morphology - uzh00000000-4fcf-711b-0000... · this class is about the way morphology and phonology...
TRANSCRIPT
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Morphology
Class 4
Morphemes and their
properties II: fusion
FS 2014
Rik van Gijn
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This class is about the way morphology and phonology interact, and
you will learn more about non-concatenative morphology
√ Allomorphy (phonologically conditioned)
√ Morphophonology
√ Phonological word
√ Non-concatenative or non-linear morphology
Goal of this class
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Intermezzo: the International Phonetic Alphabet (consonants)
Place
The point in the vocal tract where two or more
articulators block or constrict the air flow.
Manner
How the speech organs
are configured to
manipulate the air
stream, by constricting
the airflow in various
ways.
Voicing
Voicing is caused
by the vibration of the
vocal cords.
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Intermezzo: the International Phonetic Alphabet (consonants)
Speech organs (Arcadian)http://training.seer.cancer.gov/head-neck/anatomy/overview.html
Places of articulation (Instituto Lingüístico de Veranowww-01.sil.org/mexico/ling/glosario/E005ci-PlacesArt.htm)
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Intermezzo: the International Phonetic Alphabet (vowels)
Tongue body position I
Raising the body of the tongue
while letting the airflow out freely
produces high (close) vowels,
whereas pushing the body of the
tongue down produces low (open)
vowels.
Tongue body position II
The body of the tongue is pushed forward to
produce front vowels or backward to produce
back vowels.
Rounding
Lips can be rounded to produce
rounded vowels.
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Languages have different types of phonological rules that apply to
certain domains. To see this, look at the following data from Yurakaré
Morphophonology
lëtta kajun [læt:a kahun] ‘one box’
tijajun [tihahun] ‘my box’
tinkama [tiŋkama] ‘He calls me.’
ajama [ahama] ‘He is calling.’
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Languages have different types of phonological rules that apply to
certain domains. To see this, look at the following data from Yurakaré
Morphophonology
lëtta kajun [læt:a kahun] ‘one box’
tijajun [tihahun] ‘my box’
tinkama [tiŋkama] ‘He calls me.’
ajama [ahama] ‘He is calling.’
Rule in Yurakaré:
If an underlying /k/ appears after a vowel, it is
changed to [h] within a word
/k/ → [h] / [V_]ω
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Minimality constraints: Yurakaré
Types of phonological rules
püü /pɨɨ/ ‘road’
tapü /tapɨ/ ‘our road’
paa /paa/ ‘brother’
tapa /tapa/ ‘our brother’
too /too/ ‘bone’
tato /tato/ ‘our bone’
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Syllable structure
Types of phonological rules
There are many differences
between languages in what
they allow in terms of syllable
structure.
Major constraints are:
No coda allowed (or only some sounds)
No complexity allowed
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Phonotactic constraints: epenthesis in Yuki (Tupí-Guaraní)
Types of phonological rules
a-be-akiw [abeɾakiw]
1SG-CAU-warm
‘I am warming up.’
o-ye-ire [ojejire]
3S-REF-wash
‘He washes himself.’
Villafañe Lucrecia (2004) Gramática Yuki.
PhD thesis RU Nijmegen, p. 35
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Phonotactic constraints: epenthesis in Lenakel
Types of phonological rules
r- 3sg
va come
He comes = rɨva
Bickel & Nichols (2007) Inflectional morphology. In:
Shopen (ed. ) Language typology and syntactic
description III, p. 182
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Phonotactic constraints: vowel elision in Emérillon (Tupí-Guaraní)
Types of phonological rules
o-paʔam-oŋ ikiʔɨ
3.I-stand-PL.S now
‘They are standing now.’
o-boʔi baipuri-r-ɨe-ŋ
3.I-cut tapir-REL-stomach-PL.S
‘They cut open the tapir’s stomach.’
Rose, Françoise (2011): Grammaire de l'émérillon teko, une langue tupi-guarani de Guyane française. Louvain: Peeters.175
Word-internal elision of sounds is also
called syncope.
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Consonant coalescence in Suruí (Tupí-Mondé)
Types of phonological rules
/òn+pór/ → [òmor] ‘my brother’/èn+kánè → [èŋámè] ‘(Somebody) wants you.’
Van der Meer 1982: Fonologia da língua Suruí. São Paolo , PhD thesis Campinas, p.41
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These interactions between phonology and morphology create
allomorphs.
Allomorphs and affix competition
Allomorphs
Lexically conditioned
Phonologically conditioned
Transparently related
Non-transparently related
See flexivity class
Competing affixes
Morphs
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English regular plurals
Transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
The Past Tense Rule
a. If the verb stem ends in [t] or [d] (the
alveolar stops), insert [ə] before the past
tense morpheme (e.g. defeated [dəfit +
d] → [dəfit + əd]).
b. Assimilate [d] to the voicing of an
immediately preceding consonant (e.g.,
licked [lɪk + d] →[lɪk + t])
Lieber (2009)
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English regular plurals
Transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
Past Tense English
-d -ed -t ...
morph morph morph morph
Allomorphs of past tense morpheme
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English plurals
Transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
Infinitive Irregular past Pattern
Lieber (2009)
1 burn burnt devoicing of suffix
2 keep kept vowel shortening
3 hit hit no change
4 feel felt vowel shortening with devoicing of suffix
5 bleed bled vowel shortening and no suffix
6 leave left devoicing of stem consonant
7 sing sang vowel ablaut (ɪ > æ)
8 win won vowel ablaut (ɪ > ʌ)
9 fight fought vowel ablaut (ai > ɔ)
10 come came vowel ablaut (ʌ > e)
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Dutch past tense suffixes
Transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
Booij, Geert (1999) The Phonology of Dutch.Oxford: OUP, p. 61
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Turkish: Lewis (1967) in Lieber (2009, p. 162)
Transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
‘hand’ ‘measure’ ‘evening’ ‘fear’
Abs. pl. el-ler ölçü-ler akşam-lar korku-lar
Gen. sg. el-in ölçü-n-ün akşam-ɩn korku-n-un
1. What are the different realizations (allomorphs) of the absolutive
plural marker and the genitive singular marker?
2. Is there a default form?
3. Can you think of a rule to describe the alternations?
<ü> = /y/
<ɩ> = /ɯ/
<ö> = /ø/
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Turkish: Lewis (1967) in Lieber (p. 162)
Transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
‘hand’ ‘measure’ ‘evening’ ‘fear’
Abs. pl. el-ler ölçü-ler akşam-lar korku-lar
Gen. sg. el-in ölçü-n-ün akşam-ɩn korku-n-un
1. What are the different realizations (allomorphs) of the absolutive
plural marker and the genitive singular marker?
2. Is there a default form?
3. Can you think of a rule to describe the alternations?
<ü> = /y/
<ɩ> = /ɯ/
<ö> = /ø/
All non-high vowels have to agree in
backness with their base
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Belhare dissimilation
Transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
khat ‘go’
-yu ‘non-past’khaʔyu ‘s/he goes’
kha t y u
+coronal +coronal
Bickel & Nichols (2007) Inflectional morphology. In:
Shopen (ed. ) Language typology and syntactic
description III, p. 182
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Belhare dissimilation
Transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
khat ‘go’
-yu ‘non-past’khaʔyu ‘s/he goes’
kha t y u
+coronal +coronal
khaʔyu
Bickel & Nichols (2007) Inflectional morphology. In:
Shopen (ed. ) Language typology and syntactic
description III, p. 182
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Dutch diminutives (see data sheet)
Non-transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
Group a: -je
/lɪpjə/
Group b: -etje
/bɔmətjə/
Group c: -pje
/bodəmpjə/
Group d: -kje
/koniŋkjə/
Group e: -tje
/retjə/
Booij, Geert (1999) The Phonology of Dutch.Oxford: OUP, p. 61
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Dutch diminutives (see data sheet)
Non-transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
Group a: -je
/lɪpjə/
Group b: -etje
/bɔmətjə/
Group c: -pje
/bodəmpjə/
Group d: -kje
/koniŋkjə/
Group e: -tje
/retjə/
Default -tje /tjə/
1
2
3
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English affix competition: -ize versus -ify
Non-transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
Based on Lieber (2009), p. 2
Speakers of English use the suffixes -ize (crystallize) and -ify (codify) to form verbs from nouns. If you had to form a verb that means ‘do something the way ex-Prime Minister Tony Blair does it’, which suffix would you use? How about a verb meaning ‘do something the way ex-President Bill Clinton does it’? What about former French president Chirac?
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English affix competition: -ize versus -ify
Non-transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs
Based on Lieber (2009), p. 2
Speakers of English use the suffixes -ize (crystallize) and -ify (codify) to form verbs from nouns. If you had to form a verb that means ‘do something the way ex-Prime Minister Tony Blair does it’, which suffix would you use? How about a verb meaning ‘do something the way ex-President Bill Clinton does it’? What about former French president Chirac?
[...σ́] → -ify[...σ] → -ize
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Some researchers prefer to restrict the term allomorph to transparently
(in terms of form) related morphs.
Allomorphs and affix competition
Phonologically conditioned
Transparently related
Non-transparently related
Competing affixes
Allomorphs
An alternative term for
alternative realizations of
morphemes that are not
transparently related to each
other might then be called
competing affixes. Some
people talk about affix
suppletion.
We will use the terms
allomorph and morph in a
neutral way over all contexts.
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Many languages seem to have a recurrent domain for certain rules that
often coincides with the grammatical word.
>> the phonological word
Whether or not the phonological word is a unit that can robustly be
shown to exist and be relevant in all languages of the world is still very
much a matter of debate and ultimately an empirical question.
Phonological word
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Three types of situations
Alignment
g-word < p-word
g-word > p-word
g-word = p-word
The case of Yidiny: g-word > p-word
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Alignment
The case of Yidiny: g-word > p-word
waŋal-muday ‘‘boomerang-COMIT.ABS’’ bigu:n-muda:y-ɲdu ‘‘shield-COMIT-ERG’’ waŋal-muda:y-ɲdu ‘‘boomerang-comit-erg’’ bigu:n-muday ‘‘shield-comit.abs’’
Yidiny stress assignment within the domain of the p-word:1. a. Stress is assigned to to the first syllable with a long vowel,
b. If there are no long vowels - the first syllable of a word is stressed2. From that basic stress point, every other syllable to the left and right of it is also
stressed.
How would you stress these words?
*Length is indicated by ‘:‘**The internal morphological structure is given for each word.
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Alignment
The case of Yidiny: g-word > p-word
Yidiny stress assignment within the domain of the p-word:1. a. Stress is assigned to to the first syllable with a long vowel,
b. If there are no long vowels - the first syllable of a word is stressed2. From that basic stress point, every other syllable to the left and right of it is also
stressed.
wáŋal-múday ‘‘boomerang-COMIT.ABS’’ bigú:n-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘shield-COMIT-ERG’’ waŋál-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘boomerang-comit-erg’’ bigú:n-mudáy ‘‘shield-comit.abs’’
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Alignment
The case of Yidiny: g-word > p-word
Yidiny stress assignment within the domain of the p-word:1. a. Stress is assigned to to the first syllable with a long vowel,
b. If there are no long vowels - the first syllable of a word is stressed2. From that basic stress point, every other syllable to the left and right of it is also
stressed.
wáŋal-múday ‘‘boomerang-COMIT.ABS’’ bigú:n-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘shield-COMIT-ERG’’ waŋál-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘boomerang-comit-erg’’ bigú:n-mudáy ‘‘shield-comit.abs’’
wáŋal-múday ‘‘boomerang-COMIT.ABS’’ bigú:n-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘shield-COMIT-ERG’’ wáŋal-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘boomerang-comit-erg’’ bigú:n-múday ‘‘shield-comit.abs’’
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Alignment
The case of Yidiny: g-word > p-word
Yidiny stress assignment within the domain of the p-word:1. a. Stress is assigned to to the first syllable with a long vowel,
b. If there are no long vowels - the first syllable of a word is stressed2. From that basic stress point, every other syllable to the left and right of it is also
stressed.
wáŋal-múday ‘‘boomerang-COMIT.ABS’’ (wáŋal)ω (múday)ωbigú:n-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘shield-COMIT-ERG’’ (bigú:n)ω (mudá:yɲdu)ωwáŋal-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘boomerang-comit-erg’’ (wáŋal)ω (mudá:yɲdu)ωbigú:n-múday ‘‘shield-comit.abs’’ (bigú:n)ω (múday)ω
Disyllabic affixes form phonological words of their own, i.e. they form a domain in themselves (plus monosyllabic suffixes attached to them) for stress assignment. It is sometimes also said that such affixes are non-cohering (rather than cohering) because they don’t cohere phonologically with their morphological host.
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Alignment
The case of (British) English
a. -age, -al, -ant, -ance, -ary, -ate, -ic, -ion;b. -able, -er, -en, ful, -hood, -ish, -ism, -less, -like, -ment.
Can you think why we would group the English suffixes as we did above?
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Alignment
The case of (British) English
a. stress-shifting suffixes: -age, -al, -ant, -ance, -ary, -ate, -ic, -ion;b. stress-neutral suffixes: -able, -er, -en, ful, -hood, -ish, -ism, -less, -like, -ment.
We could also say that the affixes in (b) are non-cohering, because they are not ‘seen’ by the stress rule. However, they are non-cohering in a different way than was the case with Yidiny.
Why?
Scholars often talk about strata (pl of stratum) in the affix lexicon.>> See week 8 when we talk about templates
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Typological parameter II: fusion
From the perspective of the morph:
If you can identify a morph, what can you say about the degree of
fusion it has with its host?
Three basic values:
Isolating - Concatenative - Nonlinear
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Isolating morphology
Isolating
Lai Chin (Tibeto-Burman)
Tsew Máŋ niʔ ʔa-ka-t̪hoʔŋ
Tsew Máŋ ERG 3SG.A-1SG.P-hit
ω ω ω ω
‘Tsew Mang hit me.’
Bickel & Nichols (2007), p. 173
(Although spelling suggests differently, this is a situation equivalent to Yidiny)
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Concatenating morphology
Concatenating: segmentable dependent morphs
Yurakaré
dúla ‘He makes it’
dulá-ni ‘He is going to make it.’
dula-ní-shta ‘He will be going to make it.’
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Concatenating morphology
Concatenating: segmentable dependent morphs
Also think of the rules discussed above for Yurakaré (lenition) Yuki and
Lenakel (epenthesis), Emérillon (elision), Belhare (dissimilation),
Turkish (vowel harmony) and Dutch and English (phonologically
conditioned allomorphy).
They all show evidence of phonological integration of affixes with their
host.
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Concatenating morphology
Concatenating: segmentable dependent morphs
Fusion of concatenative morphs seems to be a matter of degree
(remember the English strata)
Movima (Isolate)
onarana=us [ʔɔnaɾaꞌnaʔus]
know=MASC.ABST
‘He knows X.’
iye:ni=as [iꞌjɛ:niʔas]
move=NEUT.ABST
‘It moves.’
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Nonlinear morphology
Nonlinear: morphs that are not segmentable in linear strings
We have seen a number of examples already last week
- Vowel mutation
- Consonant mutation
- Subtraction
- Transfixation
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Replacive mophology
Nonlinear morphology
Yurakaré
bata ‘go’ bache ‘send’ ba = ?
duta ‘burn (itr) duche ‘burn (tr)’ du = ?
bëjta ‘see’ bëjche ‘show’ bëj = ?
wilita ‘return’ wiliche ‘bring back’ wili = ?
Alternative: weak suppletion
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Suprasegmental rules: tonal morphemes
Nonlinear morphology
Hausa (Chadic)
sháa ‘to drink’ shâa ‘drinking’ (N)
cí ‘to eat’ cîi ‘eating’ (N)
Tone languages make use of pitch level to distinguish words from each other. In some of
these languages, tone is used systematically to perform morphological (derivation,
inflection) operations.
Two parameters are of particular importance for
tone languages:
1. The number of distinctive pitch levels
2. Whether there are only level tones or also
contour tones
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Nonlinear morphology
http://wals.info/feature/13A#2/28.6/152.8
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Suprasegmental rules: stress
Nonlinear morphology
English
convíct vs. cónvict
contrást vs. cóntrast
incréase vs. íncrease
permít vs. pérmit
recórd vs. récord
adréss vs. áddress
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Reduplication
Reduplication is a morphological operation whereby part of a base or
the entire base is copied and attached to that base.
Javanese (Austronesian)
full reduplication:
baita ‘‘ship’’ baita-baita ‘‘various ships’’
sesupe ‘‘ring’’ sesupe-sesupe ‘‘various rings’’
omaha ‘‘house’’ omaha-omaha ‘‘various houses’’
partial reduplication:
geni ‘‘fire’’ gegeni ‘‘to warm oneself by the fire’’
jawah ‘‘rain’’ jejawah ‘‘to play in the rain’’
tamu ‘‘guest’’ tetamu ‘‘to visit’’
Uhlenbeck 1978, cited in Booij (2007)
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Reduplication
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Reduplication
Ponapean (Austronesian)
duhp ‘dive’ du-duhp ‘be diving’
mihk ‘suck’ mi-mihk ‘be sucking’
wehk ‘confess’ we-wehk ‘be confessing’
Rehg 1981, cited in Haspelmath & Simms (2010)
Partial reduplication: what is copied?
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Reduplication
Mangap-Mbula (Austronesian)
kuk ‘bark’ kuk-uk ‘be barking’
kel ‘dig’ kel-el ‘be digging’
kan ‘eat’ kan-an ‘be eating’
Bugenhagen 1995, cited in Haspelmath & Simms (2010)
Partial reduplication: what is copied?
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Reduplication
Mangap-Mbula (Austronesian)
kuk ‘bark’ kuk-uk ‘be barking’
kel ‘dig’ kel-el ‘be digging’
kan ‘eat’ kan-an ‘be eating’
Bugenhagen 1995, cited in Haspelmath & Simms (2010)
Partial reduplication: what is copied?
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Reduplication
It seems to involve both nonlinear (material from the
base) and linear (concatenative adjunction) aspects
Is reduplication linear or non-linear?
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Continuum
The fusion parameter seems to have a continuous character
nonlinear concatenative isolating
base modifications
reduplication inner stratum affixes
outer stratum affixes
Non-cohering affixes
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Duplifixes
Somali (Afro-Asiatic)
buug ‘book’ buug-ag ‘books’
fool ‘face’ fool-al ‘faces’
koob ‘cup’ koob-ab ‘cups’
jid ‘street’ jid-ad ‘streets’
Duplifixes
Berchem 1991, cited in Haspelmath & Simms (2010)
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Duplifixes
Tzutzujil (Mayan)
saq ‘white’ saq-soj ‘whitish’
rax ‘green’ rax-roj ‘greenish’
q’eq ‘black’ q’eq-q’oj ‘blackish’
tz’iil ‘dirty’ tz’il-tz’oj ‘dirtyish’
Duplifixes
Berchem 1991, cited in Haspelmath & Simms (2010)