihasa Darshana P.973 - 75
14. Ec. VII SK 295
15. Ec. VII Sh. 43., Ci, 64., VI Kd 161, 28, 4., Cm 15., 73., etc.
16. Ec. IX Bn 23., P. 13
17. Ec. IX Bn 133., P. 25
18. Ec. IX V. Hn. 182., PP. 138-34
19. Ec. IX An. 80 ., P. 118
20. E.C. VII Sh. 64 ., XI J1.33., Dg.36
21. E.C. XI Cd.3.,
22. M.A.R. 1937, Ak.38., P.124
23. Rashtrakutas and their times – A.S.Altekar,
24. E.C. XVI Cn 100., P.28
25. M.A.R. 1937. Ak 15., P.134
26. E.C.XIV Kr 84., P.52
27. E.C. IV Gu 66., PP. 117-18
28. E.C.VI Cm 36., P. 170
29. E.C. VIII T1 198., Sb 148
30. E.C. V Ak 31., P. 377
31. M.A.R. 1919., P. 32
155
32. E.C. IX Ht. 140., P. 152
33. E.C. XVI Tm 106., PP. 83-4
34. M.A.R. 1919., P. 32
35. M.A.R. 1925 – 26., PP. 8 – 9
36. E.C. X Ct 88., P. 289
156
CHAPTER-VI ECONOMIC LIFE DURING BALLALA III
India, as known has been primarily an agricultural country with
a rural economy and inscriptions supply us abundant material to
study the economic condition of this country, particularly the
southern condition of this country, particularly the southern
peninsular, though the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III does not help in
building a complete picture of the economic pattern of the period, a
study of the Hoysala inscriptions in general solve the problem.
Agriculture
During the days of the Hoysalas also, land formed the very basis
of the economy of the country. People in majority lived in the villages
and earned their living from the land. Thus most of the people of these
days were agriculturists and on the lands depended on the trade,
commerce and Industry. In fact people had to rely more on the land
than on any other source for income for the economic condition was at
its lowest ebb during those days. Thus land played a very prominent
part in the social and economic life of the people of those days.
Land grant was considered a one of the ways to attain the abode
of Gods. Thus properties both movable and immovable were made as
grants. An inscription from the Sikaripur Taluk1 says that gift of land
is the happiest provision for attaining svarga. As land contains
everything, treasures, water, corns, etc. by the grants of land one
becomes the giver of all the above mentioned.
Many inscriptions clearly show that land grants to Gods and
temples to the Brahmins, holy institutions were common features of
the days. Dr.Burnelli in his elements of South Indian palaeography
points out that in the South Indian inscriptions it is clearly made out
157
those gifts take the place of the sacrifices which was more common in
the northern half of the country.
It has been pointed out in the chapter on Administration that
officers of the lower ranks like the heads of the nadus, villages and
their subordinate officers generally received some lands as their
remuneration instead of the money for the possession of land enabled
them to meet all wants directly by the way of growing different crops
etc or indirectly by exchanging his products for money.
A close study of the inscriptions reveal that different types of
land are mentioned there in like the cultivated land, non cultivated or
waste land, forest grassland etc. The cultivated land was the most
important among the different types of land as it was this type of land
on which the economy of a country largely depended. The cultivated
land can be conveniently divided into the following categories.
The Wetland
Inscriptions refer to the wetland in terms like Gadde,
Kattudadde, galde etc. A term called as nirmannu which literally
means wet soil, is also often used.
The Dry land
The dry land was often referred to as Beddalu. Am inscription
form Chamarjanagar Taluk of A.D.1317 refer to 600 Beddalu given for
the perpetual lamp. The dry land was also called as Hola. This type of
land was suitable for growing Jower, Ragi, Cotton, Sesame, castor,
grounuts etc.
The Garden
This was the place where varieties of fruits, vegetables etc. were
grown. Coconut one of the essentials in a south Indian home was
158
raised in the gardens, as also Betel leaves, areca nut etc. It is known
from the inscriptions that some of the temples had their own gardens
where such worshipping items like Betel leaves, areca nut, coconut
and fruits were grown.
Apart from the above said there were cultivable lands
uncultivated which were often given as grants to people. An
inscription of A.D 1183 for example refers to the granting of three
matters of unplugged land (takkilu).2
Pasture or the grassland was actually a fertile land piece and
was fit for cultivation. But with the intention of providing grass for the
cattle it was left uncultivated.
It is known form the accounts of the Ibn Batuta that Vira
Ballala had sent his horses for grazing when the Muhammadan army
made a surprise attack on him at Tiruchinapalli in A.D.1342.
Actually it is stated in such important texts like the Smriti, Niti3
and others that a piece of land was kept aside to be a pasture land for
the purpose of grazing cattle. Vignanesvara also mentions that some
good portion of the land should be made pasture either by the will of
the king or by the inhabitants of a particular place.
Forest tracts have also found reference in the inscriptions of the
Hoysala rulers. Sometimes the forests were cut off and people lived
there building villages. An inscription4 from the Belur Taluk speaks of
the cutting down of a forest and the establishment of a village there.
There is sufficient evidence to show that the transfer of land
form one party to another was not a mere transaction between the
giver and the receiver, on the other hand Vijanaesvara declares that
this transaction had to be approved by the village community or a
159
local assembly, neighbours or the relatives.5 An inscription from
Tirumukudalu Narasipur dated A.D.13006 records the gift of land at
Madayapura to three persons (mentioned) which was made with the
consent of a number of persons in torenad where the grant was made.
But the consent of the village community gradually became a matter
of formality and much power was not given to the village community.
The acceptance of the neighbours and kinsmen was also to avoid any
dispute regarding the boundary, hereditary rights etc.
A regular land survey department must have existed in those
days for a large number of inscriptions refer to different measuring
poles (Kamba). An inscription from Honnayakere7 in Chitradurga
district of A.D.1307 refers to a measuring pole called
‘Chavuladaprapta Kamba’. Another inscription from Krishnarajpet
taluk8 of A.D.1311 refers to the measuring pole called ‘Ikkerikamba’.
Curiously enough the find spot of the inscription is Ikkeri. A
measuring pole called ‘Ganga’ pole is also referred to in two
inscriptions from the Tariker taluk.9 Another inscription from the
Hassan Taluk10 refers to ‘Bachividi’ pole of 46 spans. The exact
significance of the prefixes used for the kambas is not clearly made
out. But it is quite possible that each particular type of pole was of a
definite length. It is known from an inscription11 from the Chitradurga
Taluk which refers to a measuring pole of 36 spans.
Lands assigned to temples or for other charitable purposes were
cultivated by farmers.12 For any loss or profit in their cultivation
farmers were collectively held responsible and thus were warned or
rewarded. An inscription from the Maddagiri Taluk of A.D.129113
states that perumale Dannayaka had made grants of land to the god
Panchikesvara which he had set up in the agahara of Udbhava
Narasimhapura i.e. Bellur. The lands thus granted by perumale Deva
Dannayaka were cultivated by twelve farmers and they were exempted
from forced labour. Their huts (houses) were exempted from any tax.
160
In the last part of the inscription it is stated that if any one fails to
contribute his share of work due to his death or disability the
remaining cultivators have to cultivate the land. They were forbidden
to dispose off, mortgage, exchange or pledge the lands granted to the
temple or the religious institution.
It is very significant to note that the ownership of the land
vested in the individual. Texts of the sacred laws as well as
Mitakshara of Vijnaesvara14 support this view. Inscriptions very often
mention that the property of the father become the property of his
sons after his own death.
The consent of the sons and daughters was made essential for
the disposal of the land. Thus the children had right for the land
property. Vijnanesvara in his Mitaksara points out that the ownership
of the land property of father or grandfather is by birth.
Inscriptions also make it clear that the land property was not
owned by the state and even if the king wanted to acquire some land
and grant it over to some temple or other religious institutions, he
could do so only buying that land from its owner. An undated
inscription form the Channapatna Taluk15 records that the kings had
their own lands as inscriptions often make reference to the royal
estates.16
It was strongly believed that the grant of land to the temples
and other religious institutions would make one’s way to attain the
heaven smooth. Thus grant of land to the temples and Brahmanas
was considered as a ‘mahadana’ (a great gift).The granting of land to a
Brahmana was called as Brahmadeya. Grants of land were made to
the Brahmanas with the view of supporting and enabling them to
carry on their work easily. Inscriptions of Vira Ballala III also mention
the establishment of quite a number of new agraharas apart from
161
making grants to the already existed agraharas. Grants of land were
made to the temples with the object of carrying on the daily worship
as well as some seasonal festivals. Such grants of lands were known
as Devadana grants.
Grants of land were also made to persons serving the villages,
towns etc. in various capacities. Perhaps the currency system of those
days could not meet the demand and hence this alternative. Some of
the temples were very big institutions providing livelihoods for quite
large number of people. There were the temple priests, other staff and
attendants, dancing girls and so on and so forth who were also given
lands instead of moaney.17
‘Umbali’ was again a type of land grants made apparently by the
Kings or heads of the nadu or the village to their subordinates form
some meritorious act. Dr.A.V.Narasimhamurthy believes that Umadevi
was grant made in appreciation of heroic services.18 An inscription
form the Tarkere Taluk of A.D.129119 says that the mahajanas of the
agrahara Amrutakesavapura granted two vrittis as gaudlike umbali to
Honnagauda Ballaya of Malleyana halli. As the type of umbali given it
self shows that he received this in lieu of the services he rendered as
the gauda of the village. Another inscription form the Honnali Taluk
refers to ‘Astabhoga tejasamaya’ umbeli made by some gauds.20
The cultivators (Okkalu, as the inscriptions refer to them) were
held in great respect and were regarded as the givers of the good to
society.21
Principal crops grown in the country would give an idea of the
agricultural practice of those days. The crops included edibles as well
as non-edibles. Rice formed the most important among the crops
grown.
162
Rice was cultivated in the wetlands on a very large scale as it
formed the major food for the people. Appadorai in his Economic
conditions South India Vol.I syas1 that many varieties of Rice were
grown in this part of the country apparently with success. Such
superior qualities of rice like ‘Rajanna’, Rajasali’ often find reference.
The very terms clearly shows that it was for kings and other high
officials. Somesvara, points out the several varieties of rice like the
Raktasali (red rice) mahasali (variety of rice of a big size), gandha Sali
(rice with good smell), Sukshma Sali (rice of thin size)22 etc.
Rice was extensively grown in almost all the regions in the
Hoysala Empire. Perhaps rice was also grown in the forest lands as a
inscription from the Koppa Taluk23 refers to a variety of rice called
‘Kadakki’ which depend entirely or nature.24 An epigraph of A.D.1272
from T.Narasipura Taluk25 refers to a kind of paddy called ‘Somegada’
batta the very meaning of the term Somegada is difficult to make out.
It is also known from the inscriptions that wheat was another
important cereal grown in those days. An inscription form the Tarikere
Taluk of A.D.129726 refers to Nachanna, wheat merchant (Godi or
Goduve). Kinds of millets like Ragi, Jola, Baragu, Same or save also
find reference in the inscriptions.
Literacy sources of the period inform that pulses like togari,
Kadale, avare, uddu, heasaru, etc. were also grown. Oil seed like yellu
(Sisame), Castor, were also commonly grown. Cumin (Jirige),
Kottambari, menasu, yelakli, and turmeric was some of the important
spices grown in those days. Inscriptions of the Hoysalas belonging to
the 12th and 13th centuries27 make mention to sugar cane, beetle nut,
plantains. The latter two were invariably used in temples for the
worship of the gods and goddesses. Vegetables, flowers and fruits of
various kinds find mention in the inscriptions of the Hoysalas.
163
Land reclamation was one of the ways of promoting the
agricultural production and thus a good revenue system mainly
depend on the extent of the cultivation of lands.
The reclamation was mainly by cutting the forests which was
done due to different reasons. Sometimes forests were cleared for the
construction of very huge tanks and for the establishment of new
settlements. The land reclamation was usually done by the royalty
through its subordinate officers and inscriptions of the Hoysalas give
abundant reference to such acts. An inscription from Belur.28 Refers
to Adi gavuda who at the pleading of the local people cut down the
forest tract and established a new village and excavated two tanks
there.
Farmers cannot depend always on the rain water for the
growing of different crops. So irrigation formed one of the main ways
of supplying water to the cultivated lands. Authors like Panini,
Kautilya make reference to canals, well etc. Their literacy works are
supported by inscriptions. An inscription belonging to about A.D.1300
from the Belur taluk29 is of great significance in this respect for it
brings to light very important fact that a channel was drawn off from
the river Yalach (present day river Yagachi or Yagatchi). The aqueduct
is seen even to this day lying outside the wall on the southern side,
though it is in ruins. Thus it bears testimony to the standard of
engineering skill of those days. To quote Col.Meckenzie30 who has very
high appreciation for this piece of engineering skill, he says that the
waters of the river Yagachi which flows by the side of Bailor (Belur)
were brought to the capital by a channel.
Such instances of canal irrigation are not rare. Inscriptions
belonging to the Hoysalas show several instances of the irrigation of
the lands through channels. An inscription of the twelfth century
A.D31 shows very clearly that certain lands were irrigated with the
164
water drawn off form the stream that flowed down the hill and crops
like paddy, sugar cane and wheat were cultivated.
Apart from canal irrigation, the main supply of water was from
the storage tanks. Rain water was stored in the tanks and was then
made use of for the cultivation of lands. It is known from the Hoysala
inscriptions that a very large number of tanks and were newly
excavated. In fact building up of a tank was considered as one of the
ways for procuring happiness in the next world. The monarchs, their
officers and private individuals, all show the same interest regarding
building up of tanks. An inscription from the Tiptur Taluk32 reveals to
us that even temples and the village assemblies took great interest in
this direction. Constructions of tanks were usually encouraged by the
grant of lands and exemption from taxes.
Industries
Though the wealth of any country is largely based on its
industries, trade and commerce, the information available from the
inscriptions is very meagre. But a survey of the inscriptions and
literary works belonging to earlier and later period as well records of
the contemporary times given an idea that the people of those days
were highly advanced in the arts of trade and commerce and there
were verities of industries like the metal industry, textile industry, oil
production etc. Some of the modern techniques of production were
unknown during those times and handicrafts was the fashion of the
days then. Usually workers were carrying out their art in their small
sheds and such articles produced were usually taken to a market
place, or the place where weekly fair would be conducted and were
sold there. Usually the workmanship was transferred from the father
to the son as legacy for long generations.
The artisans engaged in producing different commodities were
usually having their own organisations. Weavers, the metal men,
165
cobblers, stone cutters etc. etc. had their own guilds. Vishvakarma
kula, often mentioned in the Hoysala inscriptions including those of
Vira Ballala III was a guild of the metal smiths.
The textile industry was the most prominent among the
industries mentioned. Literacy sources as well as epigraphs give us a
hint regarding the activities of this industry. The weavers had their
own guilds. Reference to the taxes levied on the yarn as well as looms
are very common. An inscription from the Maddagiri Taluk dated
A.D.131333 refers to the maggasunka or the tax levied on the looms.
Another inscription from the Chamarajanagar Taluk of A.D.133734
refers to a large number of taxes including the maggakanike (i.e.tax on
looms). One more inscription from Bennahalli35 gives the names of
several taxes including the tax on yarns (Nuligadere). Taxes were also
levied on the prepared cloth as an inscription from Chitradurga
Taluk36 refers to the tax levied on the woven cloth that was sent for
trade in the bags and bundles.
Cloths of very fine texture like the buckrams were
manufactured in great quantities in different parts of the Deccan and
were exported to the outside world through the port of Thana as
known from the accounts of Marco Polo.37 Appadorai in his economic
conditions of south India38 says that there were about five thousand
weavers working in the region of Thana by the middle of the 14th
Century.
Different varieties of cloths were known like cotton, silk (which
was called differently as chinapatta, chinamsuka, chinambara etc)
wool etc. Cotton was the commonly available clothe and people of
lower class would afford to buy only cotton cloths which were of an
inferior kind compared to the silk and the wool. The fertile black soil
of Karnataka was very suitable for the cultivation of Cotton. The silk
yarn was made from the cocoon of silk worm and was a sign of
166
aristocracy. In fact when rich grants were made to the temple only silk
cloths were given. An inscription belonging to A.D.129239 refers to the
gift of 960 silk clothing’s made to some temple. Cloths were also
woven out of the wool of goat. Woollen cloths were used as blankets.40
Dodda Ballapura and Davanagere were noted for the manufacture of
such blankets.41 Dyes were made use off for colouring cloths. An
inscription form the Channapatna Taluk42 refers to the tax levied on
the colouring industry. Apart from the colouring, designing was also
made including embroidery.
Though Foreign travellers like Marcopolo and Ibn Batuta
mention that men wore two separate pieces of cloths, one to cover the
loins and the other spread over their shoulders. Whereas women wore
sarees, it is definitely known from the indigenous writers like
Somesvara, Harihara and a number of others that the art of tailoring
i.e., stitching a cloth into a required measurement with the aid of
thread and sewing needle was very well known and was very widely
practiced. In fact it had reached the stage of perfection.
Sugar and Jaggery were also important industrial productions.
Though inscriptions do not throw any important information, literary
sources clearly show that Jaggery and Sugar were extracted from
Sugarcane by a definite process. Un fact taxes levied on the jiggery
centres.
Oil production was another industry of considerable
importance. People relied on different oils for lighting. Apart from that
different varieties of oils were used for purpose of cooking, for
preparing many dishes, burning lamps in the temples etc. The oil mill
was invariably one made up of stone and oil presser was called as
Ganiga. Oils were extracted from sesame, coconut, groundnut etc. An
inscription from Belur43 refers to the extraction of oil from Coconut
(Tenginaenne) Salt manufacturing was another industry. But as the
167
Hoysala Empire reached the Sea coast in any directions, there was not
much scope for the manufacture of salt from the Sea water. But salt
was known to have been manufactured from the rocks called as the
rock salt. Other types of slats known are the sochal salt, the bida salt,
Somaka salt etc., as mentioned by Vignamesvara1.44
Carpentry had reached high standards by the time of the
Hoysalas. They were using agricultural accessories made of wood like
doors, beams, carts etc. Different types of woods like mango, Jack,
Audumoara etc. were used for making furniture carts which was
means of conveyance and were used for making transport during
those days were made of wood. Taxes were levied on carts (bandidere).
An inscription from the Kadur Taluk dated A.D.1291-92 refers some
tax levied on the carts.45 It is known from an inscription from the town
of Belur46 that the Chennakesava temple there had a Wooden Sikhara
which was replaced in the year A.D.1297-98 by one made of brick and
mortar. The sikhara in a temple would be naturally a fine piece of
architecture and therefore give us an idea of the standard of perfection
reached by carpenters in those days. Bamboo was abundant and
baskets, pans etc., were made out of it in large quantities. The makers
of such baskets had their own guild known as gavares.47
Pottery was another important industry like the carpentry. This
industry thrived like anything since very early times as this is the only
industry which does not require any heavy investment. On the other
hand the earthen pots produced by the potters had great demand
everywhere.
Metal industries had reached high state of perfection.
Inscriptions often refer to the Visvakarmakula which included men
who worked on metals like gold, silver, copper and even iron. Apart
from this, Virapanchalas a community often referred to in the
168
inscriptions of Vira Ballala III48 included goldsmiths, coiners and
black smiths.
The Hoysalas who were one of the strongest rulers during the
contemporary days had acquired lot of wealth. Of course by the time
of Vira Ballala III they were economically at the lowest off. But it can
be made out from the statements of the Muhammadan chronicles like
Feristah,49 Amir Khusrau,50 Barani51 and others that the amount of
wealth acquired by Mallik kafur was imaginable. It is known from
inscriptions that a separate officer called Manikya Bhandari had been
appointed to look after the jewel treasury of the king.52 A Bangalore
record of A.D.1278 gives an idea that silver was also used for the
preparation of items like trays, ornamentation for the God etc.
The weapons used in the war were usually made up of Iron and
Steel. Weapons like swords, spears, bows and arrows, daggers were
the main items of war weapons. Amir Khusrau while giving an
account of the Muhammadan conquest of the Southern Peninsula,
says that Ramachandra Provided the muhammadan general with
spears, bows, arrows and words etc.53 Dr.S.Gurajachar quotes an
inscription of the 11th Century A.D. and says that ballauya was the
person whose work was perhaps that of making swords.54
Trade and Commerce
The period of Hoysala hegemony was a period of great
commercial activity. The business was controlled by important
merchantable organisations or bodies which had a very prominent
role in the development of the society as a whole.
The main source of information for a study of the trade and
commerce during those days is the writings of the Foreign Travellers
like Marcopolo, Ibn Bastuta and a band of others and inscriptions
only give a skeletal picture. All important commercial activities
169
connected with the town had to take place only with the knowledge of
the Pattanaswami (Town Mayor). He was himself a senior merchant of
the town.
Foreign Trade was in brisk progress during this period. South
India had maintained trade contacts with western countries, through
the coast of Mabar.
Several Arab geographers like Marcopolo, Abdul Fida, Ibu
Batuta have left very valuable testimony regarding ports like
Honnavar, Thana, Manjarur (Mangalore) etc.
India, as is known was an agricultural Country, as is the case
even to this day. Naturally the main items of export included several
agricultural products. Among these spices formed very important and
prominent product. Dimishque says that large quantities of pepper
was the main item of export. He is supported by Ibn Batuta who says
that pepper and Ginger were the two main items that the Port of
Mangalore was busily exporting. Perhaps rice and Sugar as well as
coconuts were also exported from the ports in the west, perfumes and
scented sticks were other important articles of export. According to
Idrisi the region in and around the present day Sirur in the South
Kanara Districts was rich in many aromatic plants. Cotton cloth
Sandle wood, Areca nut, ghee and forest products were other items of
export.
The import included a wide range of goods such as metals,
cloths of a superior texture, horses, elephants, precious jewels like
diamonds, emeralds, and turquoises etc.
Import of metals mainly included gold and silver. Macropolo
says that Gold, silver and Copper were the important metals imported
through the port of Thana and he also points that the leading Country
in supplying gold to South India was Sumatra.
170
Textiles formed another important item of import. Varieties of
superior cloths like silk imported from the west. In fact the famous
Chinanbara is said to have been imported from China. Somesvara
refers to those cloths as Cina, mahacina.
Among the other items of import, horses and Elephants are
worth mentioning. Wasaaf55 and Macropolo56 say that this part of the
subcontinent imported horses in large number every year. The reason
they give for the necessity of a continuous supply of the item is that
the people here do not know to rear them.
As the Hoysala Empire was surrounded on all sides by land,
there was much scope for carrying on the land trade. There are
references in the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III for the existence of
jeweller’s shops, paddy shops, cotton shops, etc. and taxes were levied
on these shops. An inscription form the Tarikere Taluk of A.D.1297
refers to Devappa, a Rice merchant amd Nachanna, a wheat
merchant. Reference is often made to tax levied on such shops49a
called as Angadidere.
Establishment of fairs was very common. It is observed from the
inscriptions that ever a village was converted into a town or a new
town was erected fairs were established there. An inscription of the
late Hoysala Period states that the headman of Mugur along with all
the gaudas of the place agreed among themselves to establish a fair
and convert their village into town.57
It is observed in the inscriptions that there were different guild
organisations formed by merchants and the craftsman.
Merchants were generally living in the towns and cities where
there was plenty of scope for selling out their articles. In fact in
important towns and cities, they formed the dominant group.58
171
Many merchantile organisations who style themselves as the
saviours of Vira Bananju faith or law formed of many trade guilds like
the five hundred swamis of Ayyavole, Nandesis, Ubhayanandesis,
Mummaridandas, Gavares, Gatrigas, Settiguttas etc. It is really very
difficult to explain these terms Dr.P.B.Desai says that two different
merchantile corporation’s carrying on their activities inside as well as
outside the country.59 It is known from a bellary record60 that the
nanadesis included merchants from Chola, Lala, Maleyala, Telunga
and Kannada countries.
There is no uniform opinion regarding the explanation of the
term Mummaridanda. Dr. D.D.Barnett is of the opinion that they were
the bearers of Mummari staffs or sticks.61
Whatever may be the meaning of the above said guilds, it is
certain that the five hundred swamis of Ayyavole occupied a very
important place in the economic history of medieval Karnatka. It was
called as Ainnurruvar in the Tamil country. Dr.S.Gururajachar points
out that this organisation had a wide geographical distribution
extending from the Bangalore and Hassan districts upto Bellary.
Karnool and Ananathpur districts in the north.62
The trade inside the country was carried on mainly with the
help of carts normally driven by the bullocks, but often by asses and
buffaloes. Rivers also formed a mean of communication for internal
trade. It is known from a Chikkamagalur record63 that rivers were
crossed by means of fords.
Revenue Administration
It is very difficult to reconstruct the revenue administration of
the period merely on the basis of the inscriptions. The Hoysala had
attained stability in economy. Though their condition was not
altogether the same during the closing years of their rule, they
exhibited stability in matters of finances.
172
The sources of revenue to the Government were mainly the
taxes levied on lands, properties, business, industries, social taxes
and some miscellaneous ones.
It is well known that the Hoysalas during the days of Vira
Ballala III were continuously engaged in wars with powerful rulers like
the Pandyas, the Kakatiyas, and the Sevunas and also against the
muhammadans who came from the north. Thus the History of the
Hoysalas during the days of Vira ballla III is nothing but an account of
series of wars starting from the very year of his accession to the
Hoysalas throne up to his own death in A.D.1343. Quite naturally he
must have had poured sufficient finances for the military forces.
Unlike other rulers of the family, Vira Ballala III could not make much
use of the revenue for purpose other than the military.
Among the sources of revenue, land provided the major share.
The tax was not levied haphazardly. On the other hand it was fired
after a careful survey of the land. For the survey of land (Kamba) poles
of varying sizes were used. The unit of measurement was known as
Kambas, matters, etc. Perhaps there were measuring rods of different
specifications each having a particular name. There is reference in an
inscription64 to Ikkeri Kamba. The exact significance of this term is not
known. Perhaps it was the unit used at Ikkeri, the find spot of the
inscription. Another inscription from the Holakere Taluk dated
A.D.130765 refers to a type of measuring pole called as Chavulada
Praptakamba.
After the land was surveyed and measured the boundaries were
marked by fixing stones. The land measurement and survey were
made for the purpose of assessment and for collection of land tax. An
inscription from the Yalandur Taluk66 mentions that stones with
trident marks were fixed to mark the boundary.
173
Generally the land revenue was collected in the form of kinds.
The Government used to receive its share in kind and it had fixed
proportion regarding its collection. When there would be a lesser
production of the crop, the Government used to collect only nominal
revenue. But the land was also collected in terms of cash. An
inscription from the Bangalore Taluk67 refers to the fixation of land
tax for 70 shares at the rate of the two gadyanas per each share. It
was collected some time in instalment.
Apart from that considerations were shown by the Goverment
for the tax payers, like Sarvamanya, Ardhamanya, Umbali, etc.
Sarvamanya grant was usually made over to the Brahmins and the
religious institutions including the temples. In this the grantee was
freed from paying any tax for the land. Umbali is a type of land grant
which, according to Dr.Narasimha Murthy68 was made in appreciation
of heroic services. An inscription dated A.D.1314 from the Honnali
Taluk69 refers to the Umbali grant of six dandiges.
Taxes were levied on properties both movable and immovable.
An inscription from the T.Narasipur Taluk70 makes reference to taxes
levied on houses, on sites whether occupied by house or cultivated or
even uncultivated.
Professional Taxes were another source of revenue to the
Government. In fact no profession was left untaxed. To mention a few,
taxes were levied on accountants,71 five artisans, salt makers,72
wrestlers,73 looms74 etc. Tax was collected usually in cash and the
collection tax in kind was not popularly known.
Tax on the trade and commercial transactions brought a large
share to the imperial treasury. ‘Sunka’ is the general term used for the
custom duties levied on. B.L.Rice points75 out that ‘Perjjunks’ or
‘Hejjunka’ was tax levied on the wholesale articles. An inscription from
174
Krishnarajpet Taluk dated 132276 A.D. refers to the Hejjunke of the
village Hariharapura. Kirukula sunka was the tax levied on the retail
goods. An inscription from Chitraduraga Taluk dated A.D.132877
refers to Kirukula tax made for the sampige Siddesvara temple.
Considerable amount of revenue was derived from the custom duties
levied on the import and export goods. Inscriptions make reference to
certain terms for imports and exports. ‘Volavaru’ or ‘vola sunka’ was
the term used for the imports of products and Horavaru or Horasunka
was the term used for export of articles.78
Taxes were levied on animals like Horse and Elephants. As an
inscription from the Hosakote Taluk dated A.D.133479 one pana was
the tax levied on each horse. Another inscription from the Kolar taluk
of A.D.1330 gives some more details regarding the sunka levied on
animals. It says that ten panas was the Sunka for an Elephant and
one pana was the sunka for a Horse.80
Usually tax was levied in kind for articles like areca nut, beetle
leaves, salt, ghee etc. The duties levied varied according to the
quantity of each article. Thus forty nuts was the duty levied for every
bullock cart load of areca nuts, one Alakku for every load of beetle
leaves and One Alakku for every load of salt, one uri for every load of
grains etc.81
Taxes on industrial establishments provide another major
source to the treasury. Several important industries were subject to
taxation. Thus tax was levied on the looms. Inscriptions often make
reference to taxes on looms82 sugarcane mills83 (aledere) manufacture
of salts,84 oil mills (ganada sunka)85 mining of iron ores86 and etc. A
peculiar type of tax was levied and this was on smoke.87 Perhaps
smoke here may mean the smoke coming out from the industries.
175
Peculiarly enough it is seen in the inscriptions that taxes were
levied on social and communal creeds. It is interesting to note that tax
levied on marriages (maduvedere) and it was collected from the bride
and bridegroom parties.88 Tax was levied on pendals established on
festive occasions called as ‘Handaruvana89 on the ornament worn on
the forehead (Basigadere). An epigraph90 refers to a few taxes
including taxes on the minor communities.
Apart from the taxes mentioned above tax levied in the name if
Vira Ballala III. An inscription from Vettavalam in Tiruvannamalai
Taluk91 refers to Mamadi (mummadi) ‘Vallaladevan kanikkai; Again it
is known from the inscriptions of the Yadavarays that Vallaladevan
vari was one of the taxes92 levied in the Yadavaraya country, probably
as a token of their subordination to the Hoysala King.
Contributions were made by private individuals on the occasion
of the birth of a prince, cornation of a king to the thrones, marriage in
a royal family, etc. There is indirect evidence in an inscription of Vira
Ballala III93 which says that a person who had received certain village
as grant was not to pay any contribution even on such occasions like
the birth of a son in the royal family or kings coronation.
There are a large number of inscriptions which often make
reference to revenue collected through courts. These were in the form
fines levied for inflicting some sin or other. Such taxes like tappu
(fault), Tavudi (? Tavadu=decrease: Kittel’s Kannada – English
Dictionary P.701) Hadara (adultery) Kalavu (theft) etc.
The revenue thus collected from different sources was made use
of for the good of the country. Tanks, Chatras, temples and various
other items of public importance were established and facilities were
provide to the people, though the major portion of it was spent for
military expenditure during the days of Vira Ballala III.
176
REFERENCES
1. E.C. VII Sk 185., P.
2. EI XIV., P. 277
3. S. Gururajachar. Economic & Social life in Karnataka.A.D.1000-
1300., P.18
4. E.C.V., B1 137
5. A.S.Altekar- Rashtrakuter & their times.,
6. E.C. XIV Tn 72., P.220
7. E.C Xi Hk 136., PP. 396 - 98
8. E.C. IV Kr 43., PP. 297 - 98
9. E.C. VII Tk 43., 45.,
10. E.C. V Hn 66.,
11. E.C . XI Cd 6.,
12. B.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar- History of Medival Karnataka Part
II- P.49
13. E.C. VI Mg 20.,
14. S.Gururjachar Op. Cit., P.22
15. E.C. IX Cp 84.,
16. Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions 1936 – 37., No. 71
17. E.C. X Bp 38 A.,
18. 1a) Dr.A.V.Narasimhamurthy., Op. Cit., P. 162
19. E.C. VI Tk 54
20. E.C. VII H1 76., PP 406 – 07
21. Dr. S. Gururajachar., Op. Cit., P.40
22. A.Appadoral, Economic Conditions of South Indi., Vol.I. P.25
23. S.Gururajachar., Op. Cit., P.41
24. E.C. VI Kp 78.,
25. S.Gurajachar Op. Cit., P. 41
26. E.C. III Tn 22., P. 212
27. E.C. VI Tk 86., PP. 474 – 76
28. E.C. VIII Sb 183.,
29. E.C. VIII Sa 109.,
30. E.C.V B1 137.,
177
31. M.A.R. 1911., P.51., Para 110
32. M.A.R 1911., P. 51
33. S . IT XIX I P. 226
34. E.C. XII TP 2.,
35. E.C. XII Md 3., PP. 307 – 08
36. M.A.R. 1937., Ch 52., PP. 202 – 03
37. M.E.R. 1919., No. 207., P.17
38. E.C. XI Cd. 21.,
39. Marcopolo Vol II., P.365
40. Appadoral., Op. Cit., P.452
41. Andhrapradesh Govt. Archaeological Series, No.9, Ins.No.15
42. E.C. IX D.B.31.,
43. S.Gururajachar, Op. Cit., P. 72
44. E.C. IX C.P. 66,
45. E.C. V. B1. 155
46. S.Gururajachar , Op. Cit., P.76
47. E.C. VI Kdu. 9.,
48. M.A.R. 1911. No.63., P.50
49. E.C. VII . Sk. 118.,
50. E.C. XII Gbc 9., PP.59 – 60
51. Briggs Translation of Feristah 5) E.C. IX Cp. 65.,
52. Khazain – ul- Futuh of Amir Khudran 6) Khazains ul – Futuh
of Amir Khusran., P. 84
53. Rizvi. R. Hindi Translation, Agra edition
54. E.C.V. Ak. 123
55. S. Gururajachar, Op.cit., P.89
56. Mohamad Naynar, Arab Geographers’ Knowledge of South India,
P.61
57. S.Gururajachar, Op. Cit. P. 107
58. Elliot and Downson, Vol.III, PP.33 -34
59. K.A.N. Sastri, Foreign Notices of South India, PP. 166 – 67
60. E.C. VI . Tk.88., PP. 470 – 76
61. E.C.IV. Ng.38.,
178
62. M.A.R. 1912, P – 45
63. Dr.G.S.Dikshit: Local Self Govt.in the Medieval Karnataka, P.
160
64. Dr. S.Gururajachar: Op. Cit., P. 117
65. S .I. I. IX No. 297
66. Dr.S.Gururajachar: Op. Cit., P. 118
67. Dr.S.Gururajachar., Op. Cit., P. 120
68. E.C. Vi Cm 122.,
69. E. C. Kr. 43., PP. 297 – 98
70. E.C. XI. Hk. 136., PP. 396 – 98
71. E.C. IV. IV. Y1. 57., P. 32
72. E.C. IX. Bn., P.3
73. A.V. Narasimha Murthy: The Sevunas of Devagiri., P. 163
74. E.C. VII. A1. 76., PP. 406 – 07
75. E.C. III. Tn. 27., P.216
76. E.C. III Tn 27., P. 216
77. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15
78. E.C. VI Kd 49., PP. 45 - 49
79. E.C. XII Md 3., PP. 307 - 08
80. B. L. Rice: Mysore and Coorg Inscriptions: P.175
81. E.C. IV Kr 44., P. 298
82. E.C. XI Cd 4., PP. 5 - 7
83. E.C. VII Sh 78.,
84. E.C. IX H. 96., P. 99
85. E.C. X K1 70., P. 19
86. Ibid
87. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15
88. E.C. VI Kd 49., PP. 45 – 9
89. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15
90. M.A.R. 1939., My 53., PP. 179 - 80
91. E.C. IX Cp 66
92. E.C. VI Kd 49., PP. 45 - 9
93. E.C. XVI Ck 71., P. 15
179
94. E.C. VII H1 46.,
95. M.E.R. 1919., No. 207., P. 17
96. A.R.S.I.E. 1921 – 22., P. 11
97. M.A.R. 1910., P. 36
180
CHPATER-VII RELIGIOUS LIFE DURING BALLALA III
The Hoysala rule witnessed a harmonious blending of different
religious and it is interesting to note that its rulers maintained a
eclectic out look towards all religions.
The Hoysala to start with were Jains. In fact up to the reign of
Vishnuvarshana they professed the Jaina faith though they were
tolerant towards other religions. It is known from the literary sources
both by Jaina authorities and the Vaishnava that there were constant
clashes between the two religions, particularly during the days of
Vishnuvardhana. Vishnuvardhana whom several scholars consider as
having changed his faith and joined the newly introduced
Vaishnuvism, strongly state that he did so after getting disgusted with
the practices in the Jaina religion. Mr.Srikantiayya says that
Vishnuvardhana was convinced of the venality of the Jaina gurus and
iability of the Jains gurus to adjust to the growing condition of his
days.1 He also says that Vishnuvardhana was so much impressed by
the depth in knowledge of Ramanuja who defeated the Jain tenets in
dispute that he embrassed the Vaishnava religion. It is stated that a
Jaina Basadi was built somewhere in A.D.1118 belonging to the
Posthaka gaseheha of the Desiya gans of mulasangha and only jains
belonging to the above group could enjoy the lands granted for the
Basadi.1 This along with other had remarks brought the Jaina faith to
ruin.
The latest trend among scholars is that Vishnuvardhana was
not converted to Vaishnavism.2 Sri.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar who
supports the theory of Vishnuvardhans’s conversion says that
Ramanuja immigrated to Karnataka and converted Bittideva to
Vaishanavism.2A But there are inscriptional grounds to prove that Sri
Vaishnnavism was already an existing religion even earlier than
A.D.1014.
181
The latest trend among scholars is that Vishnuvardhana was
not converted to Vaishnavism.3 Sri.S.Krishnaswami Aiyangar who
supports the theory of Vishnuvardhan’s conversion says that
Ramanuja immigrated to Karnataka and converted Bittideva to
Vaishnavism3A. But there are inscriptional grounds to prove that Sri
Vaishnavism was already an existing religion even earlier than
A.D.1014.
The same eclectic outlook was adopted by all the Hoysala rulers
including Vira Ballala III. He was as evidenced by the inscriptions was
tolerant towards all religious and made grants to institutions
belonging to all the religious. The three important religious that
influenced the people of Karnataka were Jainism, Savism and
Vaishnavism. Vira Saivism which made its beginning in the 12th
century lost its importance almost immediately after the dath of
Basavanna. It was revived only somewhere in the Fifteenth century.
Hence no inscription of Vira Ballala III makes reference to this religion
in any connection.
Jainism
Among the three religions referred to above Jainism was on the
wave. Only very few inscriptions of the period make reference to the
activities of this religion. But Saivism and Vaishnavism were still the
dominating religions.
It must be remembered that the history of Jainism in South
India is nothing but the study of Jainism in Karnataka1 for Karnataka
was the cradle in its Childhood. It attained a shape and prominence
under the patronage of powerful dynasties like the Gangas and the
Western Chalukyas. The contribution of Jainism in the fields of
literature, art architecture have left deep impression on the life of
people in Karnataka.4
182
The very beginning of the Hoysala dynasty is largely due to a
Jaina teacher Sudatta, also called as varidhamana according to an
inscription from the Sorab Taluk.5 Sala the legendary hero who was
the proginator of the Hoysala family was a devout Jaina.
Janisim continued to gain patronage during the days of
Vinayaditya his son Ereyanga and his successor Ballala I. Inscriptions
make reference to the construction of several Basadis and grants
made to the Jaina Institutions.6
The reign of Vishnuvardhana marked a turning point in the
development of Jaina religion in Karnatka. It was during the days of
Vishnuvardhana that Sri Vaishnavism gained prominence here in
Karnatka. Though it is said that this ruler favoured Sri Vaishanavism
at the cost of Jainism, Jainism saw the Zenith of its popularity during
his days. Sanatala Devi the chief Queen of Vishnuvardhana was an
active supporter of Jainism. She is described as “a rampart to the
Jaina Faith” and as “Crest Jewel of great faith in Jainism”. Her
parents were also great Jaina devotees. She made large number of
grants to the Jainism. She caused to be a made a tank called
Vilasanakatte and granted it to one of the basadis at Sravan Belgola, a
great Jaina centre. Savatigamda Varane Basadi was one of the
basadis that were built by her.
Vishnuvardhana did not lag behind in extended patronage to
Jainism. To quote Buchanam like his predecessor Ballalaraya, he was
an ardent worshipper of Jaina.7
Tradition says that Vishnuvardhana allowed the destruction of
Jaina Temple.8 But things as they are left, do not give an impression
that such things could not have taken place at time when tolerance
was the key word. He could have never raised his hand against a
religion which was the religion of his chief queen his beloved. Added to
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this most of his generals were Jains. Gangaraja was very important
among them, who received several prizy awards from his sovereign.8
He got built up several Jaina temple like Indra Kulla griha, Kattala
Basadi i.e., at Sravana Belagola. Apart from this it is known that
Boppa, a general of his got constructed the Parsvanatha Basadi at
Dorasamudra in the name of the famous general Gangaraja.
Hayavadana Rao opines that his so called conversion to Sri
Vaishnavism did not change his attitude towards the Jaina faith and
in fact he had kept close contact with the Jaina teachers till his end.9
By the time of Vira Ballala III’s accession to the Hoysala throne,
the situation was not different. Only very few inscriptions of his times
make mention of the activities of Jaina religion. None of those few
inscriptions gives us any clue to think that Vira Ballala III personally
favoured this religion, though one or two among them mention his
officers making grants to the Jaina temples. The only exception is
form “Sagar Taluk, an inscription from which palce refers to Vira
Ballala III as the worshipper of the God Gummatanatha i.e.,
Gommatesvara. The remaining inscriptions are all issued by the
members of the faith.
Usually in connection with the mentioning of Jain Sainsts, their
“sangha”, gana, gaccha, Anvaya are pointed out. For example
Chandrakiriti, son of Maldharo Balachandra belonged to Mula sangha
Desiyagans, Pusthaka gaccha.10 Only Jains belonging to the above
group are mentioned in the inscriptions of Vira Ballala III.
Saints among men were called Nigranthas or Savanas and
among women they were known as “Kanthi”. These Kanthis had their
own desciples. They were expected to wear white sarees.11 It was
believed that the Kanthis could become men in the next life by
performing fierce penance and then only could get moksha. An
184
inscription from Santisvara Santisvara Desadi at Narasomharajapura
has on it a figure of Jaina of about 4ft high. It states that the image
was caused to be set up by a disciple of Chaudiyabbe Kantt3.
Samadhi
Death by Samadhi was a common practice among the Jainas.12
One who was prepared to die by Samadhi was expected to stop taking
food and drink and to relieve himself from all sorts of attachments like
friendship, enmity etc., and think of God always. He had to follow
certain necessary observations. An inscription form the Nagar taluk13
refers to the death by Samadhi of Bommagauda who was a disciple of
Jaina guru Siddhanta Yogindra. Another inscription from Belur14 syas
that Ramachandra Maladhari deva died by performing Samadhi Vrata.
Nisadi
When persons died by performing Sallakhana, memorial stones
were erected for them called ‘Nisadigallu’. P.K.Acharya calls it as a
house for rest, a tomb, a monument.15 This was considere as very
sacred ones.
Basadi
The Jaina saints were expected to be on the move during all the
year except in the rainy season. But this rule was relaxed gradually
and basadis became regular, residing palces.16
It appears that the basadi had, as an apartment in them, the
ganshagudi. It may be assumed that it was a portion where people
would light jasticks. An inscription belonging to A.D.1301 refers to
Padmanandi Bhattaraka, who got constructed the gandhagudi in the
Hasnayanahalli Basadi.17
From the above brief survey it would be evident that Jainism
was patronised by all the Hoysala rulers or at least by most of them. It
185
exercised profound influence on the people at large. The decline of
Jainism was partly due to the fact that their theory and principles did
not suit to the necessities of those times and partly due to coming into
prominence of Vaishnavism and Saivism.
Saivism
Saivism was the most dominant religious of South India,
particularly in Karnatka and it was next only to Jainism in popularity
till the rise of Virasaivism.18
As early as A.D.1063 Saiva temple were constructed by the
Hoysalas for an inscription belonging to that year from the Kadur
Taluk makes reference to the construction of a Siva Temple and
grants made to it19 and this same outlook towards “Saivism continued
ian an unbroken fashion till the very end of the Hoysalas. Gifts of
perpetual lamp as well as other grants by individuals were very
common. An inscription from the grant made to the God Ramesvara at
Agara by the mahajanas of that place. Another inscription from the
Gubbi Taluk of the same date makes mention of a grant of perpetual
lamp to the God Kailasam Udaiyar of Dasaratharama Chaturvedi
mangalam.20
Grants to the Siava temples were made by the Royal palace and
its officers also. Machaya Dannayaka, one of the prominent officers of
Vira Ballala III was follower of Saiva religion and he made several
grants to the Saiva temples. One such grant was made to the God
Hoysalesvara. The grant was received by Padmarasipandita.21
In the year A.D.1300-01 Vira Balla III addressed the heads of
mathas and sthanas in the temples situated in the Kundani Kingdom
that he had remitted all kinds of taxes including the taxes on looms,
goldsmiths’ etc.22 Almost all these addresses of remission of taxes
186
were made to the Saiva Temples in the newly acquired regions which
earlier belonged to his uncle Ramanatha.
Apart from such remission of taxes, Vira Ballal III also made
grants of lands for the Saiva temples and one such land was made to
the God Tiruvira Misvaram Udaiya Nayanar of Kundani.23
Thus an enlightened outlook was exhibited by all the Hoysala
rulers towards the Saiva religion and this religion in turn exercised
influence on the people at large.
Lakula Samaya is another name given to the Saiva religion.24
Dr.Chidananda Murthy, quoting Dr.R.G.Bhandarkar says that the
former was in vogue earlier to pasupatasamaya and Saiva Dharma.25
It is known from an epigraph dated A.D.1292 from the Chikkanayaka-
nahalli that Padmarasipandita belonged to this Lakulagamasamaya.
The lakulas or pasupatas were also called as Kalamukha. Sri
Gopinatha Rao in his “Elements of Hindu Iconography” says that they
were called as kalamukhas, perhaps because they were smearing
black patches on their face.26 Just like Lakulasamaya they were
belonging to Kalamukha samaya.27 Srisaila was a famous centre of the
Kalamukhas.28
The age of the Hoysalas coincided with the emergence of Vira
Saivism under the inspiring leadership of Basavanna. But it suddenly
lost its popularity with the the death and disappearance of Basavann
and its revival tokk palce only in the early part of 15th Century.
Dr.R.S.Muguli in his Heritage of Karnataka points out that the period
of the Hoysala rule was a period of unsurpassed spiritual fervour29
and several mystics like Allamaprabhu, Akkamahadevi and most a
host of others worked hard to give a different outlook to the saiva
religion.
187
Vaishnavism
This religion gained prominence by the time of Vishnu
Vardhana after he came under the influence of Ramanujacharya.
The theory that Vishnuvardhana was converted Vaishnavism in
refuted. If anything his zeal for Vaishnavism was very active and he
constructed the Panchanarayana temples at Belur, Talkad, Bannur
and Gadag.
Ramanuja who influenced Vishnuvardhana got constructed
mathams at different palces and one such matham was constructed at
Melkote called as Yatiraja matha.30 He was granted a large area of
land by the king.
This great inclination shown by Vishnuvardhana continued
during the reign of the succeeding Hoysala rulers and by the time of
Vira Ballala III, Vaishnavism had definitely dominated the religious
history of Karnattaka. As stated by B.S.K .Aiyanagar31 a great zeal was
exhibited during the reign of Vira Ballala III for the development of
Vaishanavism, but definitely not at the cost of other religions. During
the hey days of the Hoysala rule several great Vishnave scholars came
and settled in different parts of Karnataka and made great
contributions to the religion and literature of those times. Kanchi,
Melkote, Srirangam, Tirupati and several other places became great
centres of Vaishnavism. Vira Ballala III personally visited all these
places and made liberal grants to great scholars and poets. It is
known from an inscription from Yadatore Taluk32 that Embar, a
cousin of Sri Ramanuja and Mudaliyandan, a nephew of his jointly
supervised the construction of several Vaishnava temple in the
Hoysala country and conferred several privileges to the inhabitants of
the Village Saligrama. Vedant Desika one of the greatest among the
contemporary philosophers being disturbed by the Muhammadan
attacks on Mabar ran to Vira Ballala’s territories in the plains and
188
resided at Sathyamangala carrying with him, the commentary on
Ramanujacharya’s Sri Bhasya.
Singaya Dannayaka and Ketayya Dannayaka sons of
Mahapradhani Madhava Dannayaka were two officers of Vira Ballal
III. Singaya Dannayaka had been posted to the capital of Yadavarayas
as a representative of the Hoysalas there. Inscriptions clearly show the
amount of power exerted by this officer there. It was this officer who
stated the festival called ‘Sitakkaragandan sandhi’ in the month of
Adi,33 evidently after one of the titles borne by his father
Mahapradhani Madhava Dannayaka. He was also responsible for the
erection of a matha in the same name where arrangements had been
made to feed thirty two Vaishnavas everyday.33a Punganur was
granted for the maintenance of this Temple after changing its name as
Singanllur.
Kanchi was another place which became an important centre of
Vaishnavism. Vira Ballala III visited this several times and made very
rich grants to men of letters and honoured them and presented a
throne called ‘Vira Ballalan’ throne and palced it in the Abhisekha
mandapa.
Vallappa Dannayaka, brother of Singaya Dannayaka and the
son mahapradhani Somaya Dannayaka also made several grants to
the Vaishnava temples. He represented Vira Ballala III in regions in
and around Kolar. He is seen in an inscription of A.D.1293 making
some land grants to the god Valavanda pperumal.34 Somaya
Dannayaka also made grants to the Vaishnava temples and he was
responsible for the replacement of the wooden sikhara to one built of
brick and mortar on the Chennakesava temple at Belur.35
It will not be out of scope of our study if mention is made of
Madhava charya who was greatly responsible for the development of
189
Kannada culture and literature and for the development of Vaishnava
religion. His philosophy is popularly known as Daviata philosophy.
His birth took place at a small village Sivalli, very near to Udupi. He
travelled all over the south India and preached the Dvaita philosophy.
It was Madhavacharya who started the Haridasa literature and his two
compositions have come to light. He died somewhere in A.D.1276 by
which time the Dvaita philosophy had gained a firm footing.
Thus in the history of Vaishnava religion in Karnataka, three
important phases can be observed viz., the Vaishnava religion that
existed befor the influence of Ramanujacharya, Ramanuja Charya’s
Sri Vaishnavism and the Dvaita philosophy of Madhvacharya.
190
REFERENCES
1. QJMS VII., P. 307
2. Coelho, Op. Cit., P. 281
3. Q.J.M.S. LXIV. PP. 1 -3. @A. Ibid
4. E.C. IX Cp. 129.,
5. B.A. Saletore, Medieval Jainism., P.2
6. Jainism under Hoysalas Dr. H.V.Srenivasa Murthy in Hoysala
Dynasty,
7. Ed.B.Sheik Ali
8. E.C. VIII. SE. 28
9. E.C. V. CP. 148
10. Buchnan Travels, II, Ch. VII. P. 80
11. E.C. II S.B. 73
12. Mysore Gazeeteer Vo.II., P.1326
13. E.C. II SB 75
14. E.C. VIII Sa 107., P 298
15. E.C. XII. Ck. 24., PP. 223 – 24
16. Chidanada Murthy, Karnataka Sasangala Sanskritka
Adhyayana., P. 83
17. M.A.R. 1916., P. 8
18. Stevenson The Heart of Jainism P. 163
19. M.A.R. 1934., P. 177
20. E.C. V. B1 134., P. 263
21. Chidananda Murthy., Op. Cit., P. 97
22. Ibid. P. 88
23. E.C. IV. Hn. 14., P. 231
24. E.C. XII. Gb.22., P. 21
25. Dr.Chidananda Murthy, Op. Cit., P. 129
26. E.C. VI. Kd. 161.,
27. E.C. XIV Y1. 57., P. 40
28. E.C. XVI. Ck. 54., P. 5
191
29. E.C. IX. Bn. 51., P. 22., E.C.X.Mr.71 & 100, P.170 & P.179.,
E.C.X.Sd.20.,P201
30. E.C. X. Mr.67., P. 170
31. Chidanda Murthy., Op.cit., P. 128
32. Ibid
33. E.C. XVI. Ck. 54., P. 5
34. Chidananda Murthy., Op. Cit., P. 129
35. S.I.I. IX. i., No. 235
36. Journal of Indian History XXVII., P.50
37. B.S.Krishnaswami Ayangar,History of Medieval
Karnataka,Vol.II., P.23
38. E.C. III Sr. 64
39. B.S.K. Aiyangar, Op. Cit., P. 19
40. E.C. XIV Yd 90.,
41. Tirupati Devasthanam Epigraphical Report., P. 12
42. Ibid. P. 46
43. E.C. X K1 102., P. 31
44. E.C. V B1 24., P. 164
192
CHPATER-VIII EDUCATION AND LITERATURE DURING
BALLALA III
Education
In olden days only certain classes of people were entitled for
education. Inscriptions as well as literary sources often make
reference to the fact that education was one of the basic essentials for
the princes, particularly the crown prince’s.
The important centres of learning were the temple, basadi or
matha, agrahara, Ghatiks sthana and Brahmapuri. Among these, the
agraharas are very commonly referred to in the inscriptions of the
Hoysala rulers. During the days of Vira Ballala III, Tirumakudalu
Narsipura and agrahara was great educational centre. It was to this
educational centre that perumale Dannayaka made land grants for
teaching various branches of learning like Sanskrit, Tigula, Marathi,
Telugu and other languages.1 Udbhava Narasimhapura i.e., Maddure,
Talkad, Melkote were some of the important educational centres.
Regarding the derivation of the term ’agrahara’ Professor
D.L.Narasimhachar says that it was a place where people of superior
castes could live.2 It was believed that by constructing agrahara towns
and granting them to Brahmins, one could easily attain svarga. Those
Brahmins who received agraharas as grants became mahajanas and
carried on the administration there.
Dr.Chidanandamurthy ponts out that the agrahara was not
strictly restricted for the Brahmins. On the other hand people
belonging to other castes and creed were also entertained there.3 The
educational centres inside a city were known as Brahmapuri. It was in
the Brahmaouris that the Brahmin scholars carried on their duties.
Compared to agraharas which are very large in number, the numbers
193
of Brahmapuris were considerably less. About teaching of different
aspects of learning there does not seem to have been any speciality in
a Brahmapuri compared to the agrahara.
Ghatikasthana was another educational centre. Inscriptions of
Vira Ballal III do not refer to the Ghatikasthanas though inscriptions
of earlier dates make much reference to these educational centres. In
fact an inscription from Shikaripur Taluk dated back to A.D.450 says
that Mayura Sharama, the progenitor of the Kadamba family was
trained up in the Ghatikasthanas of Kanchi.4 There was a
Ghatikasthana at Kuntala country (northern part of the Shimoga
District) in the latter half of the twelfth century.5
Temples and Basadi were the most important among the
educational centre. Almost every big temple was an educational centre
in olden days. There is abundant reference to grants made for
promoting education in the temples. Chidanandamurthy points out
that Basadis were well known as educational centres even prior to 8th
century.6 It was in temple that Sala the progenitor of the Hoysala line,
was learning when tiger came there and he killed it.
Karnataka, like any other other part of the Southern Peninsula
gave importance to the study of different languages like Sanskrit,
Kannada, Marathi, Tigula etc. An inscription from T.Narasipura7
already referred to says that grants were made to teachers who taught
Rig-Veda and to teachers who taught Sanskrit, Kannada, Tamil etc.
(Nagara Kannada tigutarya manodisuva Balasikseya Upadhyayarige)
Literature
The Hoysala period witnessed great development in Literature.
Several great scholars like Harihara, Raghavanka, Kanti and a host of
others have richly contributed to the development of literature here.
194
Sanskrit was the language that signified higher culture and
remained to be even during the days of Hoysala rule. Some of the
Sanskrit works like Gadhyakarnamruta provides important historical
material. The author of this work is not known. Then comes
Guruvamsa Mahakavya of Lakshmana Sastri who flourished in the
early part of the 18th century. This of course provides some historical
information regarding the conflicts between Vira Ballala III and the
Sangama borthers Harihara and Bukka.
Rukmini Kalyana, a mahakaya written by Sri Vidyachakra-
vartin, the court poet of Vira Ballala III, in 8 centres describe in a
poetic style the marriage of Rukmini with Srikrishna, the lord of
Yadavakula. The introductory canto gives a brief history of the
Hoysala from the days of Vira Ballal II up to the reign of Vira Ballala
III about whom the author presents very important information.
Next to Sanskrit stands the Kannada literature both in
historical importance and literary value. Several great scholars
flourished under the Hoysalas. A few scholars worth mentioning are
Nagachandra who was also called as Abhinava Pampa, the author of
“mallinatha Purana”, Harihara and Raghavanka , the epoch making
poets, authors of ‘Pampasataka’ and Harichandra Kaya respectively.
Janna author of Leelavati Prabhandam, Rudra Bhata, author of
Jagannatha Vijaya, Achanna, author of Verdhamana Purana,
Mallikarjuna, author of Sukti Sundharnava, Kesiraja author of
Sabdamani Darpana etc. All these scholars lived between the 11th
and 13th centuries. By the time Vira Ballala III became the Hoysala
monarch, Kannada literature any literature for that matter received
very little patronage.
Some historically important literary pieces like Kumara Ramana
Sangatyagalu Arunachal Puranam, ballaloraya Charitre were written
during the times of Vira Ballal III. Among works of literary value,
195
mention may be made of Punyasrava of Nagaraja. A Jaina poet
(A.D.1331). This poet belonged to the Kansiak Gotra, his parents were
Viveka Vittaladeva and Bhagirathi. “Punyasrava” is written in the
Champu style. The poet has praised Jinendra in the beginning of his
work.
Persian and Arabic literature is help full for the reconstruction
of the Hoysala history during the days of Vira Ballal III.Reference to
several Persian writers like Amir Khusran, Wasaoof, Barani. Feristah,
Isami and Ibn Batuta and their works have already been made.
196
REFERENCES
1. E.C. III. Tn. 27., P.216
2. Chidanandamurthy: Op. Cit., P. 209
3. Ibid. P. 214
4. E.C. VII Sk 176
5. Ibid Sk 197
6. Chidanandamurthy: Op. Cit., P. 217
7. E.C. III Tn. 27., P. 216
197
CHAPTER-IX INFERNENCES
Among the factors that were responsible for the decline of
Hoysala dynasty. The important one was that Hoysala Empire was
divided between Narasimha III, (1254 AD-1292) and Ramanatha (from
1254 AD to 1295 AD), the brothers of Hoysala dynasty and both of
these, entrusted, the major share of the kingdom i.e. Kannada
speaking regions, including capital Dwarasamudra to Narasimha the
son of Someshwara. Tamil regions, Salem district, Vapanasham,
Mannargudi Toluks, eastern parts of Padukotti Kingdom and districts
of modern Kolar were entrusted to Ramantha-Kannanor became his
capital.
Some scholars are of the opinion that, the division of this
kingdom, was done mainly to run the administration smoothly. This
partition was done smoothly. It may be difficult to agree with the
partition of this empire, in view of the existence of the integrated
Rashtrakuta and integrated Chola empires before the period of
Hoysalas. In any page of History, too, partition is not made for the
sake of smooth administration. Therefore, it is not possible to accept
that division was done for the sake of administration. Sons of
Someshwara did this division for political ambition.
Though this division was made peacefully, it did not bring either
peace or safety to Hoysala Empire. From this it seemed they dug the
grave of Hoysala Empire, themselves slowly and patiently. At this
stage, the partition, exhibited the incapabilities and weakness that
were present in Hoysala Empire and moreover, this partition was not
merely physical or geographical it was also, the division of hearts,
loyalties and wealth. But the damage was done and there was no
question of returning to old path. Because of this deed of
Someshwara began the long term effects and series of reactions. As if,
198
it was its climax, there occurred the tragedy of Ballala III, in
Madhurai. Once Ramanatha, having felt the taste of power, he was
not prepared to forego it. For that, he was ready to pay any price, or
to face any risk. He did not give value even to the integrity of
Hoysalas. If it were only for the administrative problem, Ramanath
would not have faced the situation of attacking his own native place.
During the period of Pandyan king Rajamaravarman, Kulashekharan,
the condition of Ramanatha was weak. Because of all these above
said reasons, it is hard to believe that there was only administrative
reason.
Thus, for about 1254, there were two rulers for Hoysala empire.
If Kulashekara Maravarman gave trouble to Ramanath in the south,
there was trouble from Yadavas, Sevunas, and Kakatiyas to
Narasimha III. Still, Ramantha and Narasimha III did not face
enemies together. In that way, money and strength both were wasted,
when enemies attacked the empire, both brothers were fighting for
themselves. Once Hoysalas had adopted the policy of establishment
and destruction to establish their power successfully. But, enemies,
by adopting these polices, they themselves had reached the stage of
becoming the targets of this situation.
Taking advantage of the situation of this civilized outrage, many
Dandanayakas, who were the Pillars of Hoysala kingdom, had rebelled
against their superior officers. As mentioned in the epigraph, Ballala,
who rebelled against Ballala III, the successor of Narasimha III. The
chief of ‘Banavasi’ had captured Kongu, Nangali, Talakadu, Hanagal
and Uchchangi. All regions mentioned above, were the very parts of
Hoysalas. If so, where does the question arise of capturing them
again. Perhaps, Dandanayakas of this region, might have rebelled
against Ballala III. Titles assigned to Ballala III, such as
‘Pratapachakravarthy’, ‘Mahamandaleshwara’ were only for formalities
sake and they were not true. As we have seen in epigraphs,
199
Dandanayakas without taking the king’s permission, levied tax as per
the direction of Mahapradhana, names as such army chief, senior
Dandanayaka are mentioned, this shows the liberty enjoyed by
Dandanayakas. In many references of the period of Ballala III, either
this title or the place from where does he rule are not mentioned. The
references of the charities made by Ballala III are found less in his
reign. Stoppage of temple construction too is the testimony of Political
division.
It is not false that Ballala made efforts to uphold the unity of the
empire. He tried to united Karnataka and Tamilnadu. After the death
of Kulashekar, the civilized rebellion that began in the kingdom of
Pandyas, gave a chance to understand his end. To get back the
regions lost by Ramanatha, he helped one or the other group, but his
fruitless effort became unsuccessful because of the sudden raid of
Malikafar, who came from North India in 1310.
Because of the raids of Mallikafur for Ballala III had two
choices. Fight against them, or to surrender and live peacefully. As
per the suggestions of the nobles of the state he had to fight against
Mallikafur. Due to his enemies strength and forces, he decided to
surrender. Thus, the famous Dwarasamudra capital city perished.
Still, two more raids were made from North-India. In 1318 and
1326, Muhammad-Bin-Toghaluk, invaded Hoysala empire during the
period of Ballala III. This had ruined both wealth and prestige.
Ballala III found place for himself in Tirunnamali in Tamilnadu. In
1336, in Madhurai began the era of Sultans there the disintegration of
Hoysala empire was complete.
Some scholars are of the opinion that, the struggle made by
Ballala III for his survival, in his last days was religious one. Ballala
III after coming to Tiruvannamali, he left the idea of exercising his
200
power on Hindu Monarchs. He felt, that a united effort was necessary
to rebel against Muslim invaders. By making Tiruvannamali his
capital and by his efforts, gaining a little confidence among the Hindu
rulers of the south caused a little tension in the minds of sultans of
Madhurai and safe guarding of Hinduism became the important
matter. In the view of these scholars, the tragic end of that Ballala,
met in Madhurai, at the hands of his political opponents.
The attack made by his enemy forces on him in the term of
fourteen days agreement was treachery. There is a need to review
such opinions about the last days of the last ruler of Hoysala dynasty.
These opinions give religious touch to political and economic reasons.
Ballala III neither was the guardian of Hinduism, nor did he become
martyr, in that struggle. Hinduism was never dependent on political
support for its defence. Instead, political leaders used to gain power
from loyality and support from religious groups. How far is it correct
to say that only Ballala III was the guardian of Hinduism, in his field
what was his role in its protection? Such opinions make false that
Hoysala kings are protectors of all times.
In this crucial time what happened was the fact that the army
that came from North India to Karnataka to destroy Hoysalas. Ballala
III after coming out from his native place made an inevitable effort to
exercise his rule in Tamiladu. Then there was political vaccum and
there was no any central power to challenge him. Then there was a
kind of unstable situation. And in a situation like this along began
the era of sultan of Madhurai. It cannot be forgotten that Hindus had
helped Muslim invaders in their political and military growth.
Without these possibilities it was not possible to destroy Hoysalas.
In South India even the relationship between the states gave an
opportunity for the invaders of North India. To loot sevunas of
Devagiri and supported for the destruction of Hoysalas. Kakatiyas of
201
Warrangal, kept questioning the authority of sevunas. In the same
way Hoysalas were ever trying to defeat Pandyas of Madhurai. The
ambition of gaining control over another kingdom became all the more
important. In a situation like this to give religious interpretations to
the activities done by Ballala III and for the survival of himself.
The scholars who give religious meaning to the activities of
Ballala III, also give certain factors that caused disintegration but not
religious that argument is as follows:
The kingdoms of the south such as sevunas, kakatiyas,
hoysalas and pandyas had undoubtedly collected enoromous wealth.
The people of Delhi had considered south as a milking cow. Temples
were the stores of wealth since centuries. Internal weaknesses of the
south and their differences of opinion made them were the easy
targets for Muslim invaders.
In such a crucial time, there were many strong kingdoms in the
south. It was really very unfortunate that they ignored the necessity
of one common united effort. One’s own prestige and power became
very important for everyone.
From all these wealth and negligence helped political victory of
north Indians. Hoysala kingdom became the target for all these
factors. We can find that including Hoysala when there arose the
question of the attempt of unification among south Indian kings such
a question of necessity never occurred in its political history. When
there arose the question of danger from North India, such an attempt
was saddening.
There is no wonder, that among Hoysalas that too Ballala III,
made such an effort, even at this stage, after South India was
subjected to risk.
202
When the question of treachery of the army of Sultans of
Madhurai, comes up that too when 14 days cease fire line was in
operation, according to direct witness in war and in politics, such a
betrayal is not only the property of Muslims. To manage their war
activities, public works and artistic constructions. Hoysalas
demanding more than what was prescribed in the religious books, had
violated the rules and regulations of judges. Without distinction other
than this as epigraphs give evidence people were subjected to
innumerable taxes.
According to Dr.Derret, hoysala queens each and every one had
their own ministers and administrators subordinate to them were
exercising administrative power. Besides even military action which
was not so certain was conducted by them on special occasions.
Next, we learn that Hoysala Ballala II was an expert in the art of
utilising the natural and enthusiasm and his queens for the welfare of
the state. But in another way the failure of Ballala III, in making them
a part of his administrative hierarchy was one reason that ensured his
downfall.
Wealth was stored in palaces, temples, and the rich homes in
the form of ornaments. This wealth attracted the greed of Muslim
invaders like Ghazni Muhammed, Ghori Muhammed and in the same
way even Khiljis and Tughlaqs. If two Muhammeds looted temples of
North India and rich cities, Khiljis and Tughlaqs looted temples of
South India including Karnataka and cities with the loss of life and
property many old cities were ruined.
Hoysala agrarian based economy signified the birth of two big
factors totally. Firstly, sometimes though the kingdom was generous
without any restrictions in the form of demands of heavy taxes, the
exploitation of farmers by the kingdom. The kingdom never tried to
203
control the productive factors and the exploitation of farmers. The
Brahmins who emerged as the lone biggest class of landlords through
the agencies like temples and agraharas. In course of time they were
able to control. The investment on agricultural activities, they even
controlled labour by providing employment to agricultural labourers.
Their hold on production was considerable, as they controlled large
lands, capital and even labour. The two factors that are observed at
the end of this survey are these two matters.
In this way the empire was ruined because of internal and
external reasons. Conflicts, jealousy, selfishness for the power of
noble class were the main internal reasons. Peace and stability were
established. But under the period of incapables rulers the nobles took
advantage of their inability to make themselves powerful. From the
point of view of administration the division of the empire further gave
way for the danger. This led to mutual jealousy and hatred and
became the reason for the destruction of resources of the state.
Though, Ballala III unified the empire the varied effects of the empire
too continued. Even the external aspects that were responsible for the
downfall of the empire also had an evil impact. South India, had to
face difficulties during the reign of Ballala III. The Hindu empires
ridden with internal conflicts. South India was subjected to Muslims
invasion under the leadership of Malikafar in 1310 A.D. No
preparations were made to prevent these Muslim invasions. At a
situation like this Yadavas of Devagiri, Kakatiyas of Warrangal,
Hoysalas and Pandyas did not unite. But after many years there was
the understanding of the importance of unity. Even without adverse
circumstances though Ballala III tried to form friendly union, to
prevent enemies, he was not successful in his attempt. As he was
killed by sultans of Madhurai, all his plans failed and the rule of
Hoysalas came to an end.
Hoysala rulers followed the medium policy in religious matter
throughout their period. Hoysalas built many Jain temples and
204
Shiva, Vishnu and Harihara temples and had given freedom to people
to worship their respective gods. To begin with Hoysalas were Jains.
But more prominence was given to Vaishnava cult, during
Vishnuvardhana rule. Vaishnavism entered slowly during the rule of
Narasimha I. Therefore Jainism suffered from the hands of
Vaishnavism from the south and Veerashaivism (Sharanas) from the
North. At the same time, there was less conflict among Shaivas,
Vaishnavas and Veerashaivas. Really, first, Jainism had experienced
trouble from Vaishnavism.
Agrarian based Hoysala’s economy gave way for three factors.
One through heavy taxation, the exploitation of farmers of the
kingdom. Still generosity was shown sometimes. Rulers never tried
to control the factors of production. Instead, they were satisfied with
what the income they got. Another factor was that the task was
entrusted to Brahmins who were more landlords through their agents
who were in temples and agraharas. In between they used to control
the capital an agriculture. If they had controlled through appointing
labourers, in work as they were controlling land. Capital and
labourers, they had a fair control over production. These two factors
have been understood in this research.
After the rule of Hoysala king Veera Someshwara, there was
difference of opinion among Dandanayakas. As there was no
compromise among Dandanayakas, they were jealous with one
another. They were indulged in civil war in order to safeguard their
respective identifies. But during the famous hoysala king
Vishnuvardhana, they were the pillars of the kingdom. Gradually
Dandanayakas lose interest in the administration, due to their selfish
interests. On some occasions these Dandanayakas, perform their
duties to the king as his right hand, servants. All these factors led to
the downfall of Hoysala Empire.
205
Dandanayakas of Hoysala Empire were selected in the Jain and
Hindu religious background. This was according to the religious
policy of those times. Jain officers and feudal lords were admired by
Hoysalas because of their excellent merit. Gangaraja, Hulla,
Punisamaiah belonged to this class. In the same way, Hindu
Dandanayakas were selected from the groups of Shaivism and
Vaishnavism. Somanatha Dandanayaka was second to none, among
these. His religious attachment was towards Shaivism.
Dandanayakas, whatever might be their religious tag, served for
common good of social stability of the empire. The social background
of Hoysala Dandanayakas is very interesting.
Dandanayakas were executives of highest order in the kingdom.
Their main aim was to be loyal to the king and having their own army,
it was important to protect the army help of different types of
Jagirdars. There were famous Governers like, Gangaraja,
Punisamaiah, Bittiyanna, Mariyane, and Bharatha during the period
of Vishnuvardhana and Governers like Ereyengamaiah, Parisaraiah,
Santhiyanna, Hiriya Bommaiah, in the period of Narasimha I. Army
Bettalions and ornaments treasures had governers like Amitayya,
Bharatamaiah, Appanna and Bahubali were in the period of Ballala II.
Many ancient cities were ruined because of the loss of lives of
people and wealth. Still Hoysalas showed soft corner in tax collection,
according to the hardship faced by tax payers. The summary of the
following reference shows these above policy of theirs. Weavers of one
definite place, decided to quit their town, unable to bear the burden of
the tax. Listening to their woes, the officials, wooed them not to leave
the town. In another example, the people of the town appealed twice
and obtained concession twice. This shows how Hoysalas reacted to
the sufferings of the subjects. This policy to hoysala kingdom,
economic balance and during the period of political stability in the
long term. This tax system had paved the way for economic distress.
206
As it is commonly found during middle ages, it was economic distress
along that was the main reason, for the kingdoms to split in the south
as well as in North India.
Invasion of Delhi Sultans
During the tenure of capable last, Hoysala king, Viraballala III,
there arrived the new trouble to south India. Because of the invasion
of Delhi army looted unlimited wealth was plundered. Hindu empires
of the south did not have any information about these invasions.
Besides, they had not made any preparation to face Muslims. The
four Hindu empires of the south were. Yadavas of Devagiri who were
famous as Sevunas, Kakatiyas, Hoysalas and Pandyas. They who
were busy in internal matters were and engaged in mutual warfare to
establish their sovereignty in the south. On this occasion, Hoysala
kingdom being subjected to several raids from Delhi Sultans not only
became weak, but passed into the path of decline.
Malikafar who was the commander in chief of Alauddi-Khilji,
was appointed to invade the kingdoms of the south. In 1311 A.D.
Malikafar hurried to Devagiri, Sevuna king, Ramachandra was
defeated and died. As Sevunas and Hoysalas were bitter enemies,
agreed to help Malikafur. Under the guidance of shankara, the
successor of Ramachandra, Malikafur proceeded towards
Dwarasamudra. Knowing that, Ballala III was away from capital,
Mallikafar made a raid on Dwarasamudra, hurriedly. As soon as,
Ballala III knew about the invasion of Mallikafur, he immediately
returned to Dwarasamudra. At first, thinking that war is not possible
against such a huge army, he wanted to make friendship with him.
According to this agreement he offered enoromous wealth,
innumerable horse and even elephants. This gave a severe setback to
Hoysalas though they lost wealth, they prevented the loss of lives from
turmoil of the war.
207
In 1318 A.D. in the tenure of Delhi Sultan Kutub-din-Mubarak
Shah, Dwarasamudra was subjected to raid again. He ordered that
the battalion of his army be established in Dwarasamudra. Thus,
because of the arrival of battalion, another war become inevitable for
Hoysalas on this occasion knowing this, he returned to
Dwarasamudra, fortunately, his army chief kathari, Saluva Raseya
Nayak, had defeated Delhi army and was successful, to drive back
from the siege of Dwarasamudra. This weakened Hoysala kingdom
still further.
During the term of Muhammed-bin-Tughlaq, the capital of
Hoysala was subjected to raid once again. As Bahauddin Gurshasp,
the relative of Muhammed who was the governor of Sagar near
Gulbarga rebelled against. Sultan had to interfere in the internal
affairs of the south. Sultan sent big army to curb the rebellion.
Bahauddin Gurshasfa, frightened with the army of Sultan, fled
towards kampili empire for defence. As Kampila Deva gave refuge to
him the strong army of Sultan seized and destroyed Kampili empire.
But, Kampila Deva, sent Bahauddin. Gurshaspa, to the court of
Ballala III, secretly. The army of Sultan marched towards
Dwarasamudra. Ballala III, who knew the capacity of the army of
Sultan was against the critical situation faced by the empire gave
refuge to Bahauddin Gurshaspa arrested him and entrusted him to
Sultan. Ballala because of his political skill he was freed from the
invasions of Sultan and protected his capital and properties of
subjects. During the rule of Tughlaq all the famous Royal dynasties,
of South India, except Hoysala empire were rooted out. This credit
goes to Ballala III still because of continuous invasions of sultans,
Hoysalas sovereignty came to an end.
Because of the establishment of Madhurai Sultans, the death of
Ballala III.
208
Mohammed-bin-Tughlaq tried to establish his sovereignty in the
regions of South India. Alla-ud-din did not have any such desire.
According to court scholars. Khusru and Esami, Sultan ordered
Malikafur to attack Malabar and Dwarasamudra and establish
Muslim influence. His basic aim was to plunder the wealth of the
south. But Mohammed-bin-Tughlaq had an ambition to attack and
capture these regions and extend his frontier. As Hassan-Shah,
began the rule of Sultans in Madhurai in 1335 A.D. there was fear in
Hindu kings of the south mainly, Ballala 3rd tried several times to
defeat Madhurai Sultans. In 1325-27 A.D. after the capture of
Dwarasamudra, Ballala IV took refuge in Tonnur near Pandavapura
and later, established himself in Tiruvannamalai in the district of
North Arcot, and from there alone, he concentrated all his attention to
prevent Muslim invasions. Even then, in the last fifteen years of his
tenure of power he settled in Tiruvannamalai itself to control the
activities of Mohammads of the south and to defend the frontiers of
his empire from them. Because in the period of Ghiasuddin, atrocities
against Hindus reached climax.
Ballala III marched towards Kannanur with Army preparations
to punish sultans of Madhurai. First Tiruchinapalli was captured.
Making this the capital of Hoysalas, he tried to capture sultans of
Madhurai. The aim of Ballala III, was to capture Kannanur again.
War was fought near Koppam. This became famous as Kannanur-
Koppam battle. The army of Sultan was defeated completely and
surrendered and requested Ballala III, fourteen days time to vacate
from there. But Sultan deceived Ballala III when the army of Ballala
III, without any war preparation was taking rest in the afternoon was
subjected to unexpected attack. With the result, the army of sultan
got upper hand in the war, imprisoned Ballala III and was brought to
Madhurai. Till unlimited wealth, horses and elephants were obtained
from him he was given due honour but as soon as an these were
obtained. Ballala was killed immediately. In this way the power of
209
Ballala IV came to an end. The decisive battle of Koppam, and the
tragic end of Ballala III, were the main reasons for the decline of
Hoysala empire.
The incapable succession of Ballala IV
In 1310 A.D. alone Ballala 3rd had performed the crowning
ceremony of his son Ballala IV in Tiruvannamalai. After the death of
his father, Ballala IV came to power. But there are many difference of
opinions about the exercise of his sovereign power in Hoysala empire.
Many epigraphs are available of Ballala IV, who is famous as
Virupaksha Ballala. He who was most incapable, rejected even by his
subordinates, failed to establish his power in the empire. More
references are not found about his power in the epigraphs. But,
according to the little information that is available after the death of
Ballala III there was political crisis in Hoysala empire. Virupaksha
Ballala was not successful in getting support from the army. In the
same period, Vijayanagara empire was established and Hoysalas lost
their existence. Ballala IV died in the year 1346 A.D. Information tell
us that after the collapse of the great empire, in a country where there
was anarchy many small and petty kingdoms sprang up. Gopinatha
the son of Bheerya, Dandanayaka, declared himself the king of the
south. No information is available as to in next two or three years,
Virupaksha Ballala IV waged war against Sultans of Madhurai.
Hoysala empire, merged with Vijayanagara empire that was
established.
The foundation of Vijayanagara Empire
Hoysala empire merged with Vijayanagara empire, that
prospered newly. “Without any bloodshed power was transferred to
Vijayanagara from them. It seems the same empire continued with
new name and new capital. This even tells us that the founders of
Vijayanagara had close relationship with the people of old empire.
The chiefs of (earlier) Vijayanagara in the beginning were peaceful and
210
after the lapse of six years after the death of Ballala IV revolutionary
changes occurred.” Harihara established his power on Hoysala
empire. In the period of Ballala III, he was Mahamandaleshwar of the
region of Hampi. Very peacefully the power was transferred to
Sangama Brothers from Hoysalas. They became the successors of
Hoysalas. In many epigraphs the monarchs of Vijayanagara have
mentioned that Hoysala kingdom was under their rule.
211
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212
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213
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a) Abbreviations
Ag - Arakalgudu
Al - Aluru
Bl - Belur
Cp - Chanapattana
Ch - Chamarajanagara
Dg - Davanagere
Ec - Epigraphic Carnatica
Gu - Gundalpet
Hg - Heggadavevanakote
Hs - Hunsuru
Hk - Holalkere
Hn - Hassan
HN - Holenarasipura
Insp - Inscription
Ko - Kollegala
Kr - Krishnarajapete
Kn - Krishnarajanagara
ML - Malavalli
Mu - Madduru
MAR - Mysore Archaeological Report
My - Mysore
Ng - Nagamangala
Nj - Nanjangudu
Nr - Nagara
TN - T. Narasipura
Pp - Pandavapura
SB - Sravanabelogala
Sr - Srirangapattana
Tp - Tipaturu
YL - Yelanduru
Yd - Yedatore
218
219
220
221
222
223
224