moral ruckus: vietnam's public opposition/reaction
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Shahid Mahdi
American Literature
Ms. Ellis
The Moral Ruckus: Public Outcry & Opposition to the U.S. Operations in Vietnam
In the past century, the United States has lionised itself with a certain set of basic values.
Values that are fundamental to the drum-beating, hospitable, utopian society that the United
States is synonymous for. One of which, I’ve found, happens to be occasional chauvinism. That
being said, this resounding patriotism hasn’t always been uniform, and in times of ambiguous
obscurity, the public may very well oppose governmental policy. Throughout the disconcerting
course of the Vietnam War, I concluded that pro-American patriotism simply didn’t have a
threshold for misinformation.
The Vietnam War, which preoccupied the perturbed minds of Americans from the
beginning of American intervention in the Indochinese territory in 1950, (which, as tempers
progressively flared, was under French dominion) to its de facto conclusion in 1975. It was one
of the determinate factors of popularity for three presidents, from Kennedy to Nixon with
Lyndon Johnson sandwiched between the two. The war efforts were, in the eyes of Chester
Cooper, in his 1970 work The Lost Crusade: America In Vietnam , professed that it was
symbolic of “ American liberalization of our...programs and policies” ; a conflict that, in its
wake, left America “unfulfilled, bitter...restless” at its ultimate withdrawal and consequent
defeat. I was bewildered, though expectant, to find that public opinion was deeply divided as
both the war and the American presence in Vietnam escalated.
I found that though initial patriotic fervor was contagious in times of war, the reasons for
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American interference became increasingly vague to the public eye. Men and women of all ages,
particularly the more youthful generations, weren’t sure what to make of this war. Information
regarding stealthy operations were planned and discussed behind closed doors, be it in the
quarters of the White House or the Congressional chambers. Though certain events, such as the
Tế t Offensive, were cleverly exposed to the public to provide justification for the effort, reports
on significant advancements remained strictly classified until the end of the war1. I’ve found
that (debatable up until the past two decades), never before have there been such stealthy tactics
employed by the government to veil atrocities. Soon enough, antiwar factions sprouted from
grassroots, scholarly folk, including MOBE (Mobilization To End The War) or the turbulent SDS
(Students for Democratic Society)both of which staged furious marches. Though these begun in
the nation’s capitol, both eyebrows and white flags were raised as marches in Chicago,
Milwaukee, Baltimore, and New York all occurred. Allison’s History in Dispute revealed that
President Lyndon Johnson went as far as ordering CIA-commissioned investigations into the
schedules of rebellious, counter-culture groups.
Furthermore, I was struck by the drafting process’ evolution from a simple protocol to
one of the most detested policies. The U.S. Armed Forces’ subsidiaries had to assail fears that,
quantitatively speaking, the gruelling casualty rates wouldn’t deplete the army-and thus drafting
and conscription was essential. Unlike preceding conflicts, which opted for men of experience in
weaponry and warfare, the U.S. forces assigned juveniles to participate in the effort-the average
age of a ground-based soldier in the army was a tender nineteen. Since members of the military
didn’t wish to continue service aimlessly, they begun confuting service conscription..
Muhammad Ali, in the zenith of physical fitness at the time, was infamously stripped of his titles
upon refusal to draft in the army. Drafting documents were immolated. Though honor was a
byproduct of military service, opposition to the war outweighed chauvinist pride. Cravings for
the white flag of peace outdid those of the military insignia.
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