lesson 72 the global financial crisis of 2008-2011 part...
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Lesson 72 – The Global Financial Crisis of 2008-2011 – Part One – Essentials and Prologue
The financial crisis that erupted in the fall of 2008 with the collapse of Lehman Brothers (an investment
bank) in New York started a painful process of financial de-leveraging (debt reduction) that will destroy
trillions of dollars of assets either in a short, sharp and very painful recession or over years of stagnant
growth and falling incomes. The next four lessons will attempt to tell you what this financial crisis is all
about, how we got to this point, and where it is likely events will unfold from here.
The financial crisis is often presented as just another recession, similar to other recessions which, as we
know, are an integral part of the business cycle (as we discussed in lesson 42). However, in scale and in
form, this crisis is much more serious than other recent recessions as it is leading to a crisis of
confidence that is afflicting not just firms, not just industries, not just institutions, but the entire global
monetary and financial system. As we learned when studying microeconomics, markets, by generating
accurate price information, lead to the efficient allocation of society’s scarce resources. As we also
learned earlier, market economies do not arise spontaneously – rather they are built upon trust and
confidence. We take risks, we borrow, and we lend, not because we trust the people with whom we are
dealing, but because we trust the system and the laws and the institutions that govern us.
This present crisis, though, threatens both of these pillars of the market economy. In a remarkably
vicious feedback loop, markets have become increasingly distorted through the intervention of
established governmental and financial interests, which has led to a gross misallocation of resources
towards the financial and other associated sectors of the economy. As this misallocation has intensified,
so too have the market’s underpinnings in law and institutional integrity become weaker. Rather than
accept the losses resulting from their misallocation of investment capital into real estate and
speculation, the financial industry has instead become increasingly good at lobbying government for bail
outs, low (or zero) interest loans, and favourable legislation. This ‘regulatory capture’ of government by
the financial industry has in turn led to markets becoming increasingly unable to generate accurate price
information that would permit efficient resource allocation. The millions of unemployed and hundreds
of thousands of abandoned homes across the US and much of the world constitute unambiguous
evidence that the economy is out of whack. Increasingly desperate efforts to re-inflate asset prices with
ultra-low interest rates, meanwhile, only make the fundamental problem of excessive debt even worse,
which uncorrected over time can only lead to a complete loss of confidence and utter collapse.
We experienced a similar set of circumstances in the 1970s, and it is useful to look at that crisis and its
eventual resolution to throw some light on current events. At the Bretton Woods conference towards
the end of WWII (with Keynes involved), countries agreed to a global monetary system that had, at its
centre, the US dollar. The US dollar was given this central role as the US economy was the largest in the
world, and as the rest of the world desperately needed the resources and goods of the US to rebuild
after the war. As well, the US had the world’s largest gold reserves, and foreign central banks holding
dollars as reserves were allowed to, at any time, exchange their dollar reserves for gold at a price of $35
per ounce, making the dollar literally ‘good as gold’. The values of all other currencies were fixed against
the dollar, and the International Monetary Fund was created to both offer emergency loans and
prescribe structural reforms to countries facing persistent balance of payments deficits.
This system worked well until the late 1960s (see lesson 57) when spiralling US spending (to support
both the war in Vietnam and domestic social programs) and rapid growth in the US money supply led to
higher inflation, which in turn caused some foreign holders of US dollars to lose confidence in the dollar
as a store of value and to begin to demand gold. As the quantity of dollars circulating worldwide by now
exceeded (by a large factor) the quantity of gold reserves held by the US, in 1971 the US government
‘closed the gold window’ and refused to honour requests from foreign central banks to exchange their
dollars for gold. The dollar was now a purely ‘fiat’ (ie un-backed by an asset like gold) currency.
Partly as a result of this, inflation accelerated throughout the 1970s and by the end of the decade was
comfortably in the teens in most industrialized economies. Commodity prices were skyrocketing and
many ordinary people were becoming increasingly impoverished due to ever-rising prices for food and
fuel and rising unemployment (ie ‘stagflation’) even as real estate and commodity speculators grew
wealthy. Gold reached a high of almost $900 an ounce as people fled paper money (which, due to ever
higher inflation was an increasingly poor store of value) for the safety of ‘hard money’.
Faced with this economic wreckage, US President Jimmy Carter appointed Paul Volcker head of the U.S.
Federal Reserve in 1979. Volcker recognized that inflation was destroying the US economy and he was
determined to bring it down. In order to do so, he raised interest rates (which, in the inflationary 1970s,
had often been less than the rate of inflation) until rates were over 20%. Such high rates destroyed the
fortunes of speculators (such as Donald Trump in the US and Peter Pocklington in Canada), who found
that they could neither sell the assets they held (as people were unwilling to borrow money at such high
rates to buy them) nor service the debts that had taken on to buy them. Many prudent businessmen,
farmers and households also suffered as they were similarly unable to service their business or housing
loans. Overall, while asset prices fell sharply, the high interest rates did restore faith in the monetary
system as people were once again willing to save with money, as opposed to property or metal.
Further, people around the world once again trusted the United States and US dollar denominated
assets governed by US securities laws. Not just the US, but indeed the entire world, benefited from
Volcker’s determined slaying of the dragon of inflation.
The next year, 1980, saw the election of Ronald Reagan to the White House. While Reagan supported
Volcker’s policy of high interest rates to tame inflation, he at the same time sought to ameliorate the
pain caused by such high rates by pursuing pro-growth fiscal and regulatory policies. Reagan’s tax cuts
(mainly for the wealthy – the top income tax rate was cut from 70% to 28%) and spending increases
(mainly for the military) were meant to stimulate spending, investment and employment, while
deregulation (of the airline, trucking, and financial industries) was pursued to improve efficiency and
competitiveness, which would, it was hoped, both increase output and employment and reduce prices.
In general, the combination of tight monetary policy, loose fiscal policy, and supply-side deregulation
worked, and by 1982 the economy was growing. However, the deregulation of the financial industry was
to have far-reaching unintended consequences.
Exercise 72
1. Using the diagrams below (which you should fully label) explain and show the impact of, in turn:
a) The increases in interest rates under Paul Volcker upon the US economy and the US dollar
b) Reagan’s tax cuts and spending increases upon the US economy
c) Reagan’s deregulatory policy upon the US economy
2. Distorted prices can be thought of as lies. While a good or service may be actually worth $X,
uncompetitive or manipulated markets may lead to the price being $Y. Reflect that if you lie,
you are tempted to continue to lie ever more extravagantly to cover up your initial lie so as to
keep the confidence of your friends and family. What do you think governments are tempted to
do to ‘restore confidence’ when competitive markets begin to expose a pricing ‘lie’?
Lesson 73 – The Global Financial Crisis of 2008-2011 - Part Two - The Years of Confidence
Volcker’s success in taming inflation and restoring the US dollar to its position as the global reserve
currency and by extension the global monetary and financial system to health yielded enormous
benefits in the years to come. People had confidence in the dollar and in the US economy, and as a
result people around the world increasingly invested their surplus money in the US stock market and
other assets. These inflows of capital looking for a safe haven made it easy for the US government to
borrow as foreigners (and foreign governments and central banks) were happy to buy US government
bonds. As well, companies found it easy to raise money on the New York Stock Exchange, as not just US,
but global investors were eager to place their bets on the US economy. This easy availability of capital
fuelled a great deal of innovation in, among other places, Silicon Valley, and gave rise to many of the
companies that created today’s online world.
As well, once policymakers were satisfied that inflation was no longer a threat, interest rates (including
bond yields) began to fall. This was immensely beneficial to the stock market for a number of reasons.
First, companies, which tend to be net borrowers, faced lower interest costs and therefore enjoyed
higher profits, boosting stock prices. Second, consumers began to borrow and spend again, which again
boosted company sales, profits and share values. Third, savers facing lower interest rates on bank
deposits and bonds while seeing stocks rising in value began to invest in the stock market. Up until the
1980s, very few individuals invested in the stock market, but as the 1980s wore on, having a stock
portfolio (or at least units in a mutual fund or unit trust) became more and more common.
These increased flows of capital into the stock market proved to be a bonanza for the recently
deregulated financial industry. As other governments around the world also embraced deregulation (ie
the “Big Bang” that liberalized the London Stock Exchange and kept London the most important financial
centre in Europe), bankers and financiers began to pursue innovative trading strategies (usually
developed with the aid of sophisticated computer models) that promised high returns and diminished
risk. Two developments in particular are worth mentioning.
First, financial deregulation allowed banks to increase what is called ‘leverage’. Leverage occurs when
you borrow most of the value of the assets you buy and hold. For instance, most homes are leveraged –
you put 20% down and borrow the remaining 80% in the form of a mortgage. If the house goes up in
value by just 20%, you have, after paying back the loan, doubled your money. Investment banks
(Goldman Sachs, Lehman Brothers, Bear Stearns, JP Morgan) were very keen to increase their leverage
as it would amplify their profits in an environment of rising stock and asset prices.
Second, the market in what are called derivatives was kept unregulated even as the value of derivatives
traded grew astronomically. A derivative is simply an asset that takes its value from another underlying
asset. For instance, oil is traded as a commodity. Refiners buy oil from oil companies. This market for oil
establishes a price for oil on what is called the spot market. However, dwarfing the trade on the spot
market is the trade in oil on the futures market, where traders buy and sell contracts for oil to be
delivered in the future. While futures markets can help refiners and sellers lock in prices now for later,
and thereby avoid uncertainty (this is called hedging), most futures contracts are traded by speculators
who have no interest in either selling or buying the actual physical commodity in question. Instead, the
speculators (who can serve an important market-making function) are looking to make money on the
contracts themselves. For instance, if oil were trading now for $100 a barrel and if people did not expect
the price to change much into the future, I could likely purchase a contract to buy oil in 3 months for
$100 a barrel relatively cheaply. This contract is a futures contract, and it is a derivative of the oil
market. Now, if oil prices rose to, say, $120 over the next 3 months, I would be very happy, because I
have a contract that allows me to buy oil for just $100. The contract is now worth about $20. By selling
the contract to someone else I can make a tidy profit. Note that at no time was I actually buying and
selling oil – instead I was buying and selling contracts to buy and sell oil. Over time, derivatives
(contracts or options) were created for every commodity and most other financial assets as well.
However, while in general the falling interest rates of the 1980s and 1990s led to a stock market boom,
there were hiccups on the way. First of all, in 1987, computerized trading systems responded to a small
fall in stock prices with further selling, leading to the largest ever single day percentage drop (over 22%)
in the Dow Jones Industrial Average (a measure of the value of the overall stock market).
More seriously, in the late 1980s a number of cooperative banks in the US (known there as ‘Savings and
Loans’) went bankrupt. Prior to deregulation in 1980, the S&Ls were simple institutions designed to take
deposits from and make loans to their members. However, after deregulation, they were empowered to
engage in riskier loans and investments. Unsurprisingly, many S&Ls ended up making bad loans to
relatives and friends. However, while cleaning up the mess (ie guaranteeing the deposits of S&L
members under a program similar to the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation) cost the US taxpayer
billions of dollars, the integrity of the system was upheld as hundreds of directors of the bankrupted
S&Ls were convicted of racketeering and fraud.
While there was a recession in 1991 (caused at least in part by higher oil prices in the wake of Iraq’s
conquest of Kuwait in the summer of 1990 and the subsequent ‘First Gulf War’ in which the US (and
coalition allies) drove the Iraqis back to Iraq), by the middle of the 1990s many people thought that the
business cycle of boom and bust had been tamed. Alan Greenspan, who had succeeded Paul Volcker as
Federal Reserve chairman in 1987, was nicknamed ‘the maestro’ for his supposed ability to magically
restore confidence to sometimes jittery markets.
Under Greenspan’s leadership, though, the global financial system increasingly came to depend on the
US Federal Reserve to lower interest rates and enact bailouts when risks turned sour. The problem with
such intervention is that while it does restore calm and confidence and avoids pain in the short term, in
the long term it creates what is called moral hazard. Moral hazard occurs whenever the party or
individual making decisions is not made to suffer the full consequences of their actions and choices. For
instance, parents seeking to avoid moral hazard will threaten their children that if they decide to
become artists, that they should not come back asking them for money. Of course, most kids know that
if they are hungry that their parents will shelter and feed them. Nonetheless, even a semi-credible
threat will often be enough to direct them to pursue self-sustaining careers. Those parents whose
threats are not so credible suffer the consequences of moral hazard when their kids return to stay.
So, when investors in Mexican government bonds faced potential losses during the “Peso Crisis” of
1994, the US pledged a $50 billion bailout to the Mexican government. This support gave investors
confidence that the Mexican government would be able to honour the bonds (A bond is simply a
promise to pay. In exchange for giving the Mexican government a certain sum of money, the Mexican
government had promised to pay a higher sum back in the future). As a result, bondholders did not
panic and sell their bonds and the crises eased, and Mexico was easily able to pay back the money
advanced by the US.
In 1997/1998, a series of financial crises roiled across smaller nations, especially in SE Asia. Global
investors expected the US to respond. When they did not, as in Thailand, the loss of confidence often
spread to other neighbouring nations. In the increasingly interconnected world of global finance, fears
of ‘contagion’, or of a small crisis in one place leading to ever-larger crises in other places made it seem
imperative that policymakers respond quickly to events to maintain confidence.
People in nations like Thailand, though, often felt as though they had been tricked by the financial
deregulation that the US had encouraged them to undertake. Before the 1990s, many of the nations
which subsequently suffered through the 1997 Asian financial crisis had very tightly regulated banking
sectors that faced very little or no competition from foreign banks. When these nations did deregulate,
large international banks entered the market and flooded the country with loans. As time went on,
many of these loans, predictably, went to fund projects (especially in real estate development) that
were unlikely to be successful. Inevitably, investors lost confidence and foreign capital took flight,
prompting the IMF to orchestrate a bailout. However, while the bailouts guaranteed the foreign banks
and bond-holders their money, the conditions of the bailouts were usually cuts in government spending
and subsidies to the poor as called for under what were termed ‘structural adjustment programs’.
Fundamentally, people in SE Asia (and Argentina later in the early 2000s) felt that they had been lured
into taking loans which they could not afford (but which had financed a glorious period of rapid income
growth and development) only to lose their sovereignty in exchange for bailouts which only protected
the interests of foreign banks and bondholders.
However, as a consequence of this increased willingness by the US (often through the IMF) to quell
crises with bailouts, investors began to increasingly discount risk. Moral hazard was affecting the
decisions of bankers and investors. If a risky investment anywhere was offering fat returns, banks and
investors felt increasingly confident that they would be free to enjoy the returns and that, if the risks
became apparent, the US government, through either the Federal Reserve or the IMF, would act to
correct things. Unsurprisingly, confident that they would never have to bear any losses if risks turned
sour, banks and investors sought out increasingly risky assets with correspondingly high returns.
Overall, falling interest rates and deregulation had led to increased borrowing and investment, and had
therefore fuelled growth, but beneath the shiny surface, the risks posed by increased leverage, the
expansion in the quantity and variety of derivatives traded, and from moral hazard were growing.
Exercise 73
1. Define:
a) LEVERAGE
b) DERIVATIVES
c) MORAL HAZARD
2. Why would interest rates fall as inflation fell in the 1980s?
3. Imagine you are an investment bank, and that you are leveraged 30 to 1. That is, for every dollar
of the bank’s money invested, there are 30 dollars of borrowed money invested. Imagine that
the bank buys a stock at $31 per share. Assuming no interest on the money the bank borrowed,
if the stock went to $32 per share, after paying back the borrowed money:
a) How much money does the bank have left over?
b) How much of that money is profit?
c) What percentage is this profit of the bank’s initial investment?
d) What would have happened to the bank’s investment had the share gone to $30?
4. Imagine that you are again an investment bank, and that you are now trading derivatives
contracts, specifically options, which give you the right, but not the obligation, to buy a
commodity at a certain price on a certain date in the future. You buy a contract to buy gold at
$1600 per ounce (the same price it is now) in 6 months, and this contract costs you $10.
a) If, on the options expiry date (ie in 6 months time) the gold price is $1650 per ounce, how
much should your contract be worth?
b) How much profit did you make on the contract? What percentage profit did you make on
your initial investment?
c) What would have happened to the value of your option if the price of gold had been below
$1600 on the expiry date?
d) Now, redo ‘b’, but imagine that you had bought the options contract with leverage, so that
you borrowed $9 of the cost of the contract and only used $1 of your own money. Assuming no
interest on the money you borrowed, what would be your percentage profit now?
Lesson 74 – The Global Financial Crisis of 2008-2011 - Part Three - Enter Fraud
When the bank robber Willie Sutton was asked by a reporter why he robbed banks, he reputedly replied
“because that’s where the money is.” Similarly, as the financial markets became increasingly where the
money was in the late 1990s and 2000s, so also did they become increasingly the platform for fraud.
The “cult of equities” (aka stocks) reached a fever pitch in the late 1990s during the dotcom bubble. By
the end of the decade financial news was on the front page and everyone, rich and poor, was excited by
technology companies whose stocks, despite often having no earnings, nonetheless rose steadily in
value on the NASDAQ stock exchange. In a nice touch, information technology enabled people to invest
in technology stocks without having to go through a broker so long as they had a computer, a modem,
and an electronic brokerage account.
With money flooding into the stock market, and with the media increasingly infatuated with the
financial markets they were supposed to be monitoring, what Alan Greenspan famously called
“irrational exuberance” took hold. For a while, it was a virtuous circle, as the money flooding in
supported higher prices, and earned many people who had gotten into the market for technology stocks
in the mid-1990s vast sums of money. However, in the end, the dotcom bubble became a Ponzi scheme.
A Ponzi scheme (or pyramid scheme) is so named for the fraud perpetrated by Charles Ponzi in the
1920s, where investors are encouraged to invest with promises of high returns which come, in the end,
from the money contributed by later investors. During the dotcom boom, investors made money buying
over-valued technology stocks as long as there were ‘bigger fools’ willing to pay even more later on.
The 2001 collapse of the energy trading firm Enron, which had been a darling of the financial media and
whose spectacular profits and rapidly rising stock price had lured in many investors, was a wake-up call
to some of the excesses of the financial industry. While retail investors were buying stocks in what was
purportedly a wonderfully profitable company, company insiders, aware of the true condition of the
firm, were selling. What was most disturbing about the Enron story was the revelation that it had
engaged in massive accounting fraud, aided and abetted by the accounting firm Arthur Andersen. Enron
employed a dizzying array of accounting tricks to keep profits on its books while putting losses onto the
books of subsidiaries (ie off-balance sheet accounting) registered in offshore banking centres. However,
in order not to lose lucrative consulting contracts with the firm, Arthur Andersen’s auditors (ie the
people who check the accounts of companies to make sure they are in accordance with the law) did not
look too closely at irregularities which even business school students found suspicious in the course of
their case studies. The exposure of this, and other scandals in the early 2000s shook confidence in the
stock market, which, like any other market, depends upon trust. Investors felt, quite rightly, that their
trust had been violated and began to pull their money out of.
As a result of this, in 2001 the US economy slipped into a recession. As there had been a lot of
misdirected investment in previous years a recession was what was needed to reset prices and redirect
investment capital towards other productive sectors. However, in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, it was
decided that the last thing American needed was a recession. Famously, President G.W. Bush exhorted
people to go out and shop in response to the attacks to show the terrorists that Americans would not let
them affect their way of life. As a result, the Federal Reserve lowered interest rates steadily until they
reached just 1% in 2004. Global trade imbalances, in particular those between East Asia (mainly China)
and the US, also helped to keep US interest rates low (as was discussed in lesson 69).
As we discussed in lesson 39, though, ultra low interest rates can result in precious capital being
misallocated. In many countries, low rates led to a frenzy of home building and buying, and a significant
increase in real estate prices. For a time, growth in the housing sector became self-sustaining, and
contributed significantly to economic growth as people used the increase in the value of their homes as
collateral for loans to finance increased spending. In short, rising asset prices supported increased
borrowing which in turn supported increased consumption and therefore GDP.
Banks were eager to profit from rising real estate prices and so (in line with the tendency to create and
trade derivatives) increasingly securitized mortgages to sell to investors. This process of securitization,
though, became corrupt. In the old days, when a homeowner took out a mortgage from a bank, the
bank would keep that mortgage on its accounts as an asset and so was concerned that the asset be a
good one. In other words, as mortgages granted were owed to the bank, the bank would only grant
mortgages to lenders clearly capable of paying them back. Securitization changed all of this. The process
of securitization was as follows. First, a mortgage broker would grant a mortgage to a homebuyer. The
mortgage broker was paid a commission that was based on the type and value of mortgage sold.
Mortgages to riskier homeowners (those with few assets or with a spotty employment and income
record) often could command higher interest rates and would often net the brokers a better
commission. The mortgages then were passed to the bank that issued the money, which would in turn
pass the mortgages on to an investment bank which would then create what was called a ‘mortgage
backed security’. Investors (pension funds, municipalities etc.) who bought mortgage backed securities
(which were sold as ‘low risk) would then receive the mortgage payments from the homeowners.
The problem with this approach was that the people who ultimately held the mortgages were not the
same people who had approved the mortgages. Mortgage brokers were interested in simply awarding
as many mortgages as possible and collecting their commission, while the banks, knowing that they
would in turn pass the mortgages on to investors, also were not motivated to ensure that the people
being granted mortgages were likely to pay them back. Predictably, some people who were granted
mortgages in this way (which often featured sharply rising rates a couple of years in, at least partly due
to the Federal Reserve’s decision to start raising interest rates in 2005 to arrest what was obviously a
housing bubble) later on proved unable to make their payments.
As these ‘sub-prime’ (ie high risk) mortgages went into default, two things happened. First, the homes of
the people in default were repossessed and were sold. This increase in housing supply had the effect of
driving down real estate prices, which led to some other homeowners owing more on their mortgage
than their home was worth. In this situation, many people who were able to make their payments
decided they would be better off walking away from their homes and associated mortgages, which
further increased the supply of homes on the market, further depressing prices in a vicious circle.
Secondly, investors who had bought mortgage backed securities stopped receiving the payments that
they had been assured were guaranteed. As the assumption had been that house prices would always
rise, the ratings agencies had judged such securities to be very safe. Now that they were shown to be
risky, a crisis of confidence swept the financial world. Most banks held mortgage backed securities in
their portfolios and up until the middle of 2008, they were a heavily traded liquid asset. However, once
they were seen as potentially risky, banks rushed to dump their mortgage backed securities and sought
the safety of cash. This collapsed their value and led to, among other things, the collapse of Lehman
Brothers in the fall of 2008. This collapse led financial markets to grind to a complete halt as Lehman
Brothers had assets and debts with most other large financial institutions who were now also potentially
in financial trouble if their money held with Lehman turned out to be unrecoverable.
To unfreeze capital markets, the US Treasury and the Federal Reserve agreed to buy up ‘troubled’ assets
(ie worthless mortgage backed securities) at full face value and to enable banks to borrow essentially
unlimited amounts of money at very low (almost zero percent) interest rates. This had the desired effect
on the financial system, and once again banks began to borrow and lend.
However, these bank bailouts (which were undertaken in concert with other governments around the
world) expanded government debt and increased the money supply enormously. While they restored
confidence in the financial system, they did so at the expense of confidence in the ability of
governments to pay their debts (ie the European debt crisis) or protect the purchasing power of their
currencies. More ominously, the bailouts were not accompanied by regulatory or other reforms
designed to reduce the ability of the banks to engage in risky, over-leveraged speculation in derivatives
and other assets. In fact, the bailouts, in the view of many commentators such as Matt Taibbi at Rolling
Stone Magazine, may have just encouraged more financial crises in the future due to moral hazard.
The fact of the matter is that the global financial system remains highly leveraged, and that the banks
themselves are not likely to voluntarily deleverage themselves as they are addicted to the profits that
can be made from leverage, particularly when they can borrow money at no cost from central banks.
Fundamentally, ultra-low interest rates can be seen to be enabling the financial industry to continue to
operate in the same fashion that brought on the crisis in the first place.
The collapse of the commodities broker MF Global in November 2011 was caused by a highly leveraged
trade on European bond derivatives that went wrong. However, MF Global had pledged assets in the
accounts of its customers as collateral for loans it had taken to make the trade. The financial industry
calls this practice, legal in the UK and the US, “re-hypothecation.” To make an analogy, when I take out
a mortgage on a home, I pledge the home as collateral against the loan. If I can’t pay back the loan, then
the lender has the right to take my home. However, no one else is allowed to use my house as collateral
for their loans. Otherwise, other people would gladly take out loans against my home secure in the
knowledge that if they couldn’t pay them back, that it is I who would be made homeless. However,
people with accounts at MF Global have seen the assets in their personal accounts seized by the banks
(JP Morgan is one) which lent MF Global money for its trades, as these assets had been pledged as
collateral for the banks’ loans to MF Global. The details of the bankruptcy are causing investors to lose
confidence in the US financial system’s institutional integrity and commitment to the rule of law.
Exercise 74
1. Define:
a) PONZI SCHEME
b) SECURITIZATION
c) RE-HYPOTHECATION
2. You live in a big city. You tell three of your friends about an investment opportunity you can that
is too complicated to explain, but that they must trust is real, that can give a return of 50% a
month. You tell them that you can only let in a few other people on this great opportunity, and
so they can only bring in three other people. All you ask is for them to give you $1000.
a) Complete the table below to see how the scheme would progress if repeated 4 times before
it collapses. Every round lasts one month. People only get paid their return (50% of $1000 =
$500/month) after they have been involved for at least a month.
Round New Participants Payments Received Old Participants Payments Disbursed
1 3 3000 0 0
2 9 9000 3 1500
3
4
End Total: Total:
b) What was your ‘take’ (payments minus disbursements) on the Ponzi scheme above?
c) Who else won from the scheme? Who lost?
3. We saw how the accounting firm Arthur Andersen failed to perform proper audits on the
accounts of Enron. Similarly, ratings agencies (like Moody’s and Standard and Poors) gave
mortgage backed securities “AAA” ratings as very safe investments, which encouraged pension
funds and others to buy them. Lastly, the trades undertake by MF Global were approved by the
Commodity Futures Trading Commission in the days prior to their filing for bankruptcy. What is
the common denominator in all of these situations? Why do you think the relevant agencies
failed to perform their duties in each case? Looking at the freeze-up of markets that tends to
follow such events, what cause of market failure is indicated?
Lesson 75 – The Global Financial Crisis of 2008-2011 – Part Four – The Big Picture Going Forward
So, to sum up, in the early 1980s the actions of Carter and Volcker restored confidence in the US dollar
(and by extension, the US economy), for a while we saw the following virtuous circle:
High interest rates beat inflation
leading to...
...encouraged deregulated banks to develop ...increased confidence in the US
more financial products to offer investors dollar and US financial markets,
and to take more risks to boost their profits, leading to lower interest rates
which... which...
...encouraged Americans and foreigners
to borrow and invest ever greater
amounts in financial markets, which...
However, over time, as the US financial sector became more and more powerful, two things happened.
First, it became overconfident and dabbled in increasingly complicated and risky trades (often involving
derivatives and using increased debt to provide leverage) to boost profits and investor returns.
Secondly, it began to have more and more influence over the US government. As the profitability of the
financial sector grew, so too did its ability to make financial contributions to politicians for their election
campaigns. These two trends put together resulted in the following vicious cycle becoming well-
entrenched during the Clinton administration:
...making them increasingly reckless, An increasingly profitable and well-
but also more profitable and powerful, connected financial services industry
and therefore able to continue to... (banks, investment banks, brokers and
insurance companies) can...
...increasing their profits in good times ...lobby gov’t for less regulation of the
(and minimizing their losses in bad times, industry (and for bailouts and/or
such as the Peso crisis, the popping of lower interest rates when faced with
the dotcom bubble etc.)... losses)...
The lobbying pressure the financial industry was able to exert upon the Federal Reserve, the US
Treasury, and regulators led to increasingly poor capital allocation. Since 2001, the Federal Reserve in
particular has become little more than a tool of the financial industry (which should not be a surprise as
it is, despite its apparently governmental name, wholly owned the private banks it is charged with
overseeing). While the Federal Reserve’s primary job, as understood well by Paul Volcker, is to guard
against inflation, over the years, as memories of the 1970s have abated, it has become more and more
concerned with keeping asset bubbles inflated for the benefit of the financial sector. To allow the large
investment banks and insurance companies to avoid bankruptcy the Fed has lent vast amounts of
money and kept interest rates near zero since 2008. However, as we learned when we first looked at the
business cycle in lesson 42, bankruptcy serves a useful function, as it allows debts to be cleared and
assets to find alternative uses, resulting in redirected sustained growth.
The situation described above is not really that surprising, as it has been seen in many other countries in
the past (Indonesia and South Korea in 1997, for instance). In an excellent article published in the
Atlantic Magazine in May 2009 entitled “The Quiet Coup”, Simon Johnson, an ex-chief economist with
the IMF, told how the situation facing the US in the fall of 2008 reminded him of the crises he had seen
in emerging economies whose governments had been effectively captured by special interests who, in
order to protect their privileges actively block necessary reform. In the article, Johnson says how, in
order to gain access to needed bailout money, the IMF would insist upon reforms meant to break up the
cozy relationships between well-connected businessmen and the government. These reforms were
always fiercely resisted until it was made clear that the alternative was complete chaos.
However, compared to crony capitalism in, say, Indonesia, the capture of the US government by the
financial industry is much more serious for two reasons. First, the US is the world’s largest economy and
the US dollar remains the global reserve currency (This latter role has, in fact, allowed the crisis to grow
to its current proportions as for some time the US has been allowed to spend more than they earn as
foreigners have been willing to accept dollars in exchange for their goods to use as reserves or to use in
trade with other countries). A collapse in the value of the US dollar (similar to the collapse in the values
of the Thai baht and Indonesian rupiah during the Asian financial crisis of 1997) would lead to chaos not
just in the US but around the world as governments would see their reserves dwindle in value,
commodity prices (which are usually priced in dollars) skyrocket, and trade flows wither.
Second, while emerging economies have, in the past, been able to restore confidence with IMF (ie US)
prescribed reforms and assistance in the form of dollars, obviously this cannot be the case for the US
itself. The special privilege of being the centre of the world financial system carries with it a
responsibility to manage economic affairs with extreme prudence, because if you get things wrong,
there is no organization or nation above you capable of bailing you out. That is why the wrenching
recession of 1981 was necessary – the US had to show leadership and accept immense macroeconomic
pain in order to restore the global economy to health. However, while in the 1970s the irresponsibility
that had led to the crisis had been governmental (ie the desire of the Johnson and Nixon governments
to engage in a costly war in Vietnam without raising taxes), and could therefore be reversed with a
change in governmental priorities, today’s problems, being caused mainly by an out-of-control financial
industry, may be harder to address. The big investment banks (like Goldman Sachs) may not care about
the damage that a collapse in the dollar would cause the global economy so long as they can profit from
the volatility, as was the case in past emerging market crises. Here again, the experience from the Asian
financial crisis is instructive – in some ways the emerging market crises of the past 15 years can be
viewed as ‘trial runs’ for the take down of the US economy, which is indisputably the world’s fattest
prize. The first step in all of the emerging market crises was to force the deregulation of the financial
sector to allow greater participation by foreign banks. The second step was for these foreign banks to
flood the country with loans, which is easy as people usually optimistic and eager to borrow to build
businesses and homes. The third step was to engineer a financial crisis that would lead to a collapse in
the currency and asset prices (and widespread misery). The last step was for the foreign banks to buy
valuable companies, real estate and other assets cheaply in the immediate aftermath of the crisis, often
after having wrung further concessions out of the government to make them less subject to regulation.
What is important to note here is that there is no need for any sort of conspiracy for this to happen, but
rather that there are incentives at every stage that will cause profit and bonus-seeking bankers to act in
certain ways, especially bankers who have become accustomed to moral hazard. Bankers make
commissions on loans given, not on loans withheld, so in a deregulated environment where possibly the
loans will be sold onwards (much like housing loans were securitized in the US during the housing
bubble) they will try to lend as much money as possible to borrowers. Almost inevitably too much will
be lent as it is in our human nature to borrow more than we can afford to repay. Thus, a crisis is
inevitable. In the aftermath of a crisis, similarly, the incentive to buy valuable assets at knock-down
prices is similarly irresistible. What the various crises do suggest is that in the absence of strict
regulation, the financial sector has shown itself either incapable or unwilling to allocate capital
prudently. Instead, what the sector has given us is a succession of ever growing asset bubbles (emerging
markets, technology, housing) and consequent financial crises.
So, where do we go from here? Unlike in emerging markets that suffered from crony capitalism (where
certain businesses and the government worked for their own mutual benefit, at the expense of the
nation as a whole) where well-connected people would flee to the safety of the dollar, and thus
precipitate a currency crisis that would bring in the IMF and structural reform, in this case there is no
place for people to go and no organization or institution that can be called upon to impose reforms. As a
result, what we are likely to see is more of the same – an increase in the money supply to support more
bailouts and a steady rise in inflation, which may play out in one of two ways.
Most optimistically, if higher inflation results in a rise in asset, and in particular housing prices, the crisis
could pass. Higher housing prices would lead to fewer people walking away from homes that are worth
less than is owed on them, which would in turn lead to a fall in the number of homes for sale by banks
which would further support prices. Higher prices would also lead to people feeling richer and spending
money again, which would ease unemployment. Lastly, higher home prices and more robust
employment figures would lead to increased tax revenue and lower government spending and would
reduce the risk of governments defaulting on their obligations (ie the Greek crisis). With asset prices and
nominal GDP both rising and the debt to GDP ratio falling, confidence would return and with it economic
growth. A desperate desire to create and protect a narrative of growth and recovery (even if based on
lies) to create such confidence may help explain the manner in which MF Global was made bankrupt.
More pessimistically, without reforms, increased money creation by the Federal Reserve will just lead to
an environment more subject to moral hazard and therefore more mal-investment and speculation by
the financial sector. One commentator, Max Keiser, has compared the current monetary regime to a
municipal water system with a broken mains pipe. While businesses and homeowners need money to
support asset prices, banks in the US are not lending, despite their having received trillions of dollars
from the Fed to do so. Instead, banks are hoarding the money to cover the losses they sustained in the
past (but have not revealed, for fear of being recognized as insolvent) or are using the money to
speculate in commodities, which has resulted in higher prices for food and fuel. So, while the pumping
station (the Fed) is pumping money into the system, none of it is reaching people’s homes (households
and businesses). Instead, it is leaking out of the mains (the banking system) before it can reach homes
and is causing the streets to flood (price inflation).
Eventually, though, if inflation rises high enough to be a political problem (and it has a history of doing
so – nothing brings crowds onto the street more assuredly than rising food prices), governments will
have to act to arrest it, but will face determined opposition from a financial sector that has become used
to unlimited money at zero interest. In the end, those institutions that have been prudent and are
solvent will survive, while those that have not will go bankrupt. These bankruptcies will lead to huge
losses for many, as the bankrupt will be rendered unable to honour their own debts to others. This
process of reducing the quantity of financial assets/debts relative to the monetary base or income of an
economy is called deleveraging. While it sounds awful, the alternative is worse.
The experience of Japan since 1990 is instructive in this regard. In the 1980s Japan experienced a stock
market and housing bubble the likes of which the world has never seen. At one point, the grounds of the
Imperial Palace in Tokyo were judged to be more valuable than all of the commercial real estate in
Canada! When the bubble burst, though, the Japanese government and large corporations and financial
institutions did not write off bad debts and let insolvent firms go bankrupt. Instead, in order to avoid
deleveraging, they pursued a policy of ultra-low interest rates which has led to over 20 years of mils
deflation and low growth. The ‘zombie banks’ continue to exist, taking resources that would be better
employed by new firms and entrepreneurs, to the detriment of the entire Japanese economy. As there
has been next to no growth for 20 years, the Japanese government has continued to spend money on
stimulus measures to support income and employment, so that now Japan’s debt to GDP ratio is at an
all-time high. However, despite having ultra-low interest rates for 20 years, housing prices have not
risen. Japan has suffered economic stagnation for an entire generation due to its unwillingness to let
members of its governmental and corporate elite/oligarchy face the reality of failure.
In the end, avoiding such scenarios is why we employ markets. Free markets are good at establishing
market-clearing prices and at allocating resources accordingly. They uncover the truth. While it makes
sense for central banks to intervene in financial markets occasionally to provide liquidity during panics, it
makes no sense for them to intervene in order to prop up insolvent institutions indefinitely. This is
especially so if in order to do so one of the most important prices in the economy, the interest rate, has
to be manipulated lower, discouraging savings and encouraging those who have borrowed and wasted
the most capital in the past to continue to waste it with even more abandon in the future.
Exercise 75
1. Define:
a) CRONY CAPITALISM
b) DELEVERAGING
2. How can the statements “people are reckless and don’t know when to stop” and “give a man
enough rope, and he will hang himself” be applied to the events leading up to the global
financial crisis?
3. Thinking of the statements above, do you think that people in the financial services industry
deliberately set out to inflate asset price bubbles (like the dotcom or housing bubble)?
4. The “Occupy Wall Street” movement of the fall of 2011 listed three demands just before they
were removed from the park they were occupying in New York. They were:
a) Get the money out of politics.
b) Reinstate the Glass-Steagal act (which had separated investment banking from retail banking
from 1933 until 1999 and which had introduced deposit insurance for retail bank accounts).
c) Draft laws against the little-known loophole that currently allows members of Congress to
pass legislation affecting Delaware-based corporations in which they themselves are investors.
How would these measures make the financial system more stable? Do some research on the
Glass-Steagal act before you answer.
5. In the lesson, I have outlined three possible scenarios – money creation leading to asset price
inflation and normalcy, money creation leading to price inflation and an anti-inflationary
response a la Volcker, and money creation enabling stagnation a la Japan. I have left out the
most horrifying possibility, which is money creation leading to hyperinflation. Explain how this
could occur and why it would be the worst of all outcomes.
6. Were rising prices for food and fuel a factor in the ‘Arab Spring’ protests in Tunisia, Egypt, and
Syria and other countries in the Middle East? If so, what is the connection between these
protests and the financial crisis and associated bailouts?