international foundation for development alternatives fundacion internacional para alternativas de desarrollo fondation internationale pour un autre developpement

i fda dossier 56 novemberVdecember 1986

EDITORIAL . To o u r r e a d e r s GLOBAL SPACE . N e i t h e r P r i n c e n o r Merchant: C i t i z e n - An i n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h e 3

t h i r d sys tem (Marc N e r f i n )

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ifda dossier 56 . novemberldecember 1986 editorial

TO OUR READERS

This issue of the Dossier i s an unusual one.

e, as readers were infomed when receiving Dossier 55, i n September, it was not t o appear t h i s Fall owing t o a dra-ortfall i n IFDAts income. Postal regulations, however, are such that mailing d d have been more expensive, a t Least i n the Long pun, i f the Dossier had not appeared t h i s quarter.

Second, t h i s i s a very th in issue, including as it does one paper only. Further, it i s a paper wri t ten by IFDA's President, not one contributed by a networker. There are two reasons for t h i s : it d d have been h- possible t o choose one only out o f more than 130 papers s t i l l being con- sidered for publication. Then, and more important, the Ci t izen paper, based as it i s on a re-reading of the f i r s t 55 i ssues o x ~ o s s i e r from a spec i f i c angle, namely that of the unfolding of the third system, cons t i tu tes a preliminary stock-taking of what we have learned so far.

Third, t h i s ed i tor ia l i s , t o put i t blunt ly , a c a l l t o subscribers who have not yet done so t o renew the i r subscription for 1987 without delay. * * * Most Dossier readers are i n or from the Third World. Only exceptionally can they afford t o pay the subscription fee, due t o e i ther lack of re- sources or foreign currency res t r i c t ions . The di f ference between income from subscriptions a d the f u l l cost of the Dossier (some Suiss francs 60,000 or US$ 40,000 per i s sue , shared almost equally among printing, mailing and typing c o s t s ) has been covered i n the past by IFDAts general resources, of which about a third i s devoted t o the Dossier.

IFDA's o w income (subscriptions t o the Dossier and t o i t s dai ly S ec la t United Nations Service (SUSS), interests-eads, fees, e t c . ) & covers one third of i t s expenses. The balance was provided, over the l a s t several years, by voluntary contributions from seven governments or governmental agencies (from Algeria, I t a l y , Kuwait, The Netherlands, N o m y , Sweden and Venezuela).

In 1986, three coinciding factors reduced IFDArs income by a f u l l quart- er . One European, sponsor cu t its contribution by ha l f . Third World spon- sors faced financial problems of the i r owi. The US dol lar declined sharply. Delays i n payment of contributions further resulted i n a severe cash-flow problem.

The prospects for 1987 appear as a whole be t t e r , but it i s rather un- l i k e l y that mayor contributions w i l l be paid before the Spring. This , incidental ly , implies that the next Dossier (N057) may appear only i n March. Regular bimonthly publication i s expected t o resume i n May.

(continued on page 32)

NEITHER P R I N C E NOR MERCHANT : C I T I Z E N

AN I N T R O D U C T I O N TO T H E T H I R D SYSTEM

by Marc Nerfin

The moment the stave resolves that he mil no longer be a slave, h i s f e t t e r s f a l l . He frees himself and shows the uay t o others.

Gandhi

INTRODUCTION

The formal title of this paper, presented at an ARENA/UNU workshop on Alternative Development Perspectives in Asia, Dhyana Pura, Bali, Indonesia, March 1986, was, as requested by the organizers, The North-South impasse: Potential for creativity? - The IFDA third system contribution and experi- ence.

There is indeed a North-South impasse, but to understand it, it appears necessary to (a) analyse its underlying causes and (b) consider the role of the different social actors, since the impasse may not be the same for different actors.

First, the 'impasse' is only an aspect of a general crisis, itself reflecting the historical changes which occurred on this planet over the last forty years. To put it bluntly, the world as seen from San Francisco in 1945, at the found- ing of the United Nations, was essentially white, western, christian and elitist; its basic paradigms were newtonian. 7 / Today, largely as a result of the 'great awakening' of - the Third World, but also because we can now see our planet from outer space, humankind is recapturing its wholeness. What has not changed, on the other hand, is the unequal ex- change, whatever the innovations in its mechanisms, the he- gemony of the North over the South, and under-development. The crisis is at the same time economic, financial, environ- mental, social, cultural, ideological, political as well as one of security.*

* Rather than duelling here on the matter, may the author r e f e r readers t o h i s paper "The future of the United Nations system: Some questions on the occasion of an anniversary". g/ N.B. This paper includes tuo ser ies of references. The f i r s t one, indi- cated by Letters, re fers t o the IFDA Dossier (pp.22-25), and the second, indicated by figures, t o other sources fpp.25-28).

In terms of the human condition, the crisis fundamentally means the oermanent threat of the nuclear holocaust and the already real, daily, hunger holocaust, which kills 4 0 , 0 0 0 children every day, Hiroshima every week. g / This will never be repeated often enough: do we really understand the mean- ing of these four words, an Hiroshima every week?

But one must be aware of what underlies this massacre of the innocents, the growing fracture of every society in two, much worse than the traditional East-West or North-South rifts: the two Indias, the two Chiles, the two Netherlands, the two USAs; the two worlds, that of the powerful, of the rich, of the employed, of those who participate; and that of the powerless, of the poor, of the unemployed, of the dis- possesed, worse, of those who, being no longer economically useful, can be dispensed with h / . This fracture is the re- sult of under-development, mat-development and other poi- sened fruits of the same mis-direction of human affairs, everywhere on this planet.

The only way out of such a crisis is a new, alternative, society, what we have called another development 1 9 1 , which, in a nutshell, could be outlined as being concomitantly (i) need-oriented (but by no means limited to the so-called "basic needs") ; (ii) self-reliant; (iii) endogenous; (iv) in harmony with nature and ecologically sustainable; and (v) going hand in hand with people empowering structural trans- formations. In other words, another development means that people are organizing themselves so as to develop who they are and what they have by themselves and for themselves.

Second, the powers that be, governmental or economic, have, more often than not, proven unable by themselves to offer solutions to the crisis and even less to contribute to the search for alternatives. They have proven unable to respond to the cry for peace and another development. They are more part of the problem than of the solution. There is thus a need to go to the fundamentals, and discern in the functions of the human agencies, and in those agencies themselves, those who may be better able to ensure the continuation of life on this planet.

A modest contribution to the debate, more in the nature of 'ideas in progress' than anything else, this paper starts from a definition of human agencies and, on the basis of the IFDA experience, examines the world development of the citi- zens' movement, discusses the relations between people and the third system and advocates global networking as a tool of people's empowerment.

A definition. Contrasting with governmental power - the Prince - and economic power - the Merchant - there is an immediate and autonomous power, sometimes patent, always latent: people's power. Some among the people develop an

awareness of this, associate and act with others and thus become citizens.* Citizens and their associations, when they do not seek either governmental or economic power, consti- tute the third system. Contributing to make patent what is latent, the third system is one expression of the autonomous power of the people.

1 , A SNAPSHOT OF THE T H I R D SYSTEM CONSTELLATION

Associations are legion.** The 21st edition (1984/85) of the Yearbook of international organizations describes 7,109 in- ternational non-governmental organizations - 5,577 inter- nationally-oriented national bodies. The 1981 Directory of non-governmental organizations in OECD countries active in development cooperation includes the profiles of 1,702 such bodies. They are many times more in the national and local spaces. In India, in 1978, a questionnaire on their parti- cipation in development was sent to 1,400 'NGOS' - of which more than 90% had no effective international links. cl In France, associations were in the hundreds in the 30s; in the thousands in the 50s; 10,000 in 1960; 30,000 in 1977 and anything between 300 and 500,000 in 1981, a year during which some 100 new associations were established every day. d/ -

In this magnitude, numbers only invite and at the same time defy typologizing. For the purpose of this introduction, a snapshot of that part o the galaxy of associations which could be considered as third system may suffice to discern some structure and some trends.

Third system associations are formed by citizens whose si- tuation in society and/or some personal - intellectual, mo-

"he author nust confess here an ethnocentric shortsightedness: the concept of c i t i z e n i s probably meaningful only i n a Vestern (including Latin American) context and i n the 'nodernized' fringes of the world po l i t y . There may be equivalents i n other cul tures - l i k e for instance the Muananchi i n Suahi l i - but the question remains vide open and the author would be grateful t o in teres ted readers, especial13 those of Af- rican, Buddhist and Moslem cul ture , for advice on the matter.

* * Words -ire never innocent. The phrase 'non-governmental organizations' i s p o l i t i c a l l y unacceptable because i t implies that government i s the centre of socie ty , and people i t s periphery. To i n s i s t on people's auto- nomy a l so requires some semantical cleaning up. Except i n quotations, we u i l l use, instead of ' $CO1, the expressions 'associat ion ' , whose sense i s uide enough, and ' t h i rd system', i n the precise acceptation proposed i n t h i s introduction.

ral or spiritua - i¡as? makes them anxious to improve their lifes, indA ' a u a l * or collectively, and that of others. Social histo^; snggests that the former prime mover is more important, the .̂a:ter more ardent, and the combina- tion of both stronger. A w c r ~ . ~ r usually remains a worker, and his/her reasons to be active in a trade union are part and parcel of herlhis social existence. The same holds true for members of ethnic minorities (or majorities). A woman has even deeper reasons to be a lifelong feminist activist. But not all workers, all women, and so on, become citizens, and the personal motivation is always essential. Motivations are many, but observation of the third system as it current- ly unfolds - i.e. beyond its 'traditional' manifestations like the trade unions - suggests that there are few deep- seated mobilizing themes, notably peace, women liberation, human and peoples' rights, environment, local self-reliance, alternative life-styles and personal transformation, con- sumers self-defence as well as, in some industrialized coun- tries, solidarity with the people of the Third World, in- cluding refugees and migrants and, in Eastern Europe, at least in Poland, a new form of trade unionism. E/

The multiplicity of forms under which these associations appear correspond to the diversity of motivations and cir- cumstances. Because they reflect the autonomy of the people, associations are often allergic to the forms defined by the establishment. The term is therefore used here, on purpose, in a rather loose sense.

Many associations are officially recognized and/or reqister- ed, with formal constitution, membership, organs, reporting, accounting, etc. Others are just ad hoc gatherings of like- minded individuals who occasionally share ideas and experi- ences through a round-robin letter. In between, the spectrum includes all other possible configurations: some are under- ground; others do not care about their legal status and just exist; a few even resemble political parties, such as the Greens in Western Germany G / , and still are part of the third system as long as they keep out of the executive power. There may also be groups of marginal shareholders who try to voice social concerns in a transnational corporation. Quite a few, especially in buddhist and christian cultures, have a spiritual foundation. Some have a few members only; others constitute vast movements assembling occasionally several hundreds of thousands of people. In short, third system associations are as diverse as societies themselves.

Citizens and their associations usually act in a determined space - local, regional, national, multinational, global - but also, and increasingly so, in several spaces simultane- ously. Amnesty International, to take only one example, acts in the global space through representations to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, in the national space through pressure on governments, and in the local space

through the many groups which 'adopt' a political prisoner and campaign for his/her liberation.

Whatever makes citizens join forces and wherever they take action, third system associations/activities can be consi- dered under a few broad, non-mutually exclusive and non- comprehensive clusters.

Some are geared to the realization of a project intended to respond to a crisis situation, to solve a specific problem or pursuing a more general objective: organizing people - especially the poor - f/, improving their daily life g/ or their environment h/, extending technical or financial sup- port to local initiatives L/, promoting popular theatre l/, linking education with production L / , ensuring equal access to jobs, decreasing working time, opposing construction of a nuclear facility (or the deployment of missiles), reconvert- ing the manufacture of arms into that of socially useful goods I/, preventing the export of dangerous drugs to the Third World or the careless storage of toxic wastes, campaigning for the liberation of a political prisoner, sha- ring appropriate technologies m/ , building new North-South relations n/, facilitating the exchange of experiences through networking and cross-cultural dialogues, or the search for alternatives. In the Third World, there is a new and growing tendency among intellectuals g / , including women p/ or lawyers g/ to serve the people.

Advocac activities may be seen as constituting a second cluster? Associations may be formed to advocate peace &/, a new world order, the New International Economic Order or a federalist world; a world without hunger g / ; a new approach to international security; better terms of trade for Third World countries; the recognition and effective respect of minority rights L/; breastfeeding g / ; consumption of local products; another development in health; equality in oppor- tunities among individuals and societies; protection and enhancement of the environment; eco-development; cultural pluralism and respect for the Other; another development; a reform to strengthen the United Nations...

A third cluster of associations deals with accountability ('those who hold power must be held accountable for the con- sequences of its exercise') )/ and the necessary mechanisms. The Permanent Peoples' Tribunal and its predecessor, the Russell Tribunal, are examples as far as the Prince is con- cerned, the International Organization of Consumer Unions % / , IBFAN S/ or Ralph Nader's Corporate Accountability Re- search Group and its Multinational Monitor as far as the Merchant is concerned y / .

The three types of activities usually imply some underpin- ning policy-oriented research and have a broad educational

role, and some associations devote themselves primarily to such functions. The association's activity often takes (ex- clusively or not) the form of a such as the La- tin Amerlcan = Fempress, the African La Satellite, the Tribune or the ISIS periodicals 7.1, to choose examples in the feminist movement, or the samizdat in USSR, third system activities not being limited to the West or the South.

This hazy picture may perhaps, at this stage, be complement- ed by a more focussed look at three specific spots in the third system constellation.

First, peace. In Western Europe, the largest post-l945 mani- festations took place in the Fall of 1983. Half a million people marched in the streets of The Hague, 600,000 in Rome and one million in West Germany to oppose the deployment of Pershing 2 and cruise missiles. In North America, one mil- lion Americans overwhelmed New York Central Park and mid- town Manhattan on 12 June l982 on the occasion of the United Nations General Assembly Second Special Session on Disarma- ment - a demonstration far larger than any during the 60s anti-Viet Nam war protests, and possibly the largest ever in New York City.

Even before the New York event, George Kennan, a senior US establishment figure and veteran diplomat, had this defini- tive comment:

The recent growth and gathering strength of the antinuclear-war movement here and i n Europe i s t o my mind the most s t r i k ing pheno- menon of t h i s beginning of the 80s. I t i s a l t the more impressive because it i s so extensively spontaneous ( . . . I A t the heart of it l i e some ver j fundamental and reasonable and powerful motivations: among them (...) a very real exasperation with t h e i r governments (. . . ) They are the expression of a deep i n s t i n c t i v e ins i s t ence , i f you don't mind, on sheer survival (. . .) Our government w i l L ignore t h i s fact a t i t s per i l . This movement i s too powerful, too elemen- tary , too deeply embedded i n the natural human i n s t i n c t for s e l f - preservation t o be brushed aside. %/

Further, as Hilkka Pietila observed, the peace movement is no longer a

single-issue movement as the tradi t ional peace movements were. To- day the peace movement brings together and un i t e s several d i f f e r e n t movements which a l l perceive the arms race and nuclear weapons as a common threat . This perception i s shared by conservat ionis is , ->a- rious green movements, movements for a neu l i f e s t y l e , opponents of nuclear energy, a c t i v i s t s for Third World countries and f i r s t o f a l l the new women's movement.

Second, women liberation. In the same paper, Hilkka Pietila continues:

The most in t e res t ing and the most or iginal of these movements i s the women% movement. I t i s the most comprehensive and the l eas t

?rejud-icea of the movements uhich have started and developed t h e i r act"vVity over recent years. 2t vece'i.ves substance n̂d ennancement ?om uidening and d'i.versify

the power of those who hold it. The act of making Prince and Merchant accountable may instil a new sense of self-confi- dence among the people. It is a natural concern for citi- z e n s 'associations.

An example in a specific field is provided by the Consumers Association of Penanq (Malaysia). CAP monitors prices, ad- vertisements, marketing techniques, sales of dangerous goods, inadequacy of health care, public transportation or housing. It alerts authorities and people on any abuse. It carries out research into basic needs satisfaction, fights environmental deterioration (e.g. chemical pollution, de- forestation, over-fishing), provides support to local ini- tiatives, organises educational programmes, publishes a broad circulation monthly paper, Utusan Konsumer, in Malay and English and disseminates statements in these two langua- ges as well as in Mandarin and Tamil, pamphlets or post- cards. More specifically, it handles complaints from people about abuses they suffer from either Prince or Merchant.

A CAP comment is relevant to this discussion:

In ex-colonial soc ie t i e s uhere the people have far too Long been used t o the passive acceptance of l i f e ' s i n j u s t i c e s , the successful lodging of a complaint changes the perception and a t t i t u d e of ind i - vidunIs who nou see that redress can be obtained i f one i s u H l i n g t o do something posi t ive about it. The Comptainv Service thus be- comes a n e f f e c t i v e means and channel through uhich the public i s able to exercise i t s r i g h t s t o f igh t business malpractices and to press for fa i r and b e t t e r services from companies and government departments as ueLl as t o demand protection of these r igh t s from au thor i t i e s . b&/

11. PEOPLE AND THIRD SYSTEM

The phrase 'third system' in the sense accepted here and in the practice it is associated with was coined in September 1977. It was first embodied in the title of the 'third sys- tem project' carried out between 1978 and 1980 by the In- ternational Foundation for Development Alternatives as a contribution to the elaboration of the United Nations Inter- national Development Strategy for the 80s. =/ As implied in the definition used here, the concept extends well beyond the modest pretext of its origin.

The association with the phrase 'Third World' is not only deliberate: as a matter of fact, both ohrases come from the same source; both are meant to evoke Ie Tiers Etat, the third estate' of the French ancien regime. Before the 1789 revolution, French society comprised three 'estates', the nobility, the clergy and the third estate, i.e. the vast majority. Alfred Sauvy was the first, in 1952, to use the phrase 'Third World' to refer to the periphery, or the

South, a phrase which has since then gained wide accep ice . 4 2 / * However, 'third system' is conceptually clcs - 'third estate' than 'Third World' to either. The latt-e: cc:- cept is geo-political; it concerns countries. The former two are sociopolitical; they concern people, and that is what the third system is about.

For in the beginning were the people. As history unfolded, various social groups and individuals emerged as self- appointed rulers and leaders which, to put it schematically, managed to extract from the people, the direct producers, a tribute or plus-value. To this effect, warriors, landowners, aristocrats, clergymen, merchants, money-lenders, capital- ists, generals and bureaucrats established various forms of government and economic organization. As a result of this evolution, people are dominated, at this particular point in history, by governmental power, the Prince, and by economic power, the Merchant, sometimes united, sometimes antaqoniat- ic but always present.

Government still fascinates, understandably so when it is sought as a tool for change at the service of people, less so when it is opposed.

The Prince may well be the object of hate or sarcasm, yet it is somehow admired. Even when a particular prince is really bad, the very manner in which the criticism is construed implies the possibility of a good prince, a prince-philoso- pher (me? or the friend who may listen to me?).

Princes of the literary kingdom themselves, though princes in their own rights, often bow in a way to the political Prince. Consider for instance three great contemporary writ- ers of Latin America, a continent which has had and still has its bad princes: Miquel Angel Asturias with Mr Presi- e, Alejo Carpentier with The recourse of the method and even Gabriel Garcia Marquez with The autumn of the patri- arch: the Prince is torn into pieces, and yet somewhere - floats the incense of mythification.

The alternative to the Prince, for a handful, anarchy. The Prince as a person does not really is the institution which is bad, so let's get

is age old matter, it rid of it.

* That Sauvu implied that the OECD countries ( t h e West) and the CMEA " . countr ies ( t h e European East) were the other 'uorlds ' does not j u s t i f y the use of the expressions ' f i r s t ' and 'second' uorld. In t h i s context, srdir.cL numbers are h i s t o r i ~ a X y , ̂:~nceptuuLLg and politicuLLy mislead- ing. Further, it may be noted that the Chinese are using a d i f f e r e n t c l a s s i f i c a t i o n uhich i s more action-oriented i n geo-polit ical terms. By " f i r s t " W, they mean the tuo superpowers, and by "second" uorld, smaller industr ial cchntr ies i n both Uestem and Eastern Europe.

Neither God nor Master, let us join forces and tomorrow the International will be Humankind.

The Merchant used to be close to us. The growing geoqraphi- cal and economic distance between producer and consumer made it at the same time more mythical in our perception and more real as a determinant of our daily lives. It has now grown into a monster/hero whose misdeeds are proportional to the services it renders. We resent its influence and its riches because we are under its influence and because its riches come from us as participants, through the market, in the process of production and consumption. For instance, we op- pose transnational corporations - to a point: I don't like Nestle, but I don't give up coffee. I don't like ITT, but I need to communicate with my fellow networker in Chile. I don't like Hoffmann - La Roche, but what may happen to my child without this irreplaceable drug?

One alternative to the Merchant is workers' self-management, peasants' cooperatives and equal exchange among them. But not everyone likes to be a manager, and almost everywhere self-management has begotten new managers and restarted the process of alienation. Another alternative is the Plan as a people-serving agent of rational production and distribution of socially useful goods and services. Whilst it may allevi- ate some of the Merchant's shortcomings, the Planner still has a lot to learn, including how to recognize its limits.

The permanent fascination of the Prince, the resilient reli- ance on the Merchant and the elusiveness of utopias suggest not only that utopias need to be revisited, but also that, however poorly they perform, neither Prince nor Merchant have outlived their usefulness.

At the present level of productivity, with its implications in terms of surplus extraction, ideological manipulation through the mass media and the so-called cultural industry, economic, social and political organization, weaponry for both external and internal use, the fact is that some form of government, in the boundaries of the current nation- states system, is unavoidable, and to a point, necessary; in a world dominated by two superpowers, smaller or less power- ful states still offer some protection against total subser- vience. Similarly unavoidable and to a point necessary is some form of economic organization, private or public, guid- ed by the 'invisible hand' or by the Plan, mixing one way or the other transnational corporations, state enterprises, national and local capitalism. When the most basic human needs remain unsatisfied, those able to foster production - provided it be socially useful and ecologically sustainable - as well as those able to ensure some social security through redistribution still have an essential function. Neither the withering away of the state nor generalized pro- ducers/consumers self-management are on today's agenda.

This is to say that we have to recognize that Prince and Merchant, as alienated from us and as alienating as they are, remain parts of the realm of necessity. But understand- ing necessity never prevented liberty.

At the same time, Prince and Merchant control only parts of power. Whether they exist de facto or de jure, whether legi- timate or not, whether serving the general interest or not, they cannot possibly represent society in its totality and its differences. Moreover, they exert their powers so- ciety. Their powers are subsidiary to that of the people. Their very existence depends on the people. They are, in a sense, our creatures. People - the women and men we are - also have power, which we can exert on Prince and Merchant as well as on ourselves. People's power is thus the only autonomous power.

Beyond the principles, as essential as they are, stands rea- lity. People - societies - are not homogenous.

To come back to an earlier analogy, the French third estate was not homogenous. Opposing the nobility and the high cler- gy were the merchants, the artisans, the peasants, the first industrial capitalists, the intellectuals, some parish priests. Their interests, beyond the abolition of absolut- ism, could hardly be the same. The ideology, formulated by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Denis Diderot and others, was essen- tially democratic - but the bourgeoisie, assuming leader- ship, merely used it to take over from nobility and church, which disappeared as both governmental and economic power. By and large, the people simply changed masters. A similar scenario occurred, in a different context and for different reasons, after the 1917 socialist revolution in Russia. Bureaucracy, not bourgeoisie, took over and one had to wait until the summer of 1980, in Poland, to see the people - the workers - get together and organize as an autonomous social force in a society born out of the quest for justice and socialism.

This suggests two observations.

First, whatever the ideology, the social origin or the moti- vation~, no minority, group or individual seeking or exer- cising power, any power, can be given a blank cheque. What- ever provisional or lasting benefits the people may get from a change of power, or from power or counter-power exercised on their behalf, they will remain in a subservient situation if they do not retain their autonomous power. This is not to condemn those who aspire to, or get, governmental power - many are genuinely honest and try in earnest to achieve what they had set out to do - but a reflection of the nature of the Prince and a reminder that in the polity as in the eco- nomy, the division of labour breeds 'disabling professions'. 2 3 1

Second, people, save in exceptional circumstances, do not act politically as such, en masse. Not all people act as citizens, and people are not naturally good; they may be, for instance, racist, and are easily manipulated by propa- ganda. Enlightened minorities (or leaders), self-propulsed but society-borne, either act on the behalf of people or, better, perceiving a problem and outlining a solution, for- mulate a project in which people recognize themselves. They join forces, thus creating the movement through which the latent power of the people becomes patent.

The third system is thus not coterminous with the people. It brings together only those among the people who are reaching a critical consciousness of the role they may play. It is not a party or an organization, but the movement of those, associations or citizens, who perceive that the essence of history is the endless effort for emancipation by which we grope for mastering our own destiny, an effort which is, in the final analysis, coterminous with the process of human- ization of man (in the generic sense). The third system does not seek governmental or economic power. On the contrary, its function is to help people to assert their own auto- nomous power vis-a-vis both Prince and Merchant. It endea- vours to listen to those never or rarely heard and at least to offer a tribune to the unheard voices.

111, NETWORKING

Realities, telecommunications and perceptions* progressively confirm the oneness of humankind and its planet. The risk of nuclear holocaust and the cojonction of under-development and maldevelopment also make us one. Environment and health hazards underline our interdependence. Two thirds of the planet - its oceans - are open to global management, as is outer space. Citizens and associations working in local spa- ces cannot limit themselves to these spaces, however funda- mental they are. Those working in the global space cannot limit themselves to their sectorial concerns, however cru- cial these are. Beyond spaces and themes, all need to share experiences and ideas, to feel they belong to a larger whole, to relate to others.

The other systems of power do have their own linkages, me- chanisms of consultation, concertation and joint action. Princes, whether they somehow represent their people or op- press them, have their fora. They are regional like the

* and a l s o t he r ecen t d iscovery t h a t we may we l l be, a l l o f us on t h i s p lanet , the descendants o f a s i ng l e female ances tor uho l i v ed i n A f r i ca 140,000 t o 280,000 years ago.

League of Arab States, the Association of South East Asia Nations, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, the Economic Community of West African States, the European Economic Community, the Gulf States Corporation or the Sis- tema Economico Latino Americano. They reflect specific his- torical circumstances, like the Commonwealth or the Organi- zation of the Islamic Conference. They are also global: the United Nations system of agencies, programmes and conferenc- es. Those of the Merchants who operate across national bor- ders have formed transnational corporations. The third sys- tem as such has nothing of this sort. And its links cannot be the same as those of the powers which it intends to cir- cumscribe or influence and which it wants to make account- able.

There seem to be two possible approaches to third system global relations. The first gravitates around the United Nations system, the second, networking, while not necessari- ly excluding the first one, reflects better the nature and goals of third system associations and movements.

The United Nations approach itself is at least twofold. The first branch involves some improbable journey towards a re- mote utopia but nevertheless deserves to be mentioned. After all, the Charter opens with the famous "We the peoples of the United Nations", and not with "We the governments of the united states of the world".

The EEC Commission, which has more power than the UN Securi- ty Council, CO-exists with the European Parliament whose role may be limited but whose members, elected as they are, somehow speak for the people of the member countries.

Another possible analogy is offered by the International Labour Organization, whose General Conference is composed of four representatives of each member-state with individual voting power. Two are delegates of government, one of the employers and one of the workpeople. This does not go very far, especially since the 'non government' delegates are chosen by their respective government in agreement with each country's most representative industrial organization.

Something along these lines, however, would be a significant improvement in the representativity of the United Nations proper, where some 700 'non-governmental organizations' are in some sort of consultative status with the Economic and Social Council. They are a mixed bag of organizations, rang- ing from the International Association of the Soap and De- tergent Industry to the Christian Peace Conference. Most are essentially Western, and whether their relationships with the ECOSOC are 'obsolete and unproductive', as some say, does not really matter L / . Furthermore, there is a persist- ent habit, in the 'public information' sectors of the United Nations, to consider 'NGOs' as mere conveyor belts of inter-

governmental or bureaucratic wisdom distilled from above to the 'public opinion' seen as a passive receptacle.

It is of course not prohibited to dream of another United Nations.

Utopian as i t nay appear today - as did so many ideas, now part of the conventional wisdom, before someone took the f i r s t s t ep towards implementing them - couldn ' t w sketch out a possible US of 2025? Redeeming i t s original s i n of having been conceived, brought i n t o being and groun up as an organization of governments, the US of our children and grandchildren w i l l probably r e f l e c t b e t t e r the socie- t i e s of the world and the actors who make them a l i ve .

This could for instance be achieved through a three-chamber General Assembly of the United Nations. The Prince Chamber would represent the governments of the s ta te s . The Merchant Chamber A d represent the economic powers, be they transnational, multinational, national or local, belonging t o the private, s t a t e or social sectors, since a t the same time we need them and need t o regulate t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s - which i s b e t t e r done with them. The Ci t i zen Chamber, where there should be as many women as men, would, through some mechanism en- s w i n g adequate represen ta t i v i t y , speak for the people and t h e i r associations. A t the very l eas t , t h i s would make it possible for c i t i z e n s t o hold Prince and Merchant accountable for the consequen- ces of the exercise of t h e i r power ( . . . l

Perhaps some imaginative and innovative i n s t i t u t i o n designers could s t a r t working and o f f e r t o the world community some ideas on how t o move from the present s t a t e of a f f a i r s t o something more apt t o enable people t o participate i n the management of the planet.

I t would be f u t i l e , a t t h i s stage, t o d i rec t the exercise a t gov- ernments. Like most past re-structuring e f f o r t s (by far more mod- e s t ) , t h i s one mit, i n the short term a t l eas t , s t r i k e the shelves o f polit ico-bureaucratic lack of v i s ion and vested i n t e r e s t s . The exercise should, on the contrary, not only be directed a t , but car- r i ed out with, the social actors themselves, the women and the young, the peasants and the c i t y duel lers , the producers and the consumers, the peace marchers and the ecological s i t - i n people, a l l those who are v i t a l l y in t e res ted i n another development i n t e r - vieaving peace, ju s t i ce and a b e t t e r l i f e for a Ll. E/

Could some steps be taken immediately, offering alternatives to the end-of-the-day-no-audience practice of 'NGOs' ad- dressing the ECOSOC (or other bodies)? Could the ECOSOC Com- mittee on 'NGOs' up-grade its role from procedural matters to policy matters? Could the Human Rights Commission, the Transnational Commission or the bodies dealing with disarm- ament listen to and interact with Amnesty International, the International Organization of Consumers Union or the peace movements? What kind of policy and procedures for the sub- mission and circulation of documents would ensure that rele- vant views are available to intergovernmental organs? Could some enlightened governments take the initiative to send

more representative delegations to the General Assembly? For instance, since each Member has five delegates, could one represent the opposition, one the business community, and one the third system? Some governments do it to some extent, but could not this be made more systematic and open? Could one member be elected?

In the meantime, a 'major departure from the traditional relationship between the United Nations and non-governmental organizations' must be mentioned. In October 1979, at a meeting on infant and young child feeding which took place 'at the centre of WHO/UNICEF decision-making process', va- rious groups of participants were involved on an equal foot- ing: representatives of governments, scientists, health workers, executives of infant food manufacturers, represent- atives of the United Nations system and constituent-based associations from both South and North. The composition of that meeting helped make it a 'qualitative leap forward in the approach to infant feeding' G / . And there should be no surprise that the Executive Director of UNICEF, James Grant, could write that:

we have had a remarkable amount of s tructural change i n the past S O years (. . .l most of t h i s change has been brought about by public pressure, wi th people ahead of g o v e m e n t s (. . . ) The outstanding example i s the national l iberat ion movements, which have a l l been against g o v e m e n t s . The civil r igh t s movement i n the US was ano- ther case of people being ahead of the government and forcing change. And the environmental and %^en ' S movements. . . g/

The 1979 event, unique happening or precedent, this remains to be seen, came after almost a decade of a new presence of associations in United Nations meetings. The turning point was the 1972 Stockholm Conference on the environment, where as many interesting and far-reaching things happened in the adjacent Forum as in the inter-governmental assembly. Since then, associations have been present and active in most ma- jor United Nations conferences, advocating their views, ex- changing information, organizing debates, monitoring the position of governments, lobbying delegates, publishing journals or linking up with people at large. Examples are the World Food Conference (Rome, 19741, the Seventh Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on Develop- ment and International Cooperation (New York, 1975), Habitat (Vancouver, 1976), UNCTAD IV (Nairobi, 1976), the Conference on new and renewable sources of energy (Nairobi, 1980) , the Second Special Session on Disarmament (New York, 1982) and, above all, the most recent, the Women's Conference (Nairobi, 1985) where the parallel Women's Forum gathered more than 15,000 women from all over the globe. g/

Whatever the immediate impact of such activities, they serve another, and far reaching, purpose, not without similarities to last century's International Exhibitions. The First In-

ternational - the International Workingmen's Association - resulted from a meeting of workers in London, in 1 8 6 2 , on the occasion of the International Exhibition. Perhaps the United Nations conferences of the 80s will be seen, in re- trospect, as having played a similar role, facilitating con- tacts between people otherwise scattered, opening new space to networking.

Networking is the other approach to third system linkages. There is nothing new in its practice: since the beginning of history, some people have always been in touch with others on the basis of common values and interests. What is new is that networking becomes progressively global because of the new perceptions of the oneness of humankind, and because technology makes it possible: air travel and the photocopy- ing machine, and the tapes, and now, in a new revolution, telecommunications.

Above all, networking already offers a concrete alternative to conventional institutions serving Prince and Merchant. These are usually designed and operated in a pyramidal man- ner so as to provide for hierarchical relations between a centre and a periphery, a leader and those led (even when centres or leaders are the product of some consensus). They are the vehicle of the exercise of an outer power over others. They rest on a vertical division of labour between bureaucrats and membership. They nurture disabling profes- sions and dispossess people. They are internally and extern- ally competitive and foster bigness. They seek and dispense information rather than facilitating communication. They breed conformism and dependence. They are change-resistant and self-perpetuating. As a whole, they hinder rather than enhance freedom.

In sharp contrast, networks operate horizontally. Their cen- tres are everywhere, their peripheries nowhere. Networking simply means that a number of autonomous, equal and usually small groups link up to share knowledge, practice solidarity or act jointly and/or simultaneously in different spaces. They exercise an inner power over themselves. Based as they are on moral (as distinct from professional or institution- al) motivations, networks are cooperative, not competitive. Communicating is of their essence. They ignore coordination as a specialized task. Leadership, if and when needed, is shifting. The raison d'etre of networks is not in them- selves, but in a job to be done. When there is one, they set themselves up. They adjust quickly to changing circumstan- ces. They are resilient in adversity (for instance, that one entity is co-opted by the establishment does not affect the whole). When they are no longer useful, they disappear. They are transient. Moving outside main streams and beaten tracks on somewhat marginal paths, they learn from each other to look elsewhere and beyond the conventional and the immedi- ate. Being multidimensional, they stimulate imagination and

innovation. They foster solidarity and a sense of belonging. They expand the sphere of autonomy and freedom.

The source of the movement is the same everywhere - people's autonomous power - and so is its most universal goal, survi- val. But the latent power of people materializes only here and there. This is what happens when millions of Filiponos occupy the boulevards of Manila E/ when millions of Euro- peans assemble to oppose nuclear weapons, when the consumers of Penang lodge complaints against the Merchant's abuses or when the activists of Solidarnosc raise their voice. But these remain worlds apart. Networking may now be part of North American reality, and the basis of the work of the International Baby Food Network Action, but things still look as if these were only isolated islands emerging in the still unconnected archipelago of another development.

Some associations, for instance Amnesty International or the IOCU are worldwide in coverage, but their concerns are sec- torial. If the objectives and activities of Lokayan in India are akin to those of IBASE in Rio de Janeiro, as are the problems of the peasants in the African Sahel to those of the fishworkers in the Philippines, there is no real inter- change among them. Efforts are underway £f/ but they are light-years away from the requirements, however widely these are felt.

What is sorely needed is to make any significant happening in any local space an event in the global space and con- versely; to intensify the sharing of experiences, to help every citizen in every association feel that s / h e is not alone, that slhe belongs to a global fraternity. This im- plies a conscious effort towards global networking B/, to- wards global third system communication.

It is now technically possible. Said Arthur Clarke in 1983:

During the coming decade, more and more businessmen, well-heeled t o u r i s t s and v i r tua l l y a l l newspersons u i l l be carrying attache- case-sized u n i t s tha t w i l l permit d i rec t tuo-way communication u i t h the i r homes or o f f i c e s , v ia the most convenient s a t e l l i t e . These w i l l provide voice, t e l e x and video f a c i l i t i e s ( s t i l l photos and, for those who read i t , l i v e TV coverage). As these un i t s become cheaper, smaller and more universal , they w i l l make t rave l l e r s to- t a l l y independent of national connnunications systems. 9/

This needs not to be limited to the Prince, the Merchant and affluent people: it may and will be used by third system associations.

In a less high-tech mode, and since the written word is still available to the third system, it remains possible to multiply, intensify and indeed generalize communication through inexpensive publications.

Like many others mentioned in this paper, IFDA has been en- deavouring to meet, however modestly, the need of third sys- tem associations to relate to each other, in whatever space they operate and whatever their cause, through its bi-month- ly Dossier which is published in a single tri-lingual edi- tion (English, French, Spanish) . Dedicated as it is to the search for another development, it publishes case studies, notes on experiences, alternative views and approaches and information ('news from the third system'), as provided by the network of its readers. It is global in its coverage, contributors and circulation. It reflects most current con- cerns on the alternative agenda, from peace to women's lib, through local self-reliance, people empowerment, human rights, consumers' self-defense, environment or people's North-South solidarity. Every issue systematically features authors from the principal regions and cultures of the pla- net. Starting from a modest mailing list of some 2,500 ad- dresses, it is now circulated in 18,400 copies and reaches many more readers in virtually every country. This is ob- viously a drop of water in the ocean, and many problems are unsolved, such as those of languages E / , but at least the IFDA Dossier is available.

In its effort to communicate, the third system should also examine the potential of a Third World press agency, Inter Press Service, which has now a telecommunication network extending to some 60 cities in all continents. G/ It is trying to promote alternative information (contextual rather than limited to spot news); visibility of new actors; direct South-South and South-North links; and to create a new type of communicator. Here again, many questions remain open, including the critical financial one, but IPS is an instru- ment open to the third system and which could be made use of. =/

Discussing the 'task, substance and strategy of the social movements' in trying to stop the apocalypse, Rudolf Bahro writes :

There are various seemingly i r ra t iona l responses i n vogue: the Sew Age Movement or the Aquarian Conspiracy. II/ One thing about them i s correct: what i s required rea l t y ie a Torid-embracing counter- movement, and there i s no Archimedian point wi thin the ex i s t ing i n s t i t u t i o n s which could be used t o bring about even the smallest change 01' course. Without forces uhich attack from outs ide , the atomic holocaust i s not t o be staved o f f (...) Only the most basic social movements can bring about that break i n cuI tural cont inui ty without which we shall be unable t o save our very exis tence g/.

What Bahro says applies equally to the holocaust of dispos- sesion - as a matter of fact, the two holocausts are but the two sides of the same coin - their causes and alternatives to them - another development. Only the movement, whatever its name, third system or not, will enable life to continue on this planet - perhaps simply because it is life itself.

And what matters first is to make available to people in each and every space the instruments through which they may exercise their autonomous power. In the process of realizing this potential, the role of citizens and/or associations is both critical and temporary. They may be seeds of change, but if seeds do not perish, there is no harvest. The medium may not be the message, but the process is certainly the oolicy, if the process means enabling people to become citi- zens, empowering them to act autonomously, to hold Prince, Merchant and third system associations accountable for the consequences of the use of whatever power, opposed or com- plementary, they may have.

For the last thing to do would be to exonerate the third system from what it requires from the others. Only full S- countability will help the third system to avoid bureaucra- tisation, resist co-option, keep its role of countervailing power, preserve its capacity for permanent renewal, strive to run itself by imagination, in a word, remain what it sets out to be, the servant of the people.

(continued from page 31)

. L u i s L o p e z l l e r a , S i g n i f i c a d o d e l t a l l e r La t inoamer icano d e r e d e s - Cambios c r i t i c o s , soc iedad emergente y a l t e r n a t i v a s p o p u l a r e s , (Promo- c i 6 n d e l D e s a r o l l o P o p u l a r , T lZ loc 40-3, 11370 Mexico DF, Mexico) 10pp.

GLOBAL SPACE

. Richard F a l k , Re th ink ing Counter-Terrorism, 29pp.; The F u t u r e of I n t e r n a t i o n a l S t u d i e s : The Q u e s t f o r World Order 20pp. (Cen t re f o r In - t e r n a t i o n a l S t u d i e s , P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y , Corwin H a l l , P r i n c e t o n , NJ 08544, USA).

. Medard Gabel , The Case of t h e World Game.. . Plann ing D i s e a s e s and P l a n e t a r y Dis-Eases (World Game P r o j e c t s , I n c , U n i v e r s i t y C i t y S c i e n c e C e n t e r , 3508 Market S t r e e t , P h i l a d e p h i a , PA 19104, USA) 4pp.

. L. Gyorgy, A t t h e Meeting-Point o f Two C u l t u r e s ( S i r b o g Z r d i G C 11 , 1115 Budapes t , Hungary) 4 p p .

. T h i e r r y V e r h e l s t , The C u l t u r a l C r i s i s of t h e West and I n t e r n a t i o n a l S o l i d a r i t y ( B r o e d e r l i j k De len , K o n i n g s s t r a a t 171, 1210 B r u s s e l s , Bel- gium) 6pp.

NOTES REFERRING

a ) James P. Gran t , D.37, pp.37-51.

( b ) R a j n i K o t h a r i , pp.3-14; J a n Pronk

TO THE IFDA DOSSIER

' A c h i l d r e n r e v o l u t i o n f o r 6 b i l l i o n d o l l a r s a y e a r ' ,

L o k a y a n ' s e f f o r t s t o overcome t h e new r i f t ' , D.52, 'The c a s e f o r a world p u b l i c s e c t o r ' , D.54, pp.55-66.

( c ) J . S . Szuszk iewic , 'Can they do i t : p a r t i c i p a t i o n of MGOs of Th i rd World c o u n t r i e s i n NIEO-oriented p r o j e c t s ' , D.10, pp.83-95.

( d ) Solange P a s s a r i s , 'Les en jeux de l a v i e a s s o c i a t i v e en F r a n c e ' , D.24, pp.15-24.

( e ) C r i s t i n a Herz, 'L ' a ssemblge f e d e r a l e d e s v e r t s a l l e m a n d s ' , D.47, pp.43-46; Alexander Langer , 'The Greens i n I t a l y ' , *, pp.41-42. ( f ) Denis Goule t , 'Development a s l i b e r a t i o n : p o l i c y l e s s o n s from c a s e s t u d i e s ' , D.3; G.V.S. de S i l v a e t a l , 'Bhoomi Sena, a s t r u g g l e f o r peo- p l e ' s power ' , D.5; J a c de Bruyn e t Roger J a c o b s , 'Le mouvement de b a s e ' , D.20, pp.97-100; Danieu l Mudali , 'Smal l f i shermen meet a t Kuan tan ' , D.23, pp.78-80; Fishermen A l l i a n c e i n R i z a l , 'The t r o u b l e d w a t e r s of Laguna ~ a k e ' , D.41, pp.51-56; Bernard L6dea Ouedraogo, 'Developper s a n s ab imer ' ( A s s o c i a t i o n i n t e r n a t i o n a l e s i x S ) i b . , pp.23-36; ' F i s h e r w o r k e r s g e t a chance t o speak ' ( I n t e r n a t i o n a l Conference of F i shworkers and t h e i r s u p p o r t e r s ) , D.44, pp.61-62; ' P h i l i p p i n e s : Agency f o r Community E d u c a t i o n a l S e r v i c e s Foundat ion (ACES) ' , D.45, p .88. C f . B r i a n McCall, 'The t r a n s i t i o n toward s e l f - r e l i a n c e : some thoughts on t h e r o l e of peo- p l e ' s o r g a n i z a t i o n s ' , D.22, pp.37-46; Kar ina C o n s t a n t i n o David, ' I s s u e s i n community o r g a n i z a t i o n t , D.23, pp.5-20; Anisur Rahman, 'NGO work of o r g a n i z i n g t h e r u r a l p o o r ' , D.50, pp.15-20; Nighat Sa id Khan and Kamala Bhas in , 'Responding t o t h e c h a l l e n g e of r u r a l pover ty i n As ia : Role of p e o p l e ' s o r g a n i z a t i o n s ' , D.53, pp.3-16 & D.54, pp.9-20.

( g ) 'ENDA, Environnement e t d6veloppement du T i e r s Monde', D.45, pp.83- 8 4 ; ' L u t t e c e n t r e l a faim en zone sahe lo -somal ienne ' , D.47, pp.49-54; Mariana Schkoln ik , 'Peop le economic o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n C h i l e ' , E, pp.27- 28; Gustavo E s t e v a , 'Mexico: S e l f - h e l p n e t w o r k ' , D.51, pp.73-75.

* The IFDA Dossier appeared twice i n 1978 (Nos 1 and 2 ) . I t was pub- l i shed every month i n 1979 (Nos 3 t o 14) and every o ther month s ince January 1980. Plumbers 15-20 thus correspond t o 1980; 21-26 t o 1981; 27-32 t o 1982; 33-38 t o 1983; 39-44 t o 1984 and 45-50 t o 1985. Every i s s u e bears the date o f the month o f publ icat ion and of the fo l louing month. -0, published i n November 1985 i s thus dated November/December 1985. Ind i ce s by author, theme and as soc ia t i on appeared i n Dossiers 17, 28, 36 and 50. Dossiers 1 t o 37, except 27, 28 and 30 as u e t l as 44, 45 and 48 are out o f s tock , but t he full c o l l e c t i o n and the 20,000-page background papers o f the t h i r d system projec t , are ava i lab l e on micro- f iche from Interdocumentation AG, Pos ts t rasse 14, 6.300 Zug, Switzerland, for S R . 950. -

(h) 'India: Kalpavriksh, the environmental action group', D.48, pp.7678; Wangari Maathai, 'Kenya: The Green Belt Movement', D.49, pp.3-12; D.53, pp.39-41; 'SINA: Settlements Information Network Africa', D.53, p.73.

(i) IBASE, 'An innovative service for the popular movements', D.30, pp. 82-84; 'L'Association senegalaise de recherche et d'assistance pour le developpement communautaire (ASRADEC), D.32, pp.89-90; Rokiatou Tall, Afrique occidentale: L'AFOTEC, service international dqappui a la for- mation et aux technologies', D.49, pp.84-88.

( j ) 'Philippines: Mindanao Community Theatre Network', D.50, pp.88-89. Cf. D.30, 33, 42 and 48.

(k) 'Foundation for Education with Production', D.27, pp.67-71.

(1) Mike Cooley, 'Beating swords into ploughshares, The Lucas experiment described', D.35, pp.53-63, & D.33, pp.76-77.

(m) 'Tool', D.47, p.84; SATIS, 'Socially appropriate technology interna- tional information services', D. 48, pp. 71-74; WISE, 'World information service on energy', g, p.75. (n) 'An outline of Japanese non-governmental organizations in develop- ment cooperation', D.43, pp.81-83; 'I1 etait une fois SOLAGRAL', D.44, pp.75-77; 'France: Le GRET, un outil de communication pour un develop- pement autocentrSt, D.45, p.89; 'USA: The Trickle Up Programme', D.46, p.86; 'Collectif europeen Conscientisation', D.51, pp.83-84.

(0) Md Anisur Rahman, 'All India Convention of people's science move- ment', 0.4; 'Lokayan, dialogue of the people', D.28, pp.84-85; D.41, pp.37-50; Rajni Kothari, cf. note (b) supra; 'Bresil: Le Centre Josue de Castro', D.43, p.80; 'Ghana: Centre for the development of the people', D.45, p.86; 'Ecuador: Red interdisciplinaria de investigation y parti- cipaci6nf, D.50, pp.83-85; 'Uruguay: CIEDUR en la reconstrucci6n nacio- nal', D.52, pp.77-79; 'Paraguay: Education, capacitaci6n y tecnologia campesina', D.53, p.76; 'Ecuador: CATER, Centro Andino de Tecnologia Rural', D.53, p.77.

(p) 'L'AFARD, une association de femnes 'chercheurs", D.21, p.12; 'The Changleput rural women's social education centre', D.42, pp.78-80; AWRAN, 'Asia: Women's research and action network', D.49, pp.89-90; 0.50, pp.25-37.

(q) 'Les services juridiques en milieu rural', 0.43, pp.78-79; 'Asia: The law and society trust', D.46, pp.78-79; 'Philippines: BATAS, Centre for people's law', D.48, p.80; e et work of Concerned Third World Lawyers launched', D.51, pp.76-79; 'Lawasia' , D.53, p.83.

(K) Inga Thorsson, h he great Peace Journey', D.50, pp.75-78; & note aa) infra.

(S) Francisco Terenzio, 'World Food Assembly: The start of a real pro- cess of cooperation for the third system?', D.46, pp.76-77; D.44, pp.74- 75; 'The World Food Assembly Manifesto', D.49, pp.77-78.

(t) 'The Minority Rights group', D.31, pp.86-87; 'The International Can- ere for Ethnic Studies (ICES),' D.43, pp.75-78; 'DOCIP: Indigenous popu- lation~ documentation, research and information centre', D.50, p.86.

(U) IBFAN, 'European mothers: do they really have a 'free choice' on how best to feed their babies?', D.50, p.81.

(v ) IDEA, Bullding blocks for alternative d e v e l ~ " ~ strategies, a pro- gress report from the third systpm nrnjecc; \' i a u y pour d'autrcs strategies de d6veloppement: un rapport sur 1' - ncement du pro- jet tiers systsme; Ladrillos para estrategias l,Lc 3tivas de desarro- 110: un inform0 sobre 10s progresos del proyec~ L sr sistema (Nyon: - IFDA Dossier 17), 150 pp.

(W) Cf. inter alia, Anwar Fazal, 'Brave and dngry: the international consumer movement's response to TNCs', D.21, pp.69-75; 'The new wave of the international consumer movement', ' 2 . 2 6 , pp.73-75; 'Five billion con- sumers organizing for change', D.44, pp.71-74. Cf. note (bb) infra.

(X) IBFAN, 'New actions launched on baby food issues', D.41, pp.73-74; Milupa campaign', D.43, p.85; Andrew Chetley, 'The power to change: lessons from the baby food campaign', D.52, pp.45-56.

(y) Cf. The Institute for Policy Studies network on 'Meeting the corpo- rate challenge', D.41, pp.75-77 & D.44, pp.51-54; Health Action Inter- national, D.27, p.80; Food First Information Network (FIAN), D.45, p.81; Asia-Pacific People's Environment Network (APPEN), D.42, pp.77-78 & D.46 p.42; Pesticide Action Network (PAN), D.50, pp.79-80.

(z) 'ISIS International: A women's information and comunication ser- vice', D.42, pp.81-82; 'La Satellite', D.52, pp. 73-74; 'ILET Unidad de Comunicacion Alternativa de la Mujer', D.53, pp.74-75.

(aa) Hilkka Pietila, 'Women's peace movement as an innovative proponent of the peace movement as a whole', D.43, pp.3-12. Cf. Kwee Swan Liat, 'Pugwash and the third system' , D.20, pp. 107-111; Cary Sacks, 'United States: Grassroots movement for the nuclear freeze, D.30, pp.85-88; Elise Boulding, 'Peace movement in the USA', D.41, pp.3-14; Jorge Osorio V., 'Los movimientos por la paz en America Latina', D.41, pp.15-22; Hector Vera, 'Mouvements pour la paix en Europe et mouvements de libera- tion en Amsrique latine', D.47, pp.63-72.

(bb) Khor Kok Peng, 'Value for the people: the potential role of a con- sumer movement in the Third World', D.18, pp.1-13.

(cc) Marc Nerfin, 'A Three-Chamber UN', D.45, pp.2 & 32. Cf. Henry Pease Garcia, 'Otro desarrollo y el tercer sistema', D.8; William N. Ellis, ' A second level of world government', D.16, pp.124-126 & 'New Age world governance', D.34, pp.43-50.

(dd) D.50, pp.25-37 & Nita Barrow, 'The Women's Forum '85 in Nairobi', D.54, pp.51-54.

(ee) Marc Nerfin, 'People's power in the Philippines', D.53, pp.2+103.

(f£ F. Whitaker Ferreira, 'Pour une Gvaluation du projet des journees internationales: pourquoi est-il necessaire de Ie continuer?', D.19, pp.27-42; 'CODEV, Communications for development Foundation', D.26, p.2; What is TIE?', D.35, pp.86-88; 'Shopfloor internationalism and the auto industry', D.38, pp.65-67; IOC/MAB, 'An international network of people and initiatives striving for self-reliance', D.36, pp.85-87; DESCO, 'Third World PDAs meet in Lima', D.37, pp.83-86; 'Asian regional ex- change for new alternatives (AREKA), D.43, pp.73-74; 'Argentina: The Club del Hornero seeks interaction', D.46, pp.81-82; 'Asia: CEKDHRRA, or partnership in action', D.47, pp.73-76.

(gg) Hazel Henderson, 'Planetary networking', D.25, pp.91-92

(hh) Leelananda de Silva, 'Unheard voices', D.2.

(ii) Roberto Savio, 'Communications and development in the 80s', D.32, pp. 75-79.

(kk) Rudolf Bahro, 'Who can stop the Apocalypse?', D.34. pp.51-64.

OTHER REFERENCES

(1) Chadwick F. Alger, 'Empowering people for global participation', International Transnational Associations (N012, December 1980), pp.508- c 1 n J L U .

(2) Chadwick F. Alger, The organizational context of development: il- luminating paths for wider participation (Tokyo: United Nations Univer- sity, 1979), Doc HSDR C-PID, mimeogr., bibl.

(3) Chadwick F. Alger, 'Reconstructing human polities: Collective secu- rity in the nuclear age', in Burns H.Weston (ed), Toward nuclear disar- mament and global security: A search for alternatives (Boulder: Westview Press, 1984), pp.666-687.

(41 Chadwick F. Aleer and Saul Mendlovitz, 'Grassroots activism in the . . - United States: Global implications?', Alternatives (Vol.IX, N04, Spring 1984), pp.447-474.

(5) Berhanykun Andemicael (rapporteur), Non-governmental organizations in economic and social development (New York: UNITAR, 1975), 44 p.

(6) Manuel Argiiello, Los 6 s pobres en la lucha (Heredia, Costa Rica: Editorial de la Universidad National, 1981), 284 p.

(7) Fritjof Capra, The turning point: Science, society and the rising culture ( ~ e w York: Bantam Books, 1983), 464 p. and (London: Fontana, 1984) 516 p. bibl., index.

(8) Fritjof Capra and Charlene Spretnak, Green politics, The global pro- mise (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1984). 245 p.

(9) Arthur C. Clarke, Beyond the global village, Address on World Tele- communications Day, United Nations, New York, 17 May 1983, 14 p. mimeo.

(10) Duane Elgin, Voluntary simplicity, Toward a way of life that is outwardly simple, inwardly rich (New York: William Morrow, 1981), 312 p. Republished as Voluntary simplicity, An ecological lifestyle that pro- motes personal and social renewal (New York, Bantam Books, 1982), 264 p. especially Appendix V.

(11) Marilyn Ferguson, The Aquarian Conspiracy, Personal and social transformations in the 1980s (Los Angeles: J.P. Tarcher, 1980), 448 p. and (London: Granada, 1982), 496 p., bibl., indices.

(12) Johan Galtung, 'Nonterritorial actors and the problem of peace', in Saul Mendlovitz (ed), On the creation of a just world order (New York: The Free Press, 1975), pp.151-188.

(13) Tony Gibson, People power, Community and work groups in action (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1979), 288 p.

(14) Pablo Gonzales Casanova, La hegemonia del pueblo y la lucha centro- americana (San Jose de Costa Rica: Educa, 1984), 126 p.

(15) Guy Gran, Development by people. Citizen construction of a just world (New York: Praeger, 1983), 482 p. bibl., index.

(16) James P. Grant, 'Achieving social and economic goals for the year 2000', Compass (No 8, January-April 1981), p.1.

(17) Robert F. German (ed), Private voluntary organizations as agents of development (Boulder: Westview Press, 1984), 263 p.

(18) Ismid Haddad et al, 'NGOs, development and politics', Prisma, Indonesian Indicator, ~ " 2 8 , June 1983, pp.1-80.

(19) Dag Hammarskjold Foundation, What Now - Another Development, 128 p.; Que faire - Un autre d6veloppement, 136 p.; Que hacer - E desarrollo, 132 p. (Uppsala: Dag Hammarskjold Foundation, 1975).

(20) Zsuzsa Hegedus, From the refusal of arms race to a new model of security, Paris, March 1985, 34 p., mimeo.

(21) Hazel Henderson, 'Citizen movements for greater global equality', International Social Sciences Journal (Vol.XXVII1, N04, 1976) pp.773- 788; reprinted in Creating alternative futures. The end of economics (New York: Berkeley Publishing Corp., 1978), 404 p, see especially Chap. 16 & 21.

(22) Virginia Hine , 'The basic paradigm of a future socio-cultural sys- tem' , World Issues (April-May 1977), pp. 19-22. Mentioned in Elgin (10) and Ferguson (11) and reproduced in O.W. Markley and Willis W. Harman, Changing Images of Man (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1982). appendix F, pp. 239-247.

(23) Ivan Illich, The right to useful unemployment (London: Marion Boyars, 1978); Le chomage crgateur (Paris: Le Seuil, 1977). 94 p.

(24) A.J.N. Judge, 'The associative society of the future', Internation- al Transnational Associations (1979:6), pp.259-365.

(25) George Kennan, 'On nuclear war', The New York Review of Books, 21 January 1982.

(26) Rajni Kothari, 'The non-party political process', Economic and SO- cial Weekly, Bombay (Vol.XIX, N05, 4 February 1984), pp.216-223.

(27) Rajni Kothari, 'Communications for alternative development', Devel- opment Dialogue (1984: 1-2), pp.13-22.

(28) Thierry Lemaresquier, 'Beyond Infant Feeding: The case for another relationship between NGOs and the UN system', Development Dialogue (1980:1), pp.120-125.

(29) Jessica Lipnack and Jeffrey Stamps: Networking: The first report and directory (New York, Doubleday, 1982) and their Networking Journal and Networking Newsletter published by the Networking Institute, West Newton, MA 02165, USA.

(30) Albert Meister, Vers une sociologie des associations (Paris: Les Editions ouvriZres, 1972), 306p.

(31) A. Melucci et al, 'Mouvements alternatifs et crise de I'Etat', Re- vue internationale d'action comunautaire (10150, automne 83), pp.3-83.

(32) Ernst Michanek, Role of Swedish Non-Governmental Organizations in International Development Cooperation (Stockholm: SIDA, 1977). mimeog.,

(33) Ernst Michanek, 'Democracy as a force for development and the role of Swedish assistance', Development Dialogue (1985:l) pp.56-84.

(34) John Naisbitt, Megatrends, The new directions transforming our lives (London: Futura, 1984), 290p.

(35) Marc Nerfin, 'A new United Nations development strategy for the 80s and beyond: the role of the third system', in A.J. Dolman and J. van Ettinger (eds), Partners in tomorrow, Strategies for a New International Order, presented to Jan Tinbergen on the occasion of his 75th birthday (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1978). pp.71-82.

(36) Marc Nerfin, 'The future of the United Nations system: some ques- tions on the occasion of an anniversary', Development Dialogue, 1985:1, (Uppsala: Dag Hammarskjold Foundation), pp.5-29.

(37) Mario Padron Castillo, NGDOs and grassroots development: Limits and possibilities (Final report of Third World NGDOs, Lima, 15-22 March 1982), (The Hague: Institute of Social Studies, 1982), mimeog., 230 p.

(38) Mario Padron Castillo, Cooperacion a1 desarrollo y movimiento popu- lar: las asociaciones privadas de desarrollo (Lima: Desco, 1982). 257 p. -

(39) Solange Passaris, Guy Raffi, Les associations (Paris: La Decouver- te, 1984), 126 p.

(40.) Jonathan Porritt, Seeing green, The politics of ecology explained (London: Basil Blackwell, 1984). 252 p.

4 1 ) Henri Rouill6 d'orfeuil, Coop6rer autrement, L'engagement des orga- nisations non gouvernementales aujourd'hui (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1984), 301 p.

(42) Alfred Sauvy, Mondes en marche (Paris: Calman-Levy, 1982), 228 p.

(43) Bertrand Schneider, La revolution aux pieds nus, Rapport au Club de Rome (Paris: Fayard, 1985), 344 p.

(44) D.L. Sheth, 'Grassroots stirrings and the future of politics', S- ternatives (VoL IX, no 1, March 1983), pp.1-24.

(45) D.L. Sheth, 'Grassroots initiatives in India', Economic and Politi- cal Weekly, Bombay (Vol.XIX, N"6, 11 February 1984), pp.259-262.

(46) Alvin Toffler, The Third Wave (New York: William Morrow i Cy, 1980), 544 p. & (New York: Bantam Books, 1.981). 538 p./La troisisme m (Paris: DenoSl, 1980).

(47) Alain Touraine, Le retour de l'acteur (Paris: Fayard, 1984). 350 p.

(48) Union of International Associations, 'The 1984 colloquium on Asso- ciations in Africa' / Union des associations internationales, 'Colloque UAI 1984, L'identit6 associative en Afrique' in International Transna- tional Associations/Associations transnationales (1984. ? 5 & 6, 1985, ?l-4).

(49) Peter Watennann et al. For a new Labour internationalism (The Hague: ILERI, 1984). 258 p.

(50) Jan Zielonka, The origin of the social self-defence movement in Poland, KSS-KOR, (Groningen: Polemologisch Instituut, 1983) 24+8 p. mimeog .

A MICROFICHE COLLECTION - 22'532 PAGES ON 236 FICHES Included are; a) the complete set of IFDA Dossiers from January 1978 to December 1983; b) the complete set of supporting and background papers. in total 347 documents.

Printed finding-aids: 1. A list of all 3 4 7 papers arranged &c- cording to the four broad spaces of development (local, natio- nal. Third World, global). For ease of reference the policy conclusion papers, ss published in the Dossier, are reproduced a second time on top of the supporting papers (53 p). 2. A list of the 38 Dossiers with their date of publication. 3 . Indices appear in Dossiers 17, 26 and 38.

Updating: A regular annual updating is foreseen.

Price: The microfiche collection costs SFR.950 including binders

ORDERS FROM: Inter Documentation Company AG, Poststrasse 1 4 6300 a, Switzerland

ifda dossier 56 materials received for publication

N . B . L is t ing a paper below does not inply tha t it uill be published. Decisions i n t h i s respect are based on the need for a cer ta in balance between themes, actors, regions and languages. The ed i tors regret tha t vime makes it impossible t o engage i n d i rec t correspondence u i t h authors about; papers. Papers may be obtained d i r e c t l y from the author.

LOCAL SPACE

. Oga S. Abah, Base Groups and the Continuity Question in Popular Thatre: A Study of the Samaru and the Community Projects (Workshop Theatre, University of Leeds, Leeds LS2 9JT, UK) 21pp.

. Marcos Arruda, Metodologfa de la praxis y educacion popular libera- dora en Nicaragua sandinista (Rua Jozo Afonso 85, 22261 Rio de Janeiro RJ, Brasil) 32pp.

. Andre Aubry, Manger, un acte politique: Strategic paysanne de l. reduction alimentaire (INAREMAC, Apdo postal 6, San Cristobal de las

Casas, 29 200 Chiapas, Mexico) 18pp.

. Susana Finquelievich, Interactions of social actors in survival strategies - The case of the urban poor in Latin America (CIRED, Maison des sciences de l'homme, 54 bd Raspail, 75270 Paris Cedex 06, France)

. Joseph Greff, Phannacopge et medecine traditionnelles: Projet HSF au Togo (Association Homeopathes sans Frontigres, 7 FG des Amandiers, 34130 Mudaison, Mauguio, France) 3pp.

. David Kerr, Beyond Pretence: Theatre for Primary Health Education in Malawi (Chancellor College, FOB 280, Zomba, Malawi) 6pp.

. Karen Lehman, Reflections from the Space Within (c10 Ivan Illich, Apartado 479, Cuarnavaca, Morelos, Mexico) 8pp.

. Carlos Maria Lezcano G., Investigaciones sociales, educacion, comu- nicaciones (BASE, Rio Acaray 166, Asuncion, Paraguay).

. Ramesh Manandhar, One Hundred Architects and Fifteen Million Poor (Dept. of Architecture and Building, University of Melbourne, Parkville, Victoria 3052, Australia) 5pp.

Chiapas, Mexico) 25pp.

. Dominique Temple, Qu'est-ce que 1'6conomie? (Place de la Fontaine, 34570 Montarnand, France) 30pp.

. Alistair White, Immiseration, Underdevelopment, and the Growth Po- tential of the Labour-Absorptive Sector: A case study in Lima, Peru (Dept. of Sociology, University of Liverpool, England) 14+lOpp.

N A T I O N A L SPACE . Peter Agbor-Tabi, Le choix de technologies et la promotion de l'em- ploi dans les pays en d6veloppement: Etude de cas sur le Cameroun (IRIC, BP 1637, Yaounde, Cameroun) 13pp.

. Subbiah Arunachalam, Development Alternatives: Appropriate vs High Technology for India (Indian Journal of Technology, Publications & In- formation Directorate, Hillside Road, New Delhi 110 012, India) 14pp.

. Gabriel C. Banda, Theatre for Development: The Zambia Experience (Private Bag 7749, Causeway, Zimbabwe) 4pp.

. Hector Bejar, La concertacion es imposible si no hay un estado de- mocratic~ (CLACSO/ILET, Casilla 16637, Santiago 9, Chile) 5pp.

. Andrew Chetley, Pharmaceutical Policies in Bangladesh (44 Longridge House, Rockingham Street, London SE1 6QW, England) L3pp.

. Stephen J. Chifunyise, Theatre for Development in Zimbabwe (Minis- try of Youth, Sport and Culture, Private Bag 7749, Causeway, Zimbabwe)

PP . M.A. Hussein Mullick, Pakistan still stuck up in obsolete systems, 8pp.; Budget: Beyond Conventional Interpretation, 17pp. (Quaid-i-Azam University, Dept. of Economics, Islamabad, Pakistan).

. Ricardo Lagos Escobar, e: Tarea de todos (c10 CED, Nueva de Lyon 128, Santiago 9, Chile) 8pp.

. Andree Michel, Military industrial complexes and violence towards women (CNRS, 59-61 rue Pouchet, 75849 Paris C6dex 17, France) 9pp. - . Femando Reyes Matta, Y ahora, Senoras y Senores, 10s actores so- ciales en la concertacion para la democracia (CLACSOIILET, Santiago). PP - . Vandana Shiva, Drought Development and Desertificacion (Research Foundation for Science Technology and Natural Resource Policy, 105 Raj- pur Road, Dehra Dun, 248 001 India) 6pp.

R E G I O N A L SPACE

. Tihomir Djokanovic, Collective Self-Reliance: An Imperative of the Times (Radovana Dragovica 8, 11000 Belgrade, Yugoslavia) lOpp.

. Aurelio A. Ferrero, Trabajando por Latinoamerica (Asociaclon Vi- vienda Economics, Igualdad 3600 Villa Siburu, Estafeta 14, 5000 Cordoba, Argentina) 3pp.

(confined on page 2 1 )

ifda dossier 56 . november/december 1986 editorial

(continued from page 2)

This s i tuat ior . i l l u s t r a t e s IFDA's d i l e m a and a l so o f f e r s a lesson.

The dilernna i s hou so go on fac i l i ta t ing "mutually educating dialoques" mozg third system associations and between the l a t t e r and f i r s t sys- t e n ' s organizations (governmental and intergovernmentaL ) . Today ' S c i r - amstances do not have much i n common u i t h those uhich made our s t a r t possible in the sevent ies . Many of those uho now control resources have d i f f e r e n t w r l d v ieus . I n t h i s sense, IFDA's problems are but a minute- scale r e f l e c t i o n of the c r i s i s of mul t i la teral ism. At the same time, nost o f those who need IFDA and i t s services do not have resources.

The lesson, as ue see i t , i s tha t the only path i s through increased sel f -re l iance, tha t i s a much higher degree of se l f - f inancing. " h i s ap- p i l e s t o both IFDA i n general and the Dossier i n particular.

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