L E A P n e w sNumber 13 – April 2007 • Newsletter of the lANguAge iN educAtioN iN AfricA project

Editor’s noteBonjour! Molweni! Sanibonani! Jambo! Hallo! Ola! and welcome to this edition of LEAPnews the first of 2007. My name is Thandeka (the loved one) Teyise, your new editor. This year looks promising in many respects. I foresee a positive start on African languages considering the African Union declaration “Year of African Languages for 2006/2007” and the efforts by African language fundis and loyalists. The richness and prosperity of African language and culture is an area of interest that propels me to want to know more about the African continent. In the past decade I worked as a journalist, travelled extensively around the African continent, and have discovered so many interesting things about the African languages spoken by Bantu people.

For example similarities between Kiswahili and other Nguni languages from the East to the South of the African continent.

Here are some words derived from Kiswahili that are also spoken in East Africa, Malawi, DR Congo down to South Africa, with the same meanings, e.g.: ukuni = wood = ukhuni (isiXhosa and isiZulu); mvua = rain = imvula, kuku = chicken = nkukhu, nyoka (joka) = snake = inyoka, nyama = meat = inyama (all isiXhosa, isiNdebele, isiZulu, isiSwati); mkono = arm = umkhono (isiXhosa, isiZulu); mamako = your mother = umawakho (isiZulu) and umamakho (isiXhosa); and unywele = hair = unwele, mate = saliva = amathe (isiXhosa, isiZulu).

Did you know that even when counting in Kiswahili, isiXhosa and isiZulu there are similarities? For example mbili = two = mbili (isiZulu) and mbini (isiXhosa), tatu = three = thathu (isiZulu) and thathu or ntathu (isiXhosa), nne = four = ne (isiXhosa and Zulu), tano = five = hlanu (isiXhosa and isiZulu) and kumi = ten = ishumi (isiXhosa and isiZulu).

The need for the rehabilitation of African languages is a simple one. Africans learn best in their own languages, they know from their parents, from home. It is in these languages that they can best create and innovate. – Kwesi Kwaa Prah

In this edition of LEAPnews the focus is on the revival and preservation of the history and culture in the form of the famous Timbuktu manuscripts which date back to the 13th century.

In this manuscript from 1872 (1297 in the Islamic calendar), written in Arabic, one Fatima Bint Hafsat bestows on her daughter Nana Alpha Ije her house, plus a healthy slave woman, Bariyah. The house is situated in the Famo al-Ghasba area. The gift is given unconditionally and with immediate effect. Fatima testifies that it is her own property that she is giving away. She does so before Allah, hoping that she will be rewarded in Paradise (Heaven). For Allah does not disappoint the hopes of those who seek Him. The manuscript notes that the beneficiary (the daughter) has accepted the donation, as a result of which it becomes her property. Witnessed by Mohammad al-Bukary and his father Abdurahman as-Suyuti (the latter was at one stage the Imam of the Djingereiber Mosque, the great mosque in Timbuktu). Image courtesy of John Hunwick. Thanks to Seydou Traore and Shaheed Mathee for the Arabic translation and additional informa-tion.Thandeka

• LEAPnews 13�

Editor’s note: isiXhosaBonjour! Molweni! Sanibonani! Jambo! Hallo! Ola! namkelekile kushicelelo lwethu lokuqala lwe-LEAPnews ku2007. Igama lam nguThandeka (othandwayo) Teyise umhleli wenu omtsha. Lo nyaka ukhangeleka uthembisa kwinkalo zonke. Ndibona isiqalo eshihle kwimiba ejongene neelwimi zesiNtu zase Afrika ingakumbi xa siqwalasela isibhambathiso samazwe amanyeneyo aseAfrika nesithi “Umnyaka weelwimi zaseAfrika kui 2006 no-2007” nemizamo yezazi zolwimi nabo baxhasa oko. Ubutyebi nokwanda kolwimi lwesiNtu nobugcisa, lo ngumba ondichukumisayo nosenyongweni kum nondibangela ndifune ukwazi banzi ngezwekazi laseAfrika. Kwiminyaka elishumi edlulileyo ngethuba ndisebenza njenge ntatheli ndihambe kakhulu ndiphuma ndingena ngaphakathi nangaphandle kweli le-Afrika ndibona izinto ezitsalis’umxhelo ngeelwimi zesiNtu nezithethwa nguNtu.

Kukho ukuyelelana kolwimi kwi-Kiswahili nezinye ilwimi zesiNguni ezithethwa ukususela eMpuma ukuya eMzantsi wezwekazi i-Afrika.

Nanga amanye amagama ayeleleneyo nathetha into enye kwi-Kiswahili nathi afumaneke nakwezinye iilwimi ezithethwa kwiMpuma Afrika, eMalawi eCongo ukuyakuthi xhaxhe eMzantsi Afrika umzekelo: ukuni (Kiswahili) = wood (English) = ukhuni (isiXhosa and isiZulu); mvua = rain = imvula, kuku = chicken = nkukhu, nyoka (joka) = snake = inyoka, nyama = meat = inyama (isiXhosa, isiNdebele, isiZulu, isiSwati); mkono = arm = umkhono (isiXhosa, isiZulu); mamako = your mother = umawakho (isiZulu) = umamakho (isiXhosa); and unywele = hair = unwele, mate = saliva = amathe (isiXhosa, isiZulu).

Ubusazi na ukuba nasekubaleni ngesi-Kiswahili, ngesiXho-sa nangesiZulu kuyafana? Umzekelo mbili (Kiswahili) = two = mbili (isiZulu) = mbini (isiXhosa), tatu = three =thathu (isiZulu), thathu or ntathu (isiXhosa), nne = four = ne (isiXhosa and isiZulu), tano = five = hlanu (isiXhosa and isiZulu) and kumi-ten = ishumi (isiXhosa and isiZulu).

Imfuneko yokuvusa nokulungiswa kweeL-wimi zesiNtu ilula. Ama-Afrika afunda ngcono ngolwimi lwawo, akuncanca oku kubazali babo nasekhaya. Kungezii lwimi ke apho bathi bathi baziqenye bebanga bezingca ngazo. – Kwesi Kwaa Prah

Kolu shicelelo lwe-LEAPnews sizakugxila ekubuyis-weni nasekugcinweni kwembali inkcubeko nendumasi lwamacwecwe olwazi ezwana i-Timbuktu ukususela kwinku-lungwane yethoba. Amabali amathathu azakusithatha asise ngqo kuhambo namaxesha embali yamacwecwe engamawa-ka angamashumi amathathu.

Editor’s note: PortugueseBonjour! Molweni! Sanibonani! Jambo! Hallo! Olá! e bem-vindos e bem-vindas à primeira edição de LEAPnews 2007. O meu nome é Thandeka (a bem amada) Teyise, a vossa nova editora. Este ano parece prometedor em muitas esferas de acção. Prevejo um começar positivo em línguas Africanas considerando a declaração da União Africana “Ano das Línguas Africanas em 2006 e 2007” e esforços por especialistas e loyalists/legalista’fieis 1ínguas Africanas. A riqueza e prosperidade de línguas e culturas Africanas é uma das minhas áreas de interesse que me leva a querer saber mais acerca do continente Africano. Na última década trabalhei como jornalista, viajei extensivamente no e à volta do continente Africano e descobri muitas coisas interessantes acerca das línguas Africanas faladas pelos povos Bantu.

As semelhanças linguistas entre Kiswahili e outras dialec-tos isiNguni do Oriente ao Sul do continente Africano.

Aqui estão algumas palavras derivadas de Kiswahili, que são usadas na África Oriental, no Malaui, na RD do Congo até à África do Sul, com o mesmo significado; por exemplo: ukuni = madeira = ukhuni (isiXhosa, isiZulu); mvua = chuva = imvula, kuku = galinha = nkukhu, nyoka (joka) = cobra = inyoka, nyama = carne = inyama (isiXhosa, isiNdebele, isiZulu, isiSwati); mkono= braço – umkhono (isiXhosa, isiZulu), mamako = a tua mãe = umawakho (isiZulu) e umamakho (isiXhosa); uny-wele = cabelo = unwele (isiXhosa and isiZulu); mate = saliva = amathe (isiXhosa and isiZulu).

Sabiam que mesmo quando contando em Kiswahili, isiXhosa e isiZulu existem semelhanças tais como por exemplo mbili (Kiswahili) = dois = mbili (isiZulu) mbini (isiXhosa); tatu = três = thathu (isiZulu), thathu or ntathu (isiXhosa); nne = quatro = ne (isiXhosa, isiZulu); tano = cinco = hlanu (isiXhosa, isiZulu); kumi = dez = ishumi (isiXhosa, isiZulu).

A necessidade de reabilitar as línguas Af-ricanas é simples. Africanos/as aprendem melhor nas suas próprias línguas, que aprendem dos seus pais, em casa. É nestas línguas que eles/as podem melhor criar e inovar. – Kwesi Kwaa Prah

Nesta edição de LEAPnews o focos é na recuperação e preservação da história e cultura Africana dos famosos manuscritos de Timbuktu que datam do século 13. Três artigos levarão-nos através da viagem e tempos da história de cerca de 30 000 manuscri-tos de Timbuktu.

Thandeka

Hallow Andy,It was nice seeing you too at the Fair, thanks. These are last minor corrections before you can send the copy to the printers. Sorry, Dear about this I know it is time consuming. NB!! The editor’s note isiXhosa translation the first paragraph after introduction that starts with “Ukuyelelana..........” There’s a word missing at the beginning of the sentence. It should be - Kukho ukuyelelana kolwimi ...... please add - Kukho the next word should follow in small letters.Next paragraph that starts with “Nanga amanye magama ..... it should be amagama and not

3April �007 •

“Uganda: Councillors Ban English in Meetings”African languages get recognition and the respect they deserve in Uganda. This, according to the New Vision (Kampala), was visible when councillors of Mukono Town Council banned the use of English during their meetings.

In a council meeting held in Mukono in January 2007 the councillors agreed that they would speak only Luganda during deliberations for the good of all the members.

“It is not proper to deliberate in English and leave some of our colleagues behind. I suggest that the council resolves that only Luganda be used in our meetings,” a councillor said, drawing applause from the members.

During the same meeting, the councillors asked the Mayor, Johnson Muyanja Senyonga, and the speaker, Wilberforce Makumbi, to work with the town clerk to set up a programme that would enable them to go back to school and learn English.

– by John Semakula

“Every language a home”A strong call for mother-tongue based multilingualism was made at a meeting in Stellenbosch, Western Cape, South Africa, on 8 March. The symposium, part of the annual Woordfees (word festival in Afrikaans), explored the practi-cal implications of the pro-multilingual stance of the South African Constitution under the theme, ’n Tuiste in Eie Taal (every language a home). Local and international present-ers looked at multilingualism in relation to globalisation, affordability, and technology. Proceedings took place in Afrikaans and English, with the help of interpreters. The event was organised by civil society groupings i-MAG (Multilingualism Action Group) and TABEMA (Task Group for the Empowerment of users of Afrikaans on Television). The groups released a joint media statement noting “that the use of the indigenous languages and their rights were eroded despite constitutional protection”. The statement called on the government to implement the National Language Policy Framework by bringing the long overdue SA Languages Bill before parliament. The Bill seeks to promote linguistic diversity and language rights, and provides for the establish-ment of multilingual services at all levels of government. The Bill was drafted seven years ago, in 2000, and has yet to be considered by the South African legislature.

– by i-MAG and TABEMA

South African language innovators win top African ICT award for bridging the digital divideTranslate.org.za are winners of the Prestigious African ICT Achiever 2006 Award for bridging the digital divide in Africa by breaking down the language barrier!

An ecstatic Dwayne Bailey, founder of translate.org.za said, “Finally, after years of hard work promoting the im-

Snip-snap short articles on African languages

portance of mother tongue languages in ICTs it is fitting that language has been recognised as a critical part of the digital divide in the same year the African Union celebrates the year of African languages.”

Bailey added, “We hope this will lead to more localisa-tion within South Africa and across the continent as we look forward to helping others to make similar achievements in their countries.”

Translate.org.za’s work has included the translation of com-puter software into the 11 official languages of South Africa using locally based translators; and more recently the creation of the first all-South African language keyboard – a world first!

“This is the first Africans-helping-Africans, no strings at-tached Free Software. It has always been my dream that one day fellow South Africans would be using computers in their mother tongues,” said Bailey.

The NGO intervenes whenever technology becomes a barrier to language. For example, TshiVenda, one of the official languages of South Africa, cannot be accurately typed on a computer. The result being that TshiVenda speakers are unable to type their own names correctly.

Therefore, one can only wonder how their names have been typed on their birth certificates. Using Translate’s key-board means TshiVenda can for the first time be typed ac-curately, along with all the other official languages, including Afrikaans and to a lesser extent Sotho sa Leboa and Setswana.

Translate has also made spell-checkers from Afrikaans all the way to isiZulu! This means people in South Africa no longer have to suffer the indignity of their language being underlined in red by an ignorant teacher.

Abe Mathibela, Business Development Manager at Trans-late, and a mother-tongue Sesotho speaker said, “This recogni-tion makes me very, very happy. It’s a breakthrough, as now the common myths and fallacies that we cannot have computers in our languages have been bridged. There are a whole lot of things that can now happen across Africa to challenge the exclusion of African languages.”

On the African continent as well as world-wide, Translate.org.za has provided help and support to other passionate peo-ple wanting to start similar initiatives for their mother tongue. Now through the WordForge Foundation, of which Translate.org.za is a founding partner, they continue to help each other both in Africa and the rest of the world.

– by translate.org.za

If you are interested to learn Kiswahili and other African lan-guages browse: <http://africanlanguages.com>.

The LEAPNews team would like to extend our sincere grati-tude to Carolize Jansen, a previous LEAPNews editor, for her continued support and regular contributions of news snippets to the magazine. We say “Asante sana, Merci beaucoup, Thank you so much, Enkosi kakhulu, Obrigado, Baie dankie”.

Till next time. Kwa heri, Goodbye!– by Thandeka Teyise

• LEAPnews 13�

The first Linguapax Afrika International Congress held in Cameroon in December of 2006 gained momentum for the revival of African Languages and linguistic abilities in Africa. The congress, organised by the Linguapax delegation in that continent based at NACALCO (Yaounde) and supported by the Spanish and Catalan Agencies of Cooperation coincides with the African Union vision to accelerate the use of African languages within the African continent. With its theme “Year of African Languages for 2006 and 2007”, African Union’s main aim is to encourage the use of indigenous languages and promote the African Union’s five official languages, French, Portuguese, Kiswahili, Arab and English.

About 60 delegates that assembled at the conference range from African language policy makers, professors and researchers from different African countries such as Mali, Senegal, Chad, Benin, Nigeria, Tanzania, South Africa and Algeria. Enthusiastic language students from all Cameroonian universities also participated in the conference and other delegates came from as far as Europe (Catalonia and Basque Country) and other parts of the world to be part of the conference.

The congress’s theme “Languages, Cultural Diversity and Peace in Africa” brightened up the delegates’ spirits and renewed the core business of the conference, which was to enrich and strengthen African languages.

In a paper presented by Ntombizanele Nkence of the Project for the Study of Alternative Education in South Africa (PRAESA) at the University of Cape Town, it was mentioned that there are challenges “language policies forcing use of colonial languages that in turn neglect and underdevelop African languages for high status purposes, particularly as languages of reading and writing”. This impacts on the primary school system of oral tradition with its great potential to impart knowledge and function as a bridge to literacy. “Children cannot understand what’s going on and so they cannot learn effectively” she adds.

Scientific papers discussed at the congress were of a very high standard. Enormous support and group working relationships were established amongst African sociolinguists during the congress. These bear positive testimony that through partnerships a lot can be achieved, especially when considering the usual lack of scientific exchanges and difficulties of geographic mobility due to poor lines of communication in and between African states. Introduction and continued use of local languages in the education system were amongst topics discussed by all presenters as an area of concern.

Participants at the congress demonstrated effort, vigour and vitality which boosted morale and brought African languages to the fore. This opened the way to a mutual exchange of different linguistic experiences and gave new impetus to identify common problems within the complex sociolinguistic reality in Africa. It opened a dialogue and shed light on strategies and plans of action and on how to share, protect, retain and promote the huge linguistic heritage on the African continent.

Countries such as South Africa, Senegal or Cameroon where language diversity and multilingualism has progressed, attracted great interestamong congress participants. Positive developments in language policy in these countries have proven to be a starting point for good things.

The international participants and organisers were impressed by the professionalism and compelling confidence showed by all speakers and contributors. It was evident that the commitment from

TAKING AFRICAN LANGUAGES VIGOROUSLY TO A HIGHER LEVEL

Le premier Congrès International de Linguapax Afrika qui s’est tenu au Cameroun en décembre 2006 à pris son élan pour la renaissance des langues africaines et des capacités linguistiques en Afrique. Le congrès, organisé par la délégation de Linguapax sur le continent basé à NACALCO (Yaoundé) et soutenu par les agences espagnoles et catalanes de coopération; coïncide avec la vision de l’Union Africaine pour l’accélération dans l’utilisation des langues africaines sur le continent africain. Avec son thème « Année des langues africaines pour 2006 et 2007 », le but principal de l’Union Africaine est d’encourager l’utilisation des langues indigènes et de promouvoir les cinq langues officielles de l’Union Africaine: Français, Portugais, Kiswahili, Arabe et Anglais.

Les 60 délégués qui se sont réunis à la conférence re-groupait des décideurs de la politique linguistique africaine, des professeurs et des chercheurs provenant de différents pays africains tels que le Mali, le Sénégal, le Tchad, le Bénin, le Nigéria, la Tanzanie, l’Afrique du Sud et l’Algérie. Les étudi-ants linguistes enthousiastes de toutes les universités cameroun-aises ont également participés à la conférence en plus d’autres délégués venus d’aussi loin que l’Europe (la Catalogne et le pays Basque) et d’autres régions du monde pour faire partie de la conférence.

Le thème du congrès « Langues, Diversité Culturelle et Paix en Afrique » a éclairé les esprits des délégués et renouvelé le thème central de la conférence qui cherche à enrichir et renforc-er l’existence des langues africaines.

Dans le document présenté par Ntombizanele Nkence du Projet pour l’Étude de l’Éducation Alternative en Afrique du Sud (PRAESA) de l’Université de Cape Town, a rappelé qu’il y a des défis comme « les politiques linguistiques qui forcent l’utilisation des langues coloniales et par conséquent, provoquent la négligence et le sous-développant les langues africaines pour des fonctions plus élevées, en particulier comme langue de lecture et d’écriture ». Ceci a un impact sur le système scolaire primaire de la tradition orale avec son grand potentiel de transmission des connaissances et de pont pour l’alphabétisation. « Les enfants ne peuvent pas comprendre ce qui se passe et de ce fait ils ne peuvent pas apprendre efficace-ment » Ajoute-t-elle.

Les documents scientifiques discutés au congrès étaient d’un niveau très élevés. Le soutien énorme et les relations de travail de groupe établies entre les sociolinguistes africains pendant le congrès soutiennent le témoignage positif qu’au travers de ces associations beaucoup peut être réalisé, particulièrement quand on considère le manque habituel d’échanges scientifiques et les difficultés de mobilité géographique dues aux communications linguistiques pauvres entre les États africains. L’introduction et l’utilisation des langues locales dans le système d’éducation étaient parmi les matières discutées par tous les présentateurs comme sujet de préoccupation.

L’effort et la vigueur démontrés par les participants à la conférence a entièrement absorbés leur vitalité et portés le moral et l’existence des langues africaines en avant. Ceci a ouvert la voie à l’exercice concerté d’échanges de différentes expériences linguistiques de différent pays. Ceci a donné une nouvelle signification à l’audience pour la trouvaille

AMENER VIGOUREUSEMENT LES LANGUES AFRICAINES À UN PLUS HAUT NIVEAU

�April �007 •

Book ReviewThis collection of essays reports on studies done by various language research-ers under the aegis of the Language of Instruction in Tanzania and South Africa (LOITASA) project with the focus on the use of African languages as media of instruc-tion in South Africa and in Tanzania. The authors are language professionals from the universities of the University of the Western Cape (South Africa), Dar-es-Sa-laam (Tanzania) and Oslo (Norway).

The book, the fourth to appear in the LOITASA series in as many years, illus-trates the pivotal role of language and its impact on the daily lives of school-going learners. The authors take the reader on a journey of trying to get to the bottom of mother-tongue based education in differ-ent schools in South Africa and Tanzania. Several of the studies seek to address the involvement of parents, learners and edu-cators in addressing the language problem in contexts where it is difficult for children to understand school material and lessons because these are presented in an essential foreign language, English. The lesson that children learn better in their home language is being learnt in the project schools in Khayelitsha and Nyanga in the Western Cape, where people speak isiXhosa first, and in Dar-es-Salaam, where Kiswahili is widespread as lingua franca and is better known than English.

The chapters present interesting detailed descriptions and in-depth analyses of the outcomes. The book is available from Ms Rhona Wales, Faculty of Education, University of the Western Cape, South Africa, Private Bag X 17, Bellville 7530, e-mail: rwales@uwc.ac.za.

– by Thandeka Teyise

Pitio ya kitabuKusanyiko hili la makala linaripoti juu ya tafiti ambazo zimefanywa na wataalamu mbalimbali wa lugha chini ya mradi wa LOITASA (Lugha ya Kufundishia katika Tanzania na Afrika Kusini), shabaha ikiwa katika kutumia lugha za Kiafrika kama njia ya kufundishia nchini Af-rika Kusini na Tanzania. Waandishi ni wataalamu wa lugha kutoka vyuo vikuu vya Western Cape (Afrika Kusini), Dar as Salaam (Tanzania) na Oslo (Norway).

Kitabu hiki, cha nne kuandikwa katika mfululizo wa vitabu vya LOITASA katika miaka kadhaa, kinaelezea umuhimu wa lugha na uzito wake katika maisha ya kila siku ya watoto wa shule. Waandishi wanampitisha msomaji katika safari ya kumtaka afike kwenye msingi wa elimu ili-yojikita katika lugha ya mama katika shule mbalimbali za Afrika Kusini na Tanzania. Baadhi ya tafiti zinakusudia kutalii ushiriki

wa wazazi, wanafunzi na walimu katika kulijadili tatizo la lugha katika miktadha ambamo wanafunzi wanashindwa kuelewa mambo na masomo ya shule kwa kuwa tu yamewasilishwa katika lugha ngeni, yaani Kiingereza. Somo ambalo wanafunzi wanajifunza vizuri kwa lugha ya kwao

linafundishwa katika shule za mradi huko Khayelitsha na Nyanga katika Western Cape, ambako wenyeji huzungumza ki-Xhosa na huko Dar as Salaam ambako Kiswahili kimeenea kama lugha ya mawasiliano mapana na inaeleweka zaidi kuliko Kiingereza.

Sura za kitabu zinatoa uchambuzi wa mambo kwa kina na mvuto. Kitabu kinapatikana kwa Ms Rhona Wales, Kitivo cha Elimu, Chuo Kikuu cha Western Cape, Afrika Kusini, Sanduku la Pekee X 17, Bellville 7530; barua-e: rwales@uwc.ac.za.

– na Thandeka Teyise

Josep Cru

these professionals can make strides in addressing the promotion of African language and cultural diversity in Africa. The second Lin-guapax Afrika International Congress will be held in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) later this year.

– by Josep Cru and Thandeka Teyise

et l’identification des problèmes communs dans la réalité sociolinguistique complexe en Afrique. Cela a également ouvert un dialogue et a apporté un peu plus de lumière sur les stratégies, le plan d’action et la façon de partager; protéger, maintenir et favoriser un héritage linguistique énorme sur le continent africain.

Les pays tels que l’Afrique du Sud, le Sénégal ou le Camer-oun où la diversité linguistique et le multilinguisme a progressé, ont montré un intérêt particulier à en juger par certains des discours présentés au congrès. Des cas positifs de politiques linguistiques effectuées par ces pays se sont avérés être le point de départ de bonnes choses à venir.

Les participants et les organisateurs internationaux ont été impressionnés par le professionnalisme et la confiance irrésistible manifestés par tous les orateurs et contributeurs. Il était évident que l’engagement de ces professionnels ait fait et peut faire avancer les choses à grands pas en adressant la promotion de la langue africaine et de la diversité culturelle en Afrique. On s’attend à ce que le deuxième Congrès Interna-tional de Linguapax Afrika soit tenu à Addis Ababa (Éthiopie) plus tard dans l’année.

– par Josep Cru et Thandeka Teyise

continued from page 4

Focus on fresh data on the language of instruc-tion debate in Tanzania and South Africa, edited by Birgit Brock-Utne, Zubeida Desai and Marta Qorro and published by African Minds, 2006

• LEAPnews 13�

The African Union has declared 2006/7 the Year of African Languages (YoAL). While the main focus is on the official languages of the AU (Arabic, English, French, Kiswahili, Portuguese), the broader intention behind the YoAL is to promote the development and use of African languages more generally. The African Academy of Languages (ACALAN) is the co-ordinating body in this regard.

An area most often identified as “difficult” for African languages is what is known in South Africa as MST, i.e. Maths, Science, and Technology. This article reflects on a terminology development initiative undertaken by the Project for the Study of Alternative Education in South Africa (PRAESA), with specific reference to isiXhosa. With some 8 million speakers isiXhosa is the second-biggest language in the country as well as in the Western Cape Province.

Why develop African languages for teaching Mathematics, Science and Technology?There are several reasons why African languages should be de-veloped for teaching and learning subjects such as mathemat-ics, science and technology at schools.a. All languages can potentially be used for mathematics,

science and technology. For historical reasons most African languages have not (yet) been developed to the same levels as the former colonial languages English, French, Portu-guese and Spanish.

b. Learners who speak an African language at home bring to the classroom their own understanding of the world. Unless the language learners know best is used as a basic tool for teaching, learning and assessment, the education system is failing them.

c. Most children in schools across Africa are taught in the former colonial language. Usually this language is not spoken at home and is unknown to learners.

d. Textbooks and other teaching materials often convey information or facts rather than helping learners to critically think about and explore the world.

e. Learners whose home languages are different from the language of learning and teaching (LoLT) struggle in content subjects or learning areas. In our townships, most teachers feel the need to use the learners’ home lan-guage in class to help learners understand.

f. Moving back and forth between the home language and the LoLT has limited value when writing and assessment continue to be done in the LoLT (usually English in South Africa) only.

g. In the Western Cape, textbooks written in English make little sense to most Xhosa-speak-ing learners. Therefore there is a great need to use isiXhosa in the teaching, learning and assessment of content subjects or learning areas.

How can isiXhosa be elaborated for MST teaching?There are three broad strategies that we use in order to come up with terminology for the teaching of science and mathemat-ics at school.

The first strategy is adapting MST textbooks. Teachers could develop grade or phase-specific learning materials like integrated teaching lessons, bilingual posters and charts and other teaching resources. These would help to make African languages visible in classrooms and the curriculum acces-sible to learners. Learners would benefit from these materials as handy references. Since there are few textbooks written in African languages there is a great need for adapting and translating texts, mainly from English. Where necessary, teach-ers are encouraged to change the format of the original text to accommodate their own ideas and understanding of things. This includes adapting or modifying the text in order to suit their classroom needs. Textbooks and other teaching resources can also be translated or adapted to produce bilingual mother-tongue-based materials.

The second strategy involves writing and translating MST stories. MST story books in isiXhosa should be available in the classroom to encourage learners to develop science and math-ematics literacy in their home language(s). This could be done by translating good science stories and writing original stories in isiXhosa and other African languages. This will greatly help to promote African languages as high status languages and not languages which can only be used in cultural domains.

Developing terminologyThis strategy involves developing terminology. Developing termi-nology means finding technical or scientific concepts and terms in isiXhosa by means of three different ways. One way is that of borrowing from well-developed languages such as English, Afrikaans and other African languages, e.g. photosynthesis – ifotosintesisi. Another involves researching the origin of a word before it was used in a language. For example, in poly-gon – a many-sided figure – poly means many and gon means side. Translate poly or many as ninzi and gon or side as cala, and you create cala + ninzi = ucala-ninzi. Or you can borrow from the developed languages and use a borrowed word that means the same as the scientifically created word – for exam-ple, ipoligoni, which means the same as ucala-ninzi.

The third way involves defining words accord-ing to their functions and physical attributes. Let us focus on the term “magnetism” which is a key term for MST education. The term is derived from a word called “magnetite” which is a mineral that is magnetic, i.e. it can “attract” other pieces of iron or metal. It can also “attract” through electrical power. In isiXhosa there is a widely used word for something that can “attract’; it is called “uzib-uthe”, which literally means something that can “collect”. In everyday speech Xhosa-speakers

TEACHING MATHEMATICS, SCIENCE, AND TECHNOLOGY IN ISIXHOSA

Zola Wababacontinued on page 8

7April �007 •

Umoja wa Afrika umetangaza mwaka 2006/07 kuwa Mwaka wa Lugha za Kiafrika (YoAL). Wakati shabaha kuu iko katika lugha rasmi za UA (Kiarabu, Kiingereza, Kifaransa, Kiswahili, Kireno), madhumuni makubwa zaidi ya YoAL ni kuinua ukuzaji na utumizi wa lugha za Kiafrika kwa jumla. Akademia ya Lugha za Kiafrika (ACALAN) ndicho chombo kinachoratibu shughuli hii.

Eneo ambalo aghalabu hutambuliwa kama ni “gumu” kabisa kwa lugha za Kiafrika ni lile ambalo linajulikana kama MST katika Afrika Kusini, yaani, Hisabati, Sayansi na Teknolojia. Makala hii inaelezea juhudi za kukuza isti-lahi chini ya Mradi wa Utafiti wa Elimu Mbadala katika Af-rika Kusini (PRAESA), huku ikijiduru kwenye ki-Xhosa. Ikiwa na wazungumzaji wapatao milioni 8, ki-Xhosa ni lugha ya pili kwa ukubwa nchini, na katika jimbo la Western Cape.

Kwa nini tuzikuze lugha za Kiafrika kufundishia Hisabati, Sayansi na Teknolojia?Kuna sababu kadhaa kwa ninin lugha za Kiafrika zikuzwe kufundishia na kujifunzia masomo kama vile hisabati, sayansi na teknolojia mashuleni.a. Lugha zote zinaweza kutumika kufundishia hisabati, say-

ansi na teknolojia. Kutokana na sababu za kihistoria, lugha nyingi za Kiafrika hazijaweza kukuzwa hadi kiwango cha lugha za kikoloni za Kiingereza, Kifaransa, Kireno na Kihispania.

b. Wanafunzi wanaozungumza lugha ya Kiafrika makwao wanakuja madarasani na welewa wao wenyewe wa dunia. Hadi hapo ambapo lugha ielewekayo na wanafunzi ndiyo inakuwa chombo cha kufundishia, kujifunzia na kutathmini, mfumo wa elimu hauwasaidii.

c. Watoto wengi katika Afrika wanafundishwa kwa lugha za kikoloni. Kwa kawaida lugha hizo hazitumiki majumbani kwao na hivyo hawazijui.

d. Vitabu vya kiada na vifaa vingine vya kufundishia aghalabu hutoa habari au ukweli, badala ya kuwasaidia wanafunzi kufikiri na kuitalii dunia.

e. Wanafunzi ambao lugha ya nyumbani ni tofauti na lugha ya kufundishia (LoLT) hupata taabu kujua masomo na mae-neo ya kuzingatia. Katika miji yetu midogo, walimu wengi huona haja ya kutumia lugha ya mwanafunzi darasani ili kumfanya aelewe.

f. Kwenda huku na huko baina ya lugha ya nyumbani na ile ya kufundishia (LoLT) kuna manufaa madogo wakati kuan-dika na kutathmini kunatumia LoLT tu (kwa kawaida katika Afrika Kusini ni Kiingereza).

g. Katika Western Cape, vitabu vya kiada vya Kiingereza vina umuhimu mdogo kwa wanafunzi wengi wanaozun-gumza ki-Xhosa. Kwa hiyo kuna sababu kubwa ya kutumia ki-Xhosa katika kufundisha, kujifunza na kutathmini masomo na mafunzo mengine.

Je, ki-Xhosa kitabainishwaje kufundishia MST ?Kuna mikakati mipana mitatu ambayo tunaitumia ili kuzipata istilahi kufundishia sayansi na hisabati mashuleni.

Mkakati wa kwanza ni kutohoa vitabu vya kiada vya MST. Walimu wanaweza kukuza vifaa vya kujifunzia kwa ngazi au awamu mahsusi kama vile masomo yaendanayo ya kufundi-sha, mabango na chati na zana nyingine za kufundishia. Hivi vingeweza kusaidia kuifanya lugha za Kiafrika zionekane ma-darasani na mihtasari kufikiwa na wanafunzi. Wanafunzi wata-faidika na vifaa hivi kutokana na kupatikana kwake. Kwa kuwa kuna vitabu vya kiada vichache vilivyoandikwa katika lugha za Kiafrika, kuna haja kubwa ya kutohoa na kufasiri matini, hasa kutoka Kiingereza. Na inapowezekana, walimu wanahimizwa kubadili muundo wa matini ya awali ili kuingiza mawazo yao na jinsi wanavyovielewa vitu. Hii ni pamoja na kutohoa na kurekebisha matini ili yaendane na matakwa ya madarasa yao. Vitabu vya kiada na zana nyingine za kufundishia vinaweza pia kutafsiriwa au kutoholewa ili kuunda vifaa ambavyo vina umilisi wa lugha mbili kwa msingi wa lugha-mama.

Mkakati wa pili unahusu kuandika na kutafsiri hadithi za MST. Vitabu vya hadithi za MST vya ki-Xhosa havina budi kupatikana darasani ili kuwahamasisha wanafunzi kukuza ki-somo cha sayansi na hisabati katika lugha zao. Hii inawezeka-na kwa kutafsiri hadithi nzuri za kisayansi na kuandika hadithi nyingine kwa ki-Xhosa na lugha nyingine za Kiafrika. Hii itasaidia sana kukuza lugha za Kiafrika kama lugha za hali ya juu, na si lugha za kutumika katika masuala ya kitamaduni tu.

Kukuza istilahiMkakati huu unahusu kukuza istilahi. Kukuza isitilahi kuna maana kutafuta dhana za kiteknolojia na kisayansi na istilahi za ki-Xhosa kwa kutumia njia tatu tofauti. Njia mojawapo ni kwa kukopa kutoka kwenye lugha zilizoendelea kama vile Kiingereza, Kiafrikana na lugha nyingine za Kiafrika, kwa mfano, photosynthesis – ifotosinthesisi. Njia nyingine inahusu kufanya utafiti wa neno la awali kabla ya kutumika katika lugha fulani. Kwa mfano, katika polygon – umbo lenye pembe nyingi – poly ina maana ya – ingi na gon ina maana ya pembe. Fasiri poly au – ingi kuwa ninzi na gon au pembe kuwa cala, na kuunda cala + ninzi = ucala-ninzi. Au unaweza kukopa kutoka lugha zilizoendelea na kulitupia neno la mkopo lenye maana sawa kama neno la kisayansi lililoundwa – kwa mfano, ipoligoni, ambalo lina maana sawa na ucala-ninzi.

Njia ya tatu inahusu kufafanua maneno kufuatana na dhima na sifa za maumbo yao. Hebu tuitazame istilahi ya “magnetism” ambayo ni ya msingi katika elimu ya MST. Istilahi hii inatokana na neno “magnetic” ambalo ni madini yanayo-vuta, yaani linaweza “kuvuta” vipande vinginevya chuma au bati. Linaweza “kuvuta” kwa kupitia nguvu za umeme pia. Katika ki-Xhosa kuna neno litumikalo sana kwa kitu kinachowe-za “kuvuta’; linaitwa “uzibuthe”, lenye maana ya kitu kinach-oweza “kukusanya”. Katika lugha ya kila siku, wazungumzaji wa ki-Xhosa hutumia “uzibuthe” kwa maana ya

KUFUNDISHA HISABATI, SAYANSI NA TE-KNOLOJIA KWA ki-XHOSA

• LEAPnews 13�

use “uzibuthe” to refer to a magnet that uses electrical power, i.e. an “electromagnet” with its isiXhosa equivalent of “uzib-uthe wombane”. Since in isiXhosa we name objects for their appearance, physical features, or function, amongst other things, those who coined the isiXhosa term “uzibuthe” for “magnet” need to revisit their strategies and mechanisms for developing technical terms in this particular language.

There are instances where this term is confusing in isiXho-sa, especially in the teaching of science, i.e. matter and materi-als. For instance, it is difficult if not impossible to talk about the transfer of the concept “mag-netism” into isiXhosa. The reason is that the headword (magnet) is completely confusing in a subject-specific domain such as science, where this term is often used. In general conversation the term (“uzibuthe” for “magnet’) is acceptable because it is widely used in isiXhosa speech communities; it is, however, misleading. In my view the basic property of “magnetism” is that it attracts objects; this definition is self-explana-tory in English. In coming up with a new term in isiXhosa for this particular concept I would prefer to use the functional approach, which is one of the accepted strategies of terminology development; that is, if a “magnet” is something that “attracts”, looking at what it does would be more impor-tant than considering its (physical) features. A scientifically appropriate isiXhosa term for “magnet” would be “isitsalane”, meaning something that “attracts”, but not something that “col-lects”. So the term “isitsalane” allows us to have a functional term for the process of “magnetism” which, as we have seen, is “ubutsalane”.

To sum up: a “magnet” is something that “attracts”; to attract in isiXhosa means “tsala”, hence the definition “isitsalane” refers to some-thing that attracts other things. Magnetism, or “ubutsalane” in isiXhosa, has the property of attracting other things. The word “attract”, ac-cording to this theory, indicates and justifies the isiXhosa coined word as “isitsalane” for “mag-net”, which is based on the functional approach as mentioned above. Furthermore, the word that I am proposing for “magnet” as “isitsalane” possesses the above-mentioned properties of magnetite, i.e. magnetism is something that has “ubutsalane” in isiXhosa.

An invitationWhat I wanted to illustrate through this example is that it is very important for us as engineers of our languages to take in-formed decisions on coming up with new words in the process of developing terminology. It is also equally important to evalu-ate our work so that we can learn from our mistakes and from one another. I would be grateful for anyone, especially those who speak isiXhosa or other Nguni languages, to respond by arguing against my position. In that way, our languages stand to grow and reach the state where we use them beyond cultural matters. In the spirit of ACALAN, colleagues, let us collaborate.

– by Zola Wababa

sumaku inayotumia nguvu za umeme, kama vile, “electromag-net” yenye kisawe chake cha ki-Xhosa cha “uzibuthe wom-bane”. Kwa kuwa katika ki-Xhosa tunataja vitu kwa mwoneko, umbile au dhima, pamoja na mengineyo, wale waliounda istilahi ya “uzibuthe” kwa maana ya “sumaku” wanahitaji kuipitia tena mikakati na mbinu zao kwa ajili ya kukuza istilahi za kiteknolojia kwa ajili ya lugha hii.

Kuna mazingira ambapo istilahi hii hukanganya katika ki-Xhosa, na hasa katika ufundishaji wa sayansi, kama vile mat-

ter (maada) na materials (vitu). Kwa mfano, ni vigumu, kama haiwezekani, kuzungumza juu ya kuhamishia dhana ya “magnetism” katika ki-Xhosa. Sababu ni kwamba neno kuu (mag-net) linakanganya kabisa katika uga mahsusi wa somo kama vile sayansi ambamo istilahi hii hutumika mara nyingi. Katika maongezi ya kawaida, istilahi (“uzibuthe” kwa maana ya “magnet”) inakubalika kwa sababu inatumika sana katika jumuia za ki-Xhosa; lakini, inapo-tosha. Jinsi nionavyo, sifa kubwa ya “magnet-ism” ni kwamba huvuta vitu vingine; ufafanuzi huu unajieleza wenyewe katika Kiingereza. Katika kuja na istilahi mpya ya ki-Xhosa kwa ajili ya dhana hii mahsusi, ningependelea ku-tumia mkabala wa kidhima, ambao ni mkakati

mojawapo wa kukuza istilahi; yaani, ikiwa “magnet” ni kitu ambacho “huvuta”, kwa kuona kile inachokitenda kutakuwa na manufaa zaidi kuliko kuangalia umbo. Istilahi muafaka ya ki-Xhosa ya kisayansi kwa ajili ya neno “magnet” ni “isitsalane”, kwa maana ya kitu ambacho “huvuta”, lakini si kitu ambacho “hukusanya”. Kwa hiyo, istilahi “isitsalane” huturuhusu kuwa na neno la kidhima kwa ajili ya mwenendo wa “magnetism”

ambao, kama tulivyoona ni “ubutsalane”.Kwa kuhitimisha, “magnet” ni kitu

ambacho “huvuta”; kuvuta katika ki-Xhosa humaanisha “tsala”, ndiyo maana “isit-salane” hurejelea kitu kinachovuta vingine. Mvutano, au “ubutsalane” katika ki-Xhosa ni istilahi yenye sifa za kuvuta vitu vngine. Nneno “kuvuta”, kufuatana na nadharia hii, huonyesha na kuhalalisha neno lililoun-dwa la ki-Xhosa la “isitsalane” kwa “ku-vuta”, ambalo limejikita katika mkabala wa kidhima kama ilivyoelezwa hapo juu. Hali kadhalika, neno ambalo ninapendekeza

kwa “sumaku” kuwa “isitsalane” lina sifa usumaku zilizota-jwa hapo juu, yaani mvutano ni kitu ambacho kina “ubut-salane” katika ki-Xhosa.

UkaribishoNilichotaka kukieleza kwa njia ya mfano huu ni kwamba ni muhimu sana kwetu kama wahandisi wa lugha zetu kupata maa-muzi makini katika kuunda maneno mapya katika mwenendo wa kukuza istilahi. Ni muhimu vilevile kutathmini kazi zetu ili tuweze kujifunza kutokana na makosa yetu na kujifunza kutoka kwa wenzetu. Nitamshukuru sana yeyote, hususan wale wanaozun-gumza ki-Xhosa, au lugha yoyote ya Kinguni, kujibu kwa kuuda-hili msimamo wangu. Kwa njia hiyo, lugha zetu zitakua na kufikia hali ya kuzitumia nje ya mipaka ya kitamaduni. Enyi ndugu, na tushirikiane kwa moyo wa ACALAN.

– na Zola Wababa

Kiswahili continued

Kwa mfano, ni vigumu, kama

haiwezekani, ku-zungumza juu ya

kuhamishia dhana ya “magnetism” katika ki-Xhosa.

English continued

For instance, it is difficult if not

impossible to talk about the trans-fer of the concept “magnetism” into

isiXhosa.

�April �007 •

“We are proud to work with the Timbuktu manuscripts. We are happy to preserve the legacy of our scholars. People used to say Af-rica has only an oral history. The manuscripts are an authentic source of history about the region.”

So say Mohamed Diagayeté, Mahamadou Baye and Seydou Traore, all of whom work at the Institut des Hautes Etudes et de Recherches Islamiques Ahmed Baba (IHERI-AB), or Ahmed Baba Institute in Timbuktu, Mali. The Institute houses the main collection of the famous Timbuktu manuscripts that offer a fascinating window into life in Islamic West Africa between the 13th and 19th centuries. The manuscripts cover topics such as astronomy, astrology, history, Islamic law, commerce, religion, and literature, and point to the existence of writing in Africa long before European colonisation. Their discovery has led to a reassessment of African history and culture, and has served to debunk the myth that pre-colonial Africa had an oral tradition only. According to Dr Shamil Jeppie, who heads the research component of the SA-Mali project, the manuscripts may constitute the earliest evidence of literacy in African languages.

Mahamadou Baye has a background in language and translation studies. His work at the Ahmed Baba Institute involves cataloguing and digitizing the manuscripts. The task is shared by Mohamed Diagayeté, who studied Arabic in Tunisia and speaks and reads Fulani, one of the manuscript lan-guages. Seydou Traore studied English, Arabic and German at the University of Mali in Bamako, and is a translator and researcher at the Institute.

Recently the three researchers visited the University of Cape Town (UCT) as part of a joint South Africa – Mali project to preserve and catalogue the growing manuscript collection for posterity. Baye says that some 30,000 manuscripts have

been collected to date. Of these, an estimated 95% are written in Arabic. Understanding the contents requires not only profi-ciency in Arabic, but indigenous knowledge. This is where the three Malian researchers’ experience is proving invaluable. Seydou Traore gives two examples. “Scholars from outside the region would not know the Songhay word ije, meaning son. And some scholars from elsewhere have mistaken the word boulanga, which means the butter or oil from the carite tree, for the name of a village.”

The remaining 5% of manuscripts are written in the regional and local languages Fulani, Tamashek and Songhay. The writ-ing is in the Arabic script, used for scholarship and communica-tion in Islamic Africa as the Latin script was in Europe. These adjami present special challenges for researchers. Mohamed Diagayeté is one of a mere handful of scholars literate in both Arabic and Fulani, and hence able to work on some of the adjami. Although differences between the Modern Arabic script and the regional Hatt Maghribi script used in the manuscripts are fairly minor, he admits to finding it difficult to read the Fulani manuscripts written in Arabic script. This is because he originally started reading Fulani in the Latin script, and also because there are very few rules to regulate the transliteration. “The Fulani script is written in both Arabic and Latin characters; but those who know the one don’t know the other,” he says. Diagayeté is in the process of compiling a catalogue of Fulani scholars from Mali, Nigeria, and neighbouring countries.

Part of cataloguing involves summarising each manuscript and providing information about the author – an arduous task. As yet there has been no time to translate the manuscripts into French and English, says Traore. Archiving of the manuscripts is done under the supervision of the South African team. Manu-scripts are placed in boxes, although the actual process of restoring them is yet to begin.

Purchasing of manuscripts from private sellers is ongoing. Even in remote areas families have private collections dating

back several centuries. Part of the Institute’s work is to persuade families who jealously guard their manuscripts to part with them. “The manuscripts are regarded as ancestral herit-age, part of family history,” says Baye. Many manuscripts are kept in metal cases despite the intense heat of the Malian summer, and hence are in a poor state of repair. The price of a

“Our aim is to rewrite the history of Africa”

Recently three Malian researchers working on preserving and researching an ancient treasure visited the University of Cape Town under the aegis of the joint SA–Mali Timbuktu Manuscripts project. LEAPNews caught up with them.

Mahamadou Baye, Seydou Traore and Mohamed Diagayeté of the Ahmed Baba Institute, Timbuktu

... continued on page 11

• LEAPnews 1310

« Nous sommes fiers de travailler sur les manuscrits de Tombouctou. Nous sommes heureux de préserver l’héritage de nos érudits. Les gens ont l’habitude de dire que l’Afrique n’a qu’une histoire orale. Les manuscrits sont une source authentique sur l’histoire de la région. »

Ainsi disent Mohamed Diagayeté, Mahamadou Baye et Sey-dou Traore, tous travaillant à l’Institut des Hautes Études et des Recherches Islamiques Ahmed Baba (IHERI-AB), ou Insti-tut Ahmed Baba de Tombouctou, Mali. L’institut loge en son sein la collection principale des manuscrits célèbres de Tom-bouctou qui offre une fenêtre fascinante sur la vie en Afrique occidentale islamique entre les 13ème et 19ème siècles. Les manuscrits couvrent des matières telles que l’astronomie, l’astrologie, l’histoire, la loi islamique, le commerce, la religion, et la littérature, et pointe vers l’existence de l’écriture en Afrique longtemps avant la colonisation européenne. Leur découverte a conduit à un réajustement de l’histoire et de la culture africaine, et a servi à démystifier le mythe selon lequel l’Afrique précoloniale a seulement eu une tradition orale. Selon Dr. Shamil Jeppie, qui dirige la composante de recherches du Projet SA-Mali, les manuscrits pourraient constituer l’évidence la plus anci-enne d’enseignement en langues africaines.

Mahamadou Baye a une formation en linguistique et traductologie. Son travail à l’Institut Ahmed Baba comprend le cata-logage et la digitalisation des manuscrits. La tâche est partagée par Mohamed Diagayeté, qui a étudié l’arabe en Tunisie et qui parle et lit le Foulani, une des langues des manuscrits. Seydou Traore a étudié l’anglais, l’arabe et l’allemand à l’Université du Mali à Bamako, et il est égale-ment traducteur et chercheur à l’Institut.

Récemment les trois chercheurs ont visité l’Université de Cape Town (UCT) dans le cadre d’un projet commun Afrique du Sud–Mali visant à préserver et à cataloguer la collection croissante des manuscrits pour la postérité (voir la boîte). Baye indique qu’environ 30.000 manuscrits ont été rassemblés jusqu’ici. De ces derniers, environ 95% sont écrit en arabe. Pour en comprendre le contenu il faut non seule-ment une connaissance versée de l’arabe, mais aussi une connaissance indigène. C’est ici où les expériences de nos trois chercheurs maliens s’avèrent d’une valeur inestimable. Seydou Traore nous en donne deux exemples. « Les érudits extérieurs à la région ne connaîtraient pas le mot Songhay ije, signifiant le fils. Et quelques érudits d’ailleurs ont con-fondu le mot boulanga, qui signifie le beurre ou l’huile de

« Notre but est de récrire l’histoire de l’Afrique! »

l’arbre de karité, avec le nom d’un village. » Les 5% restants des manuscrits sont écrits dans les

langues régionales et locales c’est-à-dire le Foulani, le Tamashek et le Songhay. Les écrits utilisent les caractères arabes, utilisés pour l’érudition et la communication en Afrique islamique comme les caractères latins l’étaient en Europe. Ces adjami présentent des défis spéciaux pour les chercheurs. Mohamed Diagayeté est l’un des rares parmi la poignée d’érudits instruits en arabe et en Foulani, et par conséquent l’un des seuls capables de travailler sur une partie des adjami. Bien que les différences entre l’écriture en arabe moderne et l’écriture régionale de Hatt Maghribi utilisés dans les manuscrits soient assez mineures, il admet la difficulté de lire les manuscrits de Foulani écrits en cara-ctères arabes. C’est parce qu’à l’origine il a commencé la

lecture du Foulani dans le manuscrit latin, et aussi parce qu’il y a très peu de règles pour réglementer la transcription. « Le manuscrit en Foulani est écrit en caractères arabes et latins ; mais ceux qui en connais-sent une ne connaissent pas nécessairement l’autre, » dit-il. Diagayeté est en cours de compilation d’un catalogue des érudits Foulani du Mali, du Nigéria, et des pays voisins.

Une partie du processus de catalogage exige de récapituler chaque manuscrit et de fournir des informations au sujet de l’auteur – un tâche laborieuse. Comme il n’y a eu jusqu’ici pas encore de temps pour traduire les manuscrits en français et

anglais, dit Traore, l’archivage des manuscrits est fait sous la surveillance de l’équipe sud-africaine. Les manuscrits sont placés dans des boîtes, en attendant le démarrage effectif du processus de restauration.

L’achat des manuscrits auprès des vendeurs privés se poursuit. Même dans des régions éloignées, les familles ont des collections privées remontant à plusieurs siècles. Une partie du travail de l’Institut est de persuader les familles qui gardent jalousement leurs manuscrits de s’en détacher. « Les manuscrits sont considérés comme un héritage hérédi-taire, une partie de l’histoire familiale, » indique Baye. Beaucoup de manuscrits sont conservés dans des caisses en métal en dépit de la chaleur intense de l’été malien, et par conséquent sont dans un état pitoyable de réparation. Le prix d’un manuscrit dépend de son sujet et de son état. A la question de savoir quelle priorité le gouvernement malien à cours de ressources peut accorder au projet, Diagayaté cite l’actuel Premier ministre malien, Ousmane Youssoufi Maiga, disant, « Au Mali, tout est une priorité ! »

Diagayaté souligne que les manuscrits Foulani qu’il connaît bien, démontrent que la connaissance de l’histoire

Récemment trois chercheurs maliens travaillant à la préservation et à la recherche d’un trésor antique ont visité l’Université de Cape Town dans le cadre du Projet Commun SA-Mali des manuscrits de Tombouctou. LEAP News les a rencontrés.

Une partie du processus de cata-logage exige de

récapituler chaque manuscrit et de

fournir des infor-mations au sujet de l’auteur – un

tâche laborieuse.

11April �007 •

manuscript depends on its subject and condition. When asked what priority the resource-strapped Malian government can give to the project, Diagayeté quotes the current Malian Prime Minister, Ousmane Youssoufi Maiga, as saying, “In Mali everything is a priority!”

Diagayeté emphasises that the Fulani manuscripts, with which he is most familiar, prove that knowledge of Malian history resides first and foremost with the scholars, and not with the griots. The griots, a social class of storytellers and oral historians, are popularly believed to have been the custodians of Malian history. Yet the documents prove otherwise. “The Fulani griots used to ask the learned Arabic scholars, the ma-rabou, about the history, and then retell it to the people orally. People think the Fulani griots were so knowledgeable – but in fact they got the information from the scholars. But the scholars were less known, even though they wrote themselves,” says Digayeté. He insists the scholars of the day were local, African Islamists. Although it was Islam that brought Arabic to West Af-rica, Islam was obliged to co-habit with traditional beliefs and practices, such as the use of magic to protect people against wild animals, adds Baye. The Timbuktu variety of Islam was thus a very specific form that accommodated and at the same time infused local culture, creating new identities.

The three researchers admit that none of today’s well-known musicians from Mali, such as the late Ali Farka Touré, Salif Keita, Rokia Traore, or Amadou & Mariam, have taken up this rich history in their songs. They agree that the reason is that

the musicians do not read Arabic. But they also concede that much more needs to be done to popularize the Timbuktu manuscripts amongst the general public. “Even Malians misunderstand the manuscripts. They think because it’s in Arabic, it must be about Islam only. They don’t know that the manuscripts cover all areas of knowledge”. Public awareness-raising about the manuscripts at the Institute takes the form of articles written by staff, a website (www.manuscripts-tombouctou.org), and public lectures – groups of high school students are astonished at the range of topics covered by the

manuscripts.According to the three researchers, nobody knows the total

number of manuscripts in existence. What is apparent is that the task of uncovering the history of Islamic West Africa has only just begun. The researchers are clear about the momen-tousness of the task. As Baye says, “Our aim is to rewrite the history of Africa.”

The Timbuktu manuscripts have come a long way. In this the African Union’s Year of African Languages 2006/7 (see www.acalan.org), they remind us that African languages have for centuries been used as written repositories of learn-ing. There is no inherent reason why African languages cannot be used in the same way today, as languages of tuition and knowledge production up to university level, for government administration, for business transactions, for dig-ital communication, and so forth. As scholars and language activists such as Ayo Bamgbose, Neville Alexander, Kwesi Kwaa Prah and others have maintained, the African Renais-sance depends on it.

– by Peter Plüddemann

malienne réside en premier lieu auprès des érudits, et non auprès des griots. La pensée populaire raconte que les gri-ots, une classe sociale des conteurs d’histoire et d’historiens oraux, sont les gardiens de l’histoire malienne. Pourtant les documents confirment une autre thèse. « Les griots Foulani interrogeaient les érudits arabes c’est-à-dire les marabouts, concernant l’histoire, et puis la rapportaient au peuple orale-ment. Ainsi, les gens pensent que les griots Foulani étaient très bien informés - mais en fait ils obtenaient l’information des érudits. Mais les érudits étaient moins connus, quoiqu’ils écrivaient eux-mêmes, » dit Digayeté. Il insiste que les éru-dits d’antan étaient des Islamistes locaux africains. Bien que ce fut l’Islam qui apporta l’arabe en Afrique occidentale, l’Islam a été obligée de cohabiter avec les croyances et les pratiques traditionnelles, telles que l’utilisation de la magie pour protéger les personnes contre les animaux sauvages, ajoute Baye. La variété de l’Islam de Tombouctou était ainsi une forme très spécifique qui a adapté et a infusé la culture locale, créant ainsi des nouvelles identités.

Les trois chercheurs admettent qu’aucun des musiciens contemporains bien connus du Mali – comme le défunt Ali Farka Touré, Salif Keita, Rokia Traore, Amadou et Mariam n’a élevé cette histoire riche dans ses chansons. Ils convien-nent que la raison en est que les musiciens ne lisent pas l’arabe. Mais ils admettent également que beaucoup plus d’effort doit être mis en œuvre pour populariser les manu-scrits de Tombouctou auprès du grand public. « Même les Maliens eux-mêmes comprennent mal les manuscrits. Ils pensent que parce que les manuscrits sont en arabe, ils doiv-ent traiter de l’Islam seulement. Ils ne savent pas que ces manuscrits couvrent tous les domaines de la connaissance ». L’éveil de la conscience du public au sujet des manuscrits à l’Institut prend diverses formes telles que la publica-tion d’articles en ligne par le personnel (www.manuscrits-tombouctou.org) et des conférences publiques –des groupes d’étudiants de lycée sont étonnés devant la gamme variée des matières couvertes par les manuscrits.

Selon les trois chercheurs, personne ne con-nait le nombre exact des manuscrits en existence. Ce qui est apparemment clair est que la tâche de découvrir l’histoire de l’Afrique occidentale islamique vient juste de commencer. Les chercheurs savent pertinem-ment bien l’ampleur de cette tâche. Comme Baye l’indique, « notre but est de récrire l’histoire de l’Afrique. »

Les manuscrits de Tombouctou ont fait un long parcours. En cette Année des Langues Africaines de l’Union Africaine 2006/7 (voir le www.acalan.org), ils nous rappellent que pendant des siècles les langues africaines ont été utilisées comme dépositaires écrits du savoir. Il n’y a aucune raison inhérente pour laquelle des langues africaines ne pourraient pas être utilisées de la même manière aujourd’hui, comme langues d’enseignement et de production de connaissance jusqu’au niveau universitaire, pour l’administration gou-vernementale, pour les transactions d’affaires, pour la com-munication numérique, et ainsi de suite. Car les activistes et linguistes érudits tels qu’Ayo Bamgbose, Neville Alexander, Kwesi Kwaa Prah et autres maintiendraient que la Renais-sance africaine en dépend.

– par Peter Plüddemann

English continued from page 9

Peter Plüddemann

• LEAPnews 131�

The joint South Africa-Mali Timbuktu Manuscripts project to preserve the famous documents turns four years old on 25 May. Launched on Africa Day in 2003, the project has its origins in the 2001 visit to Mali of President Thabo Mbeki, who pledged South African assistance to the preservation and restoration of the manuscripts. While Malian efforts of conservation began with the establishment of the Ahmed Baba institute in 1973, it has required international co-operation at government level to secure funding for the restoration of the manuscripts.

The Timbuktu manuscripts date from the 13th to the 19th centuries – from a period, so conventional thinking goes, when transmission of African knowledge, culture and history was exclusively oral. The documents represent an eloquent rebuttal of this notion, and provide a unique written insight into all aspects of life in an Islamic African setting. These include history, religion, music, traditional medicine, optics, astronomy, mathematics, Islamic law, commercial transac-tions, and literature.

The SA-Mali project has three components: a training programme for Malian researchers tasked with cataloguing, digitising and preserving the manuscripts; the renovation and expansion of the Institut des Hautes Etudes et de Recherches Islamiques Ahmed Baba (IHERI-AB), or Ahmed Baba Institute, which houses the largest collection of manuscripts; and schol-arly research, including translation of manuscripts.

To date the Institute has managed to collect, preserve and catalogue almost 30,000 manuscripts, according to Malian archivists working on the project (see main article). Thousands more manuscripts dispersed amongst various private libraries are to be similarly housed in IHERI-AB. Some of the docu-ments are collections of loose leaves housed in folded paper, leather pouches or wooden covers. Many have elaborate decorations. Most are disintegrating and are in urgent need of preservation.

The research component of the project is headed by Dr Shamil Jeppe of UCT’s Department of Historical Studies. The Timbuktu manuscripts in Mali represent the largest archive of written African indigenous knowledge, says Jeppe. They testify to an established tradition of writing in Islamic West Af-rica that began long before the European Enlightenment, with the earliest documents dating from around 1200. Writing in Africa was so widespread across the pan-Islamic world that Jeppie speaks of an earlier phase of globalization. Timbuktu in the 15th and 16th centuries was at the centre of scholarly endeavour, manuscript production and a flourishing book trade. As Dr Essop Pahad, Minister in the Office of the Presi-dent says, Timbuktu was the original knowledge economy.

Work on the project is progressing on all fronts. A number of visits have taken place. Cape Town librarians and

UCT researchers and have been to Timbuktu to gain first-hand experience and do research, and to oversee aspects of the restoration work. Timbuktu archivists have visited Cape Town to assist in deciphering, translating and interpreting some of the manuscripts, and to attend a conference hosted by the South African government in August 2005. 2006 saw a trav-elling exhibition of the Timbuktu Manuscripts to South Africa.

Meanwhile, renovation of IHERI-AB is underway in a joint building programme funded by a public-private partnership. The renovated library costing R42 million is expected to be ready by the end of 2007, by which time its capacity will reach 100,000 manuscripts. The library is being built using indigenous materi-als and construction methods, mostly mud and clay. To protect the manuscripts from the intense heat of the Malian summer, the conservation storage area is being built below ground.

– by Peter Plüddemann

SourcesLe Roux, Helene. 2006. SA, Mali join forces in building

library to hold Timbuktu manuscripts. Creamer Media’s Engineering News online. Available <http://www.engi-neering news.co.za>.

Pahad, E.G. 2006. Keynote address delivered at the Inter-national Symposium on Islamic Civilization in Southern Africa – Johannesburg, 1–3 September.

Pearce, Justin. 2005. Saving Mali’s written treasures. BBC News website, Johannesburg.

SouthAfrica.info 2005. Saving the Timbuktu Manuscripts. Available at <http://www.southafrica.info/>.

Timbuktu manuscript (photo courtesy of John Hunwick)

The South Africa-Mali Timbuktu Manuscripts project

13April �007 •

O projecto conjunto dos Manuscritos de Timbuktu entre a África do Sul e o Mali para preservar os famosos documentos faz quatro anos a 25 de Maio. Lançado no Dia de África em 2003, o projecto tem as suas origens na visita do Presidente Thabo Mbeki ao Mali em 2001, o qual prometeu a assistência da África do Sul na preservação e restauração dos manuscritos. Enquanto os esforços de conservação por parte do Mali foram iniciados com o estabelecimento do instituto Ahmed Baba em 1973, tem sido necessário co-operação internacional a nível governamental para assegurar fundos para a restauração dos manuscritos.

Os manuscritos de Timbuktu datam dos séculos 13 a 19 – dum período, de acordo com o pensamento convencional, quando a transmissão de conhecimento Africano e cultura e história Africanas eram exclusivamente orais. Os documentos representam uma refutação eloquente desta noção, e dão-nos uma introvisão escrita única sobre todos os aspectos de vida num cenário Islamita Africano. Estes incluem história, religião, musica, medicina tradicional, óptica, astronomia, matemática, lei Islamita, transacções comerciais e literatura.

O projecto África do Sul-Mali tem três componentes: um programa de treinamento para arquivistas do Mali que têm a responsabilidade de catalogar, digitar e preservar os manu-scritos; a renovação e expansão do Institut des Hautes Etudes et de Recherches Islamiques Ahmed Baba (IHERI-AB), ou o In-stituto Ahmed Baba, no qual está depositada a maior colecção dos manuscritos; e pesquisa escolástica, incluindo a tradução dos manuscritos.

Até ao corrente o Instituto conseguiu coleccionar, preservar e catalogar quase 30,000 manuscritos, de acordo

com os arquivistas do Mali que trabalham no projecto (veja o artigo principal). Milhares de manuscritos dispersos entre várias bibliotecas privadas serão semelhantemente deposi-tados no IHERI-AB. Alguns dos documentos são colecções de folhas soltas guardadas em papel dobrado, bolsas de cabedal ou capas de madeira. Muitos têm decorações elabo-radas. A maioria está-se desintegrando e há urgência na sua preservação.

O componente de pesquisa do projecto é chefiado pelo Dr Shamil Jeppe do Departamento de Estudos Históricos da Universidade de Cape Town (UCT). Os manuscritos de Tim-buktu no Mali representam o maior arquivo de conhecimento Africano indígena, diz Jeppe. Eles são testemunha duma tradição de escrita estabelecida na África Ocidental Islamita que começou muito antes do Iluminismo Europeu, com os pri-meiros documentos datando de cerca de 1200. A escrita em África era tão difundida através do mundo pan-Islamita que Jeppe fala duma fase anterior de globalização. Nos séculos 15 e 16 Timbuktu era o centro de empenho escolástico, de produção de manuscritos e dum próspero comércio em livros. Conforme diz o Dr Essop Pahad, Ministro no Gabinete do Presidente, Timbuktu era a economia de conhecimento original.

Trabalho no projecto está a progredir em todas as frentes. Já se realizaram várias visitas. Bibliotecários/as de Cape Town e pesquisadores/as da UCT foram a Timbuktu para ganharem experiência directa e fazer pesquisa, e supervisar aspectos do trabalho de restauração. Arquivistas de Timbuktu visitaram Cape Town para assistirem no decifrar, na tradução e interpretação de alguns manuscritos, e para participarem numa conferência a convite do governo Sul Africano em Agosto de 2005. Em 2006 presenciou-se uma exibição ambulante dos Manuscritos de Tim-

buktu na África do Sul.Entretanto, renovação do

IHERI-AB está a progredir num programa de construção conjunto financiado por uma parceria pública-privada. Antecipasse que a biblioteca renovada ao custo de R42 milhões esteja pronta nos fins de 2007, quando a sua capacidade será de 100,000 manuscritos. A biblioteca está a ser construída usando mate-riais e métodos de construção indígenas, principalmente lama/barro e argila. Para proteger os manuscritos do calor intenso do verão Malês, a área de conservação para armazenamento está a ser construída no subterrâneo.

– por Peter Plüddemann

O Projecto África do Sul-Mali dos Manu-scritos de Timbuktu

The Djingery-Ber mosque in Timbuktu (photo courtesy of John Hunwick)

• LEAPnews 131�

What language rights do people and groups on the margins of society have in a democratic state? Why can’t the post-colonial state in Africa and Asia look after the language needs of its multilingual citizens? What role should civil society play in democratisation and development? What is wrong with the idea of linguistic human rights? And does linguistic citizenship provide an alternative?

These were the central questions posed at a workshop on “The Multilingual Citizen: Towards a politics of language for agency and change”, that took place at Cape Town’s Water-front from 23–24 February. The workshop brought together around forty language researchers, mainly from Africa and South-East Asia, and was hosted jointly by the Department of Linguistics at the University of the Western Cape in conjunction with Stockholm University, the Swedish Agency for Research and Development Cooperation, and the Human Sciences Research Council, Cape Town.

Linguistic human rights or linguistic citizenship?The notion of linguistic citizenship is fairly recent, having been coined by Christopher Stroud (University of the Western Cape and Stockholm University) in 2000 and elaborated and ap-plied by Stroud separately and together with Kathleen Heugh (HSRC, Cape Town) in 2003. Their joint paper – updated and separated into two presentations at the workshop – argues that the linguistic human rights framework is unable to address the problem of “linguistic barriers which hinder equitable linguis-tic participation for minorities. This is because the notion of linguistic human rights is framed within a liberal understanding of citizenship which does not effectively knit language into general principles of good governance and citizenship.” They illustrate the point by showing that human linguistic rights in South Africa post-1994 have been neutralised via centralised language planning agencies. The use of a model of multiple monolingualism by the Pan South African Language Board and the Department of Arts and Culture perpetuates apartheid-era ethnolinguistic divisiveness, and does not reflect people’s multilingual resources.

Instead of relying on the law and ineffective state institu-tions, the concept of linguistic citizenship, by contrast, hinges on communities’ linguistic and social participation. Language becomes a symbolic, material, global and even an intimate re-source in the service of participatory governance. One implica-tion, in the context of the provision of mother-tongue education, is the broadening of the standard language to include more everyday spoken varieties.

Government agencyA running theme at the workshop was the question of agency. Who is supposed to do what to ensure linguistic citizenship? Some felt that government has the primary responsibility, even though it is largely failing to do so. Taking an historical perspective, Paul Bruthiaux (National Institute of Education, Singapore) argued that language rights today should encom-pass both what governments should not do by way of curbs on basic liberties such as freedom of speech, and what govern-

ments should do for their citizens within the realms of what is societally beneficial but also feasible and cost-effective, such as the provision of mother-tongue education under specific circumstances.

Others showed what happens when government neglects its duties. Casmir Rubagumya (University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania) said the linguistic human rights paradigm was failing in Tanzania because the constitution had been imposed on the people from above. In Tanzania a three-tier linguistic citizen-ship suggested itself – the global (via English), the national (via Kiswahili) and the local (via 120 local languages). However, government has ignored local languages, and attempts to provide linguistic human rights at the national level have failed because of inter-ministry conflict, vested interests in keeping English as the language of teaching from secondary school up-wards, and because of the poor quality of government primary schooling, which is offered through the medium of Kiswahili. This has resulted in the elites investing in private English-medi-um schools. Popular interest in African languages was therefore limited to non-governmental efforts, such as the university-based Languages of Tanzania project.

Similarly, Gregory Kamwendo (University of Botswana) noted the contradiction that the Malawian middle class were sending their children to English-medium schools while preaching the virtues of mother-tongue education, and the dilemma of whether to spend money on language rights in a context where people had other basic needs. Kamwendo spoke of the ambivalence of the democratic Malawian gov-ernment concerning promotion of local languages. This was unlike local agencies such as the Association for Citumbuka in northern Malawi, which was doing language planning “from below”, and also unlike the donor organisation GTZ which openly supports the use of African languages.

Caroline Kerfoot (University of the Western Cape) reflected on a capacity-building programme for adult educators in the Northern Cape. She argued that state provision of literacy should be recast to promote citizenship agency in development and governance. For working-class people, knowing the lan-guages of power is insufficient to effect development. Required is a new form of strategic competence which involves conscious choice, critical reflexivity and community involvement.

Community agencyOther presenters emphasised that a flawed linguistic human rights framework and half-hearted government commitments to multilingualism presented communities with the opportunity to exercise control over their own lives.

Barbara Trudell (Summer Institute of Linguistics International, Africa Area) identified the lack of state commitment to enforc-ing and resourcing language policies as a space for regional and local action that may or may not align with national language policy. Citing examples from Benin, Cameroon, and Senegal she showed how local institutions and individuals have had significant impact on language policy implementation.

Blasius Chiatoh (University of Buea, Cameroon) modified this view, saying that sustainable promotion of minority lan-guage rights depended on collective ownership of language

Language rights for multilingual citizens

1�April �007 •

planning by local communities, the private sector and govern-ment. Cameroon’s fragmented language situation (over 250 languages) was not helped by government’s lack of commit-ment to language planning, despite the existence of enabling legislation. Local language committees were active but lacked funding.

In similar vein, Omondi Oketch (Maseno University, Kenya) warned of the danger of a romanticised notion of community, but acknowledged the role that diverse linguistic and cultural resources play in capturing the local voice and instigating participation. He highlighted the emergence of Sheng (a mixed Swahili-English code) as a growing urban sociolinguistic phenomenon that presented new challenges to the schooling system.

A synthesis between the government-as-agent and com-munity-as-agent dichotomy was put forward by Hassana Alidou (Alliant International University, San Diego, USA) who, with reference to “Francophone” West Africa, pointed to the incongruity of multilingual African elites modelling themselves on the former colonial administrations and their monolingually oriented and culturally unresponsive language policies. Citing examples from Burkina Faso, Senegal, Niger and Mali, she argued that a rights-based approach by itself was insufficient to trigger the development of African languages. Development could only be achieved by combining top-down (governmental) with bottom-up (community-based) language planning and practice.

Essentialism vs identity construction

On a more philosophical note, a few presentations focused on the question of identity construction and essentialism. Lionel Wee (University of Singapore) took issue with a language rights-based approach for being essentialist, that is, for assum-ing that there are characteristics inherent to a group that can explain or justify its practices. He argued that a rights-based approach, with its effects of selectivity, reinvention and neu-tralization, cannot accommodate claims for autonomy without slipping into essentialism.

Stephen May (University of Waikato, New Zealand) coun-tered, saying that language rights groupings are not homog-enous, and that there are limits to post-structuralist notions of identity construction. Not all identity choices are possible; and indeed some are inevitable if resources are to be obtained.

Nigel Crawhall (Indigenous Peoples of Africa Coordinating Committee, South Africa) showed how Khoe and San groups have been marginalised in South Africa. He doubted whether Constitutional language rights were ever meant to be more than symbolic. Although openly sceptical of government capac-ity and political will to enact language rights of minorities, Crawhall called on the coaching of the bureaucracy to ensure at least some basic language rights were observed.

Together, the presentations point to the paradoxical need for language minorities to self-identify, in provisional forms of closure, in ways that secure official recognition and govern-ment resources, without locking themselves into fixed identities that could become a trap if political conditions should change.

Looking forwardDoes linguistic citizenship offer better prospects than linguistic human rights to marginalised language groups and individuals? It certainly sounds more appealing. A holistic language rights approach that takes the measure of people’s multilingual repertoires is more likely to serve their needs than a legalistic, abstract, liberal notion of linguistic human rights that puts people into ethnolinguistic boxes. Yet it seems far-fetched to think that the notion of linguistic citizenship could somehow be productively deployed without taking state structures, laws and resources into account.

Not all workshop participants directly addressed the question of linguistic citizenship, however, and so no unified position emerged. It seemed not everyone was familiar with the key readings on the topic. Perhaps seven years is too short a time to create a new discourse com-munity.

Even a successful workshop cannot address all the rel-evant issues. Some that require further attention are cross-border linguistic citizenship in an era of mass migration; the relationship between linguistic hegemony and agency in a context of mass socio-economic marginalisation; and the link between language rights and economic develop-ment.

• Other workshop contributions included case stud-ies from Mozambique, East Timor, Thailand, Sri Lanka, Sweden as well as panel inputs. For more information on availability of papers contact Professor Christopher Stroud, e-mail cstroud@uwc.ac.za.

– Report by Peter Plüddemann

CreditsWe acknowledge the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA) for funding LEAPnewsEditor: Thandeka Teyise (teyise@uct.ac.za) Translations: Dominique Mwepu (French), Paula Cardoso (Portuguese) and Joshua Madumulla (Kiswahili). Published by the Project for the Study of Alternative Education in South Africa (PRAESA), Private Bag, University of Cape Town, Rondebosch 7701, South Africa Phone: +27 (0)21 650 4013, fax: +27 (0)21 650 3027 Website: http://web.uct.ac.za/depts/praesa

DTP: Andy Thesen • Printing: Salty Print, Methodist Inner City Mission

Clockwise from top left: Linguapax participants; Ettiene Sambodebouo and Malika Ahmed Zaid-Chertouk;Felix Marti of Linguapax Spain and Adama Samassekou, ACALAN President. (photographs by Josep Cru)

AUETSA/SAACLALS/SAVAL International Conference 2007

WORLDS, TEXTS, CRITICSLocation: University of KwaZulu-Natal, DurbanDate: 8–11 July 2007For more information please contact: Matthew ShumEmail address: shum@ukzn.ac.za or contact Norma Hatcher on fax number: +27 (0)31 260 1654

ICASE (CASTME) World Conference on

Science EducationLocation: Perth, AustraliaDate: 8–12 July 2007Commonwealth Consortium for EducationFor more information please contact contact: Peter Williams telephone: +44 (0) 1306 501788E-mail address: peterwilliams@onetel.com

Upcoming events ...

Diversite Culturelle et Paix en afrique/Cultural Diversity anD PeaCe in afriCa/internationale liunguaPax afrikaYaoundé, Cameroon 12–13 December 2006