gjh final vol-7 issue-1 (2 may).pdf

Vol. VII, No. 1, Jan-Mar 2013

Ghadar Jari HaiContribution Rs 25/-For private circulation only

The Revolt Continues

On the Centenary of Hindustani Ghadar Party

All opinions expressed in this issue are those of the author (s) and do not necessarily represent the views held by the publisher. Any part of this issue may be translated or reprinted with due acknowledgement to Ghadar Jari Hai.

Address all your editorial correspondence to: S Raghavan Email: [email protected]

Printed and published by K. Madhusudhan, on behalf of Lok Awaz Publishers & Distributors.

Printed at: New Print Cottage, B-74, Okhla Industrial Area, Phase-2, New Delhi-110 020

Published at: E-392, Sanjay Colony, Okhla Phase-II, New Delhi- 110 020

Editor:S Raghavan

Layout and Design:Surkhraj Kaur, Lalit

Cover:Panju Ganguli

Our Website:www.ghadar.in

Editorial PolicyGhadar Jari Hai is a platform for discussing Indian solutions to problems facing India. It is focused on understanding Indian history, philosophy and economic, political and other fields of knowledge, without the jaundiced eye of Eurocentrism.

All serious views, of whatever hue, are welcome as long as the author substantiates his or her argument and does not indulge in labeling, name calling and ridicule. We are particularly interested in unraveling pre-British India and the changes brought about through British rule, since the colonial legacy continues to bear great significance for present-day Indian society. We believe that no shade of opinion has a monopoly over the truth and that if we all collaborate in this endeavour, we are quite capable of arriving at insights and solutions to our problems, much as our ancestors did. We seek to publish well researched articles in various fields, which at the same time are communicative and do not indulge in excessive technical jargon.

1Ghadar Jari Hai, Vol. VII No. 1, 2013

Contents

Letters to the Editor 2

Editorial 5

Cover Story

On the Centenary of Hindustani Ghadar Party Dalwinder Atwal 7 Salvinder Dhillon

Pages of History

The Ghadar Party in China Madhavi Thampi 26

Resonances

Desh Bhagat Yadgar Hall, Jalandhar 21 Open letter to Prime Minister Regarding Ghadar Party Centenary 23

Book Review

Review of Euclid & Jesus Shailaja Sharma 18

Sanskriti

Chittagong the Film – A Review Surkhraj Kaur 14 Interview with Bedabrata Pain Surkhraj Kaur 16

Ghadar Jari Hai, Vol. VII No. 1, 20132

Letters to the Editor

Dear Editor,

Ghadar Jari Hai,

On behalf of Desh Bhagat Yadgar Committee, I congratulate you for your initiative in bringing out the new issue of Ghadar Jari Hai with focus on the centenary of Hindustani Ghadar Party.

The new generations of our youth need to be educated about the philosophy & heroism of our forefathers who fought uncompromisingly for freedom from British colonial rule and to establish state based on the principles of Sanjhiwalta (Egalitarian) Society the story of their sacrifice can inspire the youth to carry on the fight for equality of rights, justice and freedom from want, then it would be a true memorial to the Ghadari Babas & Ghadar Movement. Then we can all say truly, “Ghadar Jari Hai!”

We offer our support to you and all comrades who are planning to celebrate the centenary of Hindustani Ghadar Party in different parts of the country and abroad, in various forms. We will be celebrating it in Jalandhar in November this year; and invite you all to participate in it.

Yours sincerelyNaunihal Singh

CoordinatorGhadr Shatabdi Committee

Desh Bhagat Yadgar Committee, Jalandhar

Dear Editor,

I thank the editorial team of Ghadar Jari Hai, for carrying out a task of immense value. When I showed the issue to my wife she was thrilled. Coming from Karnataka, from where the stories have been taken in the Cover Story of last issue (Vol 6, Issue 2&3), she said she had heard these stories from her grandparents, but could not find them in books.

The numerous micro stories narrated are like small pearls in the great necklace of Anti-colonial struggles in India, building the true unity of people of different regions, languages against the colonial rulers. These stories again underscore the fact that people of India never reconciled themselves to foreign rule, and were continuously raising the voice and arms to overthrow them, in numerous ways.

In spite of the conspiracy – first by the British colonisers and later the Indian ruling classes, to suppress the struggle, and obliterate it from the minds of people, these stories continue to live deep in people’s consciousness. These are their own life stories, struggles of their brothers, sisters, friends and colleagues, who rose up against colonisers, with whatever means they had, with the confidence that their struggle, however small or big, will contribute to the liberation of their land and people.

As has been pointed out in the issues, these stories are not limited to any particular region, but are spread across the entire sub-continent. This is a stupendous work that needs active support and contribution from all patriotic individuals. The more these stories are publicised, easier it will be for the young generation to overcome the burden of the past and create a new future, that our martyrs envisioned.

Looking forward to the next issue.

R. Pravin, Nagpur


Dear Editor,

“Company Sarkar”, by Charusudan Kasturi, review of the book “ The Corporation that changed the world-By Nick Robbins”, in the last issue of GJH, gives a glimpse into the rapacious policies of the British East India Company in India. Within a few years of the company establishing control over Bengal, a devastating famine killed more than 10 million people. This was because the company i) increased land tax, from 10% to 50% of the produce ii) forced the destruction of food crops to make way for poppy cultivation for export iii) ordered the cultivation of indigo instead of rice and iv) forbid the “hoarding” of rice. This resulted in a massive depopulation of the province. What must have happened to these destitute people and which part of India did they go to as there were no urban manufacturing centers capable of absorbing this surplus population at that time?

After the British Government took over the rule in 1858, the same policies were continued. K.Marx, writing from far away London, was scathing in his criticism of the British policies “The sudden increase in the demand for cotton, jute etc due to the American Civil War, led in many parts of India to a severe restriction of rice culture, a rise in the price of rice, and a sale of the producers old rice supplies. To this must be added the unexampled export of rice to Australia, Madagascar etc., after 1864-66. This accounts for the acute character of the famine of 1866, which cost the lives of a million people in the district of Orissa alone.” (Capital, Volume II, Chapter VI).

But what do we have now, after “independence”? Today large parts of Maharashtra face the worst drought in decades, which is devastating the lives of millions of farmers. But not everybody is at the receiving end. The money lenders make a “killing”, the rich peasants buy off the lands of the poor, the poor peasants who are driven off their lands flock to the cities in search of livelihood. They depress the already low wages of the workers even further and provide a source of cheap labour to increase the profits of the capitalists who employ them.

Ghadar Jari Hai!Yours Sincerely,

Mathew, Mumbai

Dear Editor,

I would like to express my appreciation for the topics chosen for publishing in the Ghadar Jari Hai Magazine with the title ‘Anti-colonial uprisings in Karnataka 1800-1860’. The Cover Story is of immense importance in understanding our past. It simply goes to show that 1857 was not a one off, spontaneous reaction, but that people had been fighting, and planning the overthrow of the British long before. I am also glad that you have chosen to publish stories relating to different parts of India, in this case about Karnataka. I do remember one of your previous publications carried a piece on “Nupi Lan – women’s war of Manipur”. It is this kind of rigorous and non-sectarian research and revelation we need more and more today.

From reading the pieces in the magazine one cannot help but feel that it is now becoming essential that we translate the written material of different regions and make it available in more Indian languages as well. We should share our regional experiences with the people of our country.

Thank youD. Kanika, Kodagu

Monthly publication of the Hindustani Ghadar Party in USA


An oft repeated cliche’ is that you can take an Indian out of India but you cannot take India out of an Indian. The umbilical relationship between

Indian migrants abroad and India is best illustrated by the story of Ghadar Party, whose centenary we celebrate this year.

Indians have migrated to distant shores over millennia. Evidence of Indian trading links with distant lands exists from the days of Harappan civilisation. They took their goods, their traditions and epics, medicine, mathematics and philosophy to distant places along with them. India’s infl uence spread not with the force of a sword but on the basis of its wisdom. The Arab world, the Central Asian world, the African world, the South East Asian world and the Far Eastern world of China, Korea and Japan welcomed them.

However, with the colonisation of India and the devastation wrought by the destruction of livelihood of peasantry; of the village system and traditional manufacturing, migration out of economic compulsions started. It accelerated further with British colonial barbarism post-1857. The migration of labour further increased with the semi-slave indentured labour system organised by the British. There are records of at least two million Indians, who were transported as indentured labour under inhuman conditions by British Colonialists, to distant parts of the world including Africa, Caribbean, South America, Mauritius, Malaya, Sri Lanka and so on.

In spite of the extreme oppression and devastation, the migrants did not lose their thirst for freedom.. A major milestone in this migrant story was the rise of the consciousness that they will be treated as subjugated unequal people everywhere as long as their motherland was colonised. The rise of an eager organisation based on enormous sacrifi ce of these immigrants, committed to contribute to India’s fi ght for freedom from colonialism, is the story of the Hindustani Ghadar Party. The revolutionaries of the early 20th century took their inspiration from the unfulfi lled Ghadar (revolt) of 1857.

EditorialWe too recognised on the 150th anniversary of 1857

that while we may no longer be colonised, the legacy of colonialism persists and haunts our minds; our body politic and our economy. Hence we adopted the name, Ghadar Jari Hai, to indicate that the struggle continues for the decolonisation of the Indian mind and renewal of our society, free of Eurocentric prejudices.

This issue has three major articles on Hindustani Ghadar Party. The cover story, contributed appropriately by two of our overseas readers, Dalwinder Atwal and Salvinder Dhillon, records in brief the story of Ghadar party, the sacrifi ce and spirit of the Ghadaris.

Prof. Madhavi Thampi, a historian who has contributed to our understanding of India-China relations through her books and research papers, has written about Ghadar Party’s activities in China.

We have also profi led Desh Bhagat Yadgar Hall, an excellent museum and cultural centre in Jalandhar, in memory of Ghadari Babas and other patriots, all built with the contribution of thousands of working people.

An uprising in Eastern India in Chittagong and a wonderful movie made on it by Bedabrata Pain has been reviewed by Surkhraj Kaur, along with an interview of the fi lm maker.

Dr. Shailaja D. Sharma, a mathematician and writer, has introduced us to a recent book by Dr.. C. K. Raju, “Euclid and Jesus”. She points out that once again, Raju educates and provokes us about Eurocentric cultural and religious prejudices underlying many things that are taught to our students as being universal and the only acceptable approach to the science of mathematics.

We are happy to welcome Prof. Shekhar Pathak, a renowned scholar from Kumaon, who has written extensively about the history, culture and distress in the Himalayan region, in joining us as an editorial advisor.

Komagata Maru Ship (Illustration inspired by the famous image of passengers on the ship, artist: James Kutty)


Cover Story

On the Centenary of Hindustani Ghadar Party

Hindustani Ghadar Party drew

its inspiration as well as its name

from the Ghadar (revolt) of 1857,

in which people from all parts

of India rose as one, with the

single aim of driving the British

Colonialists out of India.

Dalwinder Atwal and Salvinder Dhillon

April 2013 marks 100 years since the founding of Hindustani Ghadar Party

(HGP), a party formed by Indian emigrants in North America to liberate the motherland from the yoke of British colonialism.

The story of HGP is a great chapter in the history of our freedom movement. People who had gone 10,000 miles or more away from their homeland, to earn a livelihood and escape from the barbarism of colonial rule, decided to sacrifice everything and risk their lives to liberate India. This in itself is unprecedented and awe inspiring. Moreover, when the attempt at an armed uprising failed in 1915, leading to the loss of many leaders and members, the Ghadaris did not lose heart and give up the cause. Hindustani Ghadar Party rebuilt itself, rising like a Phoenix, and carried out its revolutionary activities in India and abroad, for many decades until the end of colonial rule.

Hindustani Ghadar Party drew its inspiration as well as its name from the Ghadar (revolt) of 1857, in which people from all parts of India rose as one, with the single aim of driving the British East India Company out of India.

Not one or two or a dozen individuals, but tens of thousands within India and all over the globe

participated in the struggle led by HGP. One can even today feel their irresistible heroism, self-sacrifice and single-minded conviction. The story of the heroes of Hindustani Ghadar Party, or Ghadari Babas as they are fondly called, is too vast and important to recount in just a few pages. It is also easy to get carried away by undiluted emotion and admiration at these noble and heroic souls. But we have tried to tell the story in summary form and in a factual manner below. We hope the new generations who have not heard it will benefit from this summary and also be encouraged to read more detailed versions.

Several detailed accounts have been written to glorify this or that individual, analyse his achievements and mistakes, or in some cases carry on analysis of the individual’s psychology. There are some researchers who delve into the life history of some individuals in the movement who later did an about-turn and joined the Indian National Congress.

Our approach is not focused on any individual as such, but on telling the story of a movement that swept across many continents, powered by sheer patriotism and the collective spirit of people who would not tolerate or compromise with the enslavement of their motherland.

In the beginning of the twentieth century, Indian people,


Passengers aboard the Komagata Maru in Vancouver’s Burrard Inlet, 1914

especially from central Punjab, immigrated to North America for economic reasons. A considerable number of Punjabis serving in the British army in China, Hong Kong, Malaysia, Thailand, Burma, Philippines, Singapore, etc., took up jobs as policemen or watchmen in these countries after retiring from the army, instead of going back home. Indian working people had also migrated to Europe, Australia and South America. After the brutal suppression of the Ghadar of 1857, a large number of Indians were taken to various countries like Trinidad and Tobago, Fiji and Honduras, as indentured labour.

Indian immigrants in Canada and the US were used as a source of cheap labour by capitalist companies engaged in building the railways and in the lumber, mining and farm sectors in the west coast. The immigrants were paid less than

others for the same work. Moreover, in an alien land they could always be threatened with deportation if they protested against their super-exploitation. Hence capitalist employers preferred to hire them. The hiring of immigrants at lower than minimum wages caused resentment amongst local and European immigrant workers. It created a climate in which racist physical attacks were carried out against Indians, Chinese and Japanese workers.

The governments of China and Japan protested to the authorities in Canada and the US against the racist attacks on their countrymen. But nobody was there to complain on behalf of Indians. Indian immigrants realised that this is because they are not from a free country. The promise of Queen Victoria in her Proclamation of 1858 that she will treat all her subjects

equally, did not mean anything at all in reality. The super-exploitation and racial discrimination faced by Indian immigrants created a fertile soil for revolutionary mobilisation against imperialism and colonialism.

In a communication dated February 26, 1908, John Morely, gave the following reasons for limiting immigration of Indians to Canada:

“1) That the terms of close familiarity which competition with white labor brings about, do not make for British prestige; and it is by prestige alone that India is held, not by force; 2) that there is a socialist propaganda in Vancouver and the consequent danger of the East Indian being imbued with socialist doctrines; 3) labour rivalry is sure to result in occasional outbreaks of feelings on the part of the whites and any dissatisfaction and unfair treatment of Indians in Vancouver, is certain to be exploited for the purpose of agitation in India; and 4) East Indian affairs are sometimes made use of by unscrupulous partisans to serve the cause of their political party”

Various organisations of Indians existed in Canada and the US at that time, such as Hindustan Association in Seattle (where Taraknath Das published a journal called Free Hindustan), Khalsa Diwan Society and India League in Vancouver. Many groups also used to meet to discuss the issues of Indian independence and racism in Berkeley and other cities in California. Particular mention must be made of the farm of Baba Jwala Singh where workers from various saw mills gathered on weekends for discussions.


By 1907 there was a serious economic crisis in the world. Many workers lost their jobs. The Canadian government tried to dupe Indians to go to Honduras. The government even promised to pay the travel cost to Honduras. Indian community agreed to send a delegation to go and assess the situation in Honduras. A two member delegation accompanied the government representatives (Nagar Singh and Sham Singh) to Honduras on October 25, 1908 and came back on 7th November. At that time Jaundice and Malaria were rife in Honduras. Many Indian bonded workers there had succumbed to these diseases. They lived in squalid conditions, were not allowed to move to other places without permission, were given meagre wages and they could never save enough to pay for going back home.

The two members of the delegation were promised huge bribes to present a good report to their compatriots on return. But they presented the true picture of conditions in Honduras to a gathering of Punjabi community, thereby exposing the nefarious scheme of Canadian government. The only reason Canadian government did not force Indians to get out of Canada was that a majority of them were Sikhs, and Sikhs in Indian army were seen as a pillar of the British Empire. Canadian Government brought General Swayne, the Governor of Honduras, to Canada in order to persuade Indians to emigrate there.

After discussions with Teja Singh, an intellectual, Gen. Swayne advised the Canadian government to change its mind. In response to Teja Singh’s representations, Gen. Swayne finally admitted to the Vancouver World newspaper, “Teja

Singh is right. Sikhs are in good position. They don’t want to leave British Columbia. Under these circumstances if they are expelled forcibly from the country, there is a danger of 50, 000 Sikh soldiers going out of control in India, and in order to bring them under control, we will have to send 200,000 soldiers.”

In 1910 the Canadian government passed a highly restrictive immigration law to practically prevent the entry of Indians to Canada. Under this law, it was made conditional that any person coming to Canada should travel directly from his country without any stoppage anywhere else, and must have a sum of $200 with him. No Ship sailed directly from India to Canada at that time. In addition, the Canadian government also did not allow the families of non-European persons to join them in Canada.

Indians in Canada sent a delegation (Balwant Singh and Narain Singh) in March, 1913 to London to present the problems to the British government. However, the Secretary of the Colonies, Harcourt, refused to see them.

Hindustani Ghadar Party was founded in April, 1913, by a gathering of Indian people in Astoria, Oregon, in the United States of America, under the name of Hindi Association of Pacific Coast. Baba Sohan Singh Bhakna was elected the President and Lala Hardayal the General Secretary. Right from its founding, Ghadar Party was convinced that petitions, appeals and representations to the imperialist powers were not going to achieve justice in India or in foreign lands. The only way forward was to participate in liberating the motherland from colonial slavery.

In the founding gathering of Ghadar Party, it was decided to organise Indian people the world over to help liberate India from colonial rule through the force of arms. For this purpose, a weekly newspaper called Ghadar, in Urdu, Punjabi and Hindi languages was to be published and distributed throughout the world, including within India.

The Constitution of the party banned any discussion on religion within the organisation. Religion was considered a private matter. However, anybody who believed in untouchability could not become a member. Members had to pay one dollar per month as membership. All members were duty bound to fight for the liberation of India.

Soon, branches of Ghadar Party were established in various cities in Canada and the US. The first issue of the Ghadar magazine was published on November 1, 1913 in Urdu, ten days later, the Punjabi issue came out. Masthead of the paper declared in very bold letters, Angrezi Raj ka Dushman (Enemy of the British Rule). Special issues of Ghadar were published in Gujarati, Nepali, Pashto and various other languages. A magazine, Ghadar Di Goonj, containing a collection of poems which were published in the Ghadar in Punjabi, was also published from time to time. It became very popular and people recited these poems in political gatherings.

One of the poems published in the Ghadar says:

Des paiyen Dhake, bahr dhoi koi naa,

Sada pardesian da des koi na.(In our country we are harassed;

in alien lands we have got no support, There is no land which we can call homeland)

10 Ghadar Jari Hai, Vol. VII No. 1, 2013

Ghadaris analysed the international

situation and were certain that a world war was imminent.

They wanted to utilise this inter-

imperialist war for a revolution

in India

By 1916 over one million copies of the Ghadar were printed and circulated throughout the world. The branches of Ghadar party were established in Philippines, Singapore, Hong Kong, Burma, Thailand, Malaysia, Argentina, Egypt, Turkey, Panama, France, Germany, Afghanistan and other countries.

The organisation was built around the newspaper Ghadar, which exposed British Colonial rule in India in very powerful and moving language. In the very first issue a list of fourteen points was printed, arguing that the British Raj is the source of all the misery of Indian people and this list was repeated in all the issues. Amongst them were:

Ghadaris warned people not to accept anything less than complete independence of India. They told them that the leaders of Indian National Congress were not fighting for revolutionary change but half measures, such as some seats in provincial legislative assemblies. Such measures were not going to end famines or disease.

Ghadaris analysed the international situation and were certain that a world war was imminent. They wanted to utilise this inter-imperialist war for a revolution in India. As most members were Punjabi ex-soldiers, they had connections in the Indian army. They thus planned to create cells in the army to get them to revolt against the British.

In Canada, people had exhausted all available avenues to get justice against discriminatory immigration policies and laws which were used against Indians. Various groups of Indian immigrants had petitioned the authorities in Canada, London and Delhi, but were rebutted everywhere.

They had knocked at the doors of courts of justice but to no avail.

The anger of Indian immigrants peaked with the Komagata Maru episode of 1914. Komagata Maru was the name of a ship hired by an Indian businessman, Baba Gurdit Singh (see “Stirring Legacy of Komagata Maru”, by Madhavi Thampi, GJH Vol 3, Issue 1&2)1. To recall briefly, Komagata Maru was engaged to bring Indian immigrants from Punjab to Vancouver Canada. It left Hong Kong on April 4, 1914 after waiting for four days for a reply from Canadian government to a telegram sent by the governor of Hong Kong, informing it about Indian passengers sailing on it to arrive in Canada, and asking them if there are any problem with that. They never got a reply to this, and it sailed assuming that everything was alright.

Some points from the list made by the Ghadaris Britain drains from India

every year the sum of 50 crore rupees;

Average income per capita of Indian people is less than 5 Paisa per day;

The tax on agriculture is 65 % of the produce, as a result the peasant has to take loan from bania to pay the tax;

While the wheat produced in India is exported to England, 2 crore people died in famines in last 10 years;

More than 80 lakh people have died of Plague in last twenty years;

The British are creating enmity between people on basis of religion;

More than 30 crore rupees are spent on army annually and many countries have been conquered using Indian soldiers;

They have destroyed indigenous Indian industry, ruined the skilled craftsmen and created unemployment.

‘Ghadar’ printed the following advertisement occasionally in its “Wanted Columns” Wanted -- Enthusiastic and heroic soldiers for organising Ghadar in Hindustan

Remuneration -- Death

Reward -- Martyrdom

Pension -- Freedom

Field of work -- Hindustan

The British Columbian government refused the ship to dock in Vancouver, giving various excuses. They even refused it food, clean water or medicines. Some passengers had taken seriously ill. One of the four returning immigrants who were allowed to land after a

(Footnotes)1http:/ /www.ghadar.in/gjh_html/index.

php?q=content/stirring-legacy-komagata-maru


Indian immigrants were called upon by the HGP to go back to fight for the liberation of

India. Thousands of Indians accepted

this call, sold everything and gave money to party and went back on any

ship they could get a seat on

long delay for no obvious reasons, died after a few days. The Indian community in Vancouver became so angry that they threatened to burn the city if the ship was not supplied with food and medicines. Even Gurdit Singh was not allowed to land in Vancouver. The lawyers were not allowed to go to the Ship to speak to the passengers, whom they were hired to represent.

They were kept waiting in the sea for two whole months, while Gurdit Singh with the help of Indian community lodged a case in court. Lawyers were hired using the 22,000 dollars collected by the Indian community for the case and for paying towards pending charges for hiring of the ship. A big meeting was held in Dominion Hall in Vancouver. A leading Ghadari, Hussain Rahim, solicitor Mr Bird and Mr Fitzgerald, a socialist, gave speeches condemning the racist attitude of the Canadian govt. Mr Fitzgerald gave his views that the passengers should go back to India and fight to liberate their country.

The court gave a verdict against the landing of passengers. In the end the ship sailed back to Hong Kong after the Canadian government agreed to supply the ship with fuel, food and other necessary provisions. Ghadaris boarded the ship and made speeches, gave revolutionary literature to the passengers. Some Ghadaris went to America and bought some pistols and ammunition to give to the passengers. The ship set sails to Hong Kong on 24 July, 1914. Baba Sohan Singh Bhakna had already left for India and met the Komagata Maru in Yokohama, Japan, where he bought some 200 pistols and 2000 live rounds of ammunition to smuggle to Komagata Maru. The plan did not succeed as the intelligence agents of

the British were active everywhere, shadowing the Ghadaris.

Komagata Maru was denied anchor in Hong Kong or in Singapore on orders of the British government. In the end it reached Calcutta where it was directed to anchor 20 miles outside, in Budge Budge Harbour. The passengers were not allowed to go to Calcutta but forced onto the trains to Punjab. Some passengers asked for permission to deposit their holy book in a Gurdwara in Calcutta. They got no reply and they thought it was alright. They left the ship in a procession toward the Gurdwara. The police opened fire when they reached a railway crossing. Twenty six people were killed and some thirty five were seriously injured in this firing.

While the Ghadaris were active in full swing, imbuing their countrymen with the spirit of Desh Bhakti or patriotism, British Intelligence was also very active in

tracking the movement of Ghadar party members. William Hopkinson was the main intelligence officer who reported to Canadian government in Ottawa, and the British in London and Delhi. Hopkinson had spread his network of informers in the Indian community in Canada as well as USA. One of the agents of Hopkinson, Bela Singh, shot and killed two prominent members of Ghadar party, Bhag Singh and Wattan Singh, in the Vancouver Gurdwara and injured another five people. Hopkinson was also instrumental in getting Lala Hardyal arrested in the US. It should be noted that Mewa Singh later shot and killed Hopkinson in a Vancouver Court where he was going to appear as a witness in support of Bela Singh, who was in the dock for the murder of Bhag Singh and Wattan Singh. Finally Bela Singh went back to India, where he was killed by patriots after nearly thirty years.

The First World War started in August, 1914. Ghadar Party had expected that a war will start and wanted to take advantage of this war to liberate India, and were making preparations for that, but it had started too soon. Komagata Maru affair also disrupted their plans. After passengers of Komagata Maru departed for India, Indians were called upon by the Party to go back to fight for the liberation of India. Thousands of Indians accepted this call, sold everything and gave money to party and went back on any ship they could get a seat on. Many of them got arrested as their ship reached Indian ports as the British government had passed a law called ingress law to permit police to detain any Indian when they get back to their own country.


According to official estimates some 8000 members of Ghadar party went back through various ports, including Bombay, Madras, Pondicherry, which was under French rule at that time, and Colombo. Nearly 2000 people were able to avoid arrests.

Kartar Singh Sarabha, a youth of hardly 18 years of age, was amongst those who eluded the police. He contacted all those who were still not apprehended and conducted meetings. They formed detachments to work amongst the British Indian Army to arouse them to revolt against the British. A nine member executive was elected to lead this work. They had made contacts with many native regiments in India as well as outside India and smuggled Ghadar newspaper and Veer Savarkar’s book on Ghadar of 1857 amongst them.

Regiments stationed in Lahore, Ferozepur, Sargodha, Bannu, Kohat, Ambala, Meerut, and many other cantonments had agreed to revolt, which was to start on 21 February, 1915 from Lahore. Contacts with revolutionaries in Bengal and UP were also established, who helped to make contacts with regiments outside Punjab. However, they had to bring the day of revolt forward to 19 February, as they had come to know that the plan has been leaked to the British. Even this date was leaked by the informer, Kirpal Singh. The British disarmed the affected regiments and court marshalled the leaders of the revolt. Many of them were hanged.

The attempt at revolt inside India had failed. The British dealt ruthlessly with those who were arrested. Hundreds of Ghadaris were hanged, and hundreds more were imprisoned under harsh terms

in prisons such as the infamous Andaman Jail.

But the revolutionaries did not lose heart. They organised revolts in the army troops that were fighting against the Germans on the eastern as well as western fronts. On the western front, under the leadership Maulwi Barkat Ullah and Taraknath Das, they worked with nationalist forces in Iraq, Iran, and Afghanistan. Large amount of Ghadar literature was reprinted with help of Madam Kama which was distributed amongst Indian Soldiers. Indian soldiers arrested by Germany and Turkey organised in Azad Fauj (Freedom Army) fought alongside Iranian nationalists against the British imperialists, and defeated its army in Karamsar and advanced till Karamsheer. Victories of Azad Fauj had encouraged the peasants in Baluchistan, who refused to pay taxes to the British. After the defeat of Turkish forces, their supply line was cut off and they had to retreat, for lack of ammunition. Some of the leaders like Sufi Amba Prasad got arrested there but those who escaped carried on guerrilla attacks on British and Tsarist armies until 1918.

Ghadaris were also very active on the eastern front during the war. Ghadar Party sent Pandit Sohan Lal Pathak, Babu Harnam Singh Sahri, Bhai Santokh Singh and Bhai Bhagwan Singh to eastern front. They also took with them president of Manila branch of Ghadar Party, Mujtaba Hussain Jaunpuri. They were to establish a commando training camp in Thailand and a printing press to print and distribute Ghadar to Indian soldiers. A printing press was established in Thailand. In the first issue of Ghadar they

printed Declaration of war against the British and also an appeal by the Turkish king to all Muslims to fights against the British.

They established their headquarters in Rangoon, Burma. The Baluch regiment in Singapore had revolted on 15 February, 1915 and had occupied the whole city and fought heroically for three days before the British could get help from a Japanese naval ship. The local Sultan also helped the British.

The Ghadaris had established contacts with Burmese revolutionaries and were preparing for the revolt in the British Indian army. The British found out about their plans from one of the distributors of Ghadar newspaper on Burma-Thailand border. Many leading Ghadaris were arrested in Thailand.

Soon after the First World War, Ghadaris made contacts with the Soviet Union, where workers had established a socialist state after overthrowing the tyrannical rule of the Russian Tsar. More than 14 countries, including Germany, England and USA, had attacked the newly formed worker’s state. Maulwi Barkat Ullah went to Soviet Union and worked amongst the Muslims of Central Asian Republics to expose the plans of imperialists and win them over to support the socialist state. He spoke in rallies organised in Masjids, villages and cities. He gave interviews to newspapers and wrote pamphlets about the nefarious schemes of imperialists to subjugate their countries. Ghadaris also fought with Chinese revolutionaries for their liberation.

The October Revolution had profound influence on the thinking of Ghadar Party. They came to


the conclusion that they had to prepare workers, peasants, youth and students for overthrowing the British rule. In order to do this, they worked on two fronts. First, they started their own newspaper within Punjab, called Kirti (worker), in Punjabi and Urdu. Second, they revived their work in foreign countries, to get support amongst Indian workers and also amongst progressive and socialist circles in support of India’s freedom.

To learn from the experience of Soviet Union they decided to send Indians to get ideological as well as military training in Soviet Union. Many Ghadaris from all over the world, including US, Canada and Argentina, went back to India after getting training in Soviet Union.

Kirti was published every week continuously from 1926 to 1939. On its masthead was written, “Workers of the World, Unite!”. This paper stressed on organising workers, reported on the struggles of workers and peasants and exposed the tricks of the British rulers. It wrote about the life and work of martyrs hanged by the British colonialists. It also informed its readers about the life of workers and peasants in Soviet Union. It supported all the agitations for people’s rights, including religious rights. Shaheed Bhagat Singh also edited Kirti for some time.

The story of Hindustani Ghadar Party is a story that turns all theories of men being motivated only by “enlightened self-interest”

upside down. It is a real story of self-sacrifice by thousands of people. It is a story of a giant leap made by impoverished immigrants – a story that connects the racial discrimination faced abroad to the subjugation of the motherland. It is a story of linking national liberation inevitably with social emancipation, equality of rights, justice and empowerment of the masses.

Hindustani Ghadar Party remains a source of inspiration to all progressive Indians at home and abroad, who are looking for a renewal of Indian society with the people at the centre-stage; and for putting a complete end to the colonial legacy in our politics, economy and in the very way we think. It is a story that has to be learnt and retold in this centenary year, because the struggle of our people is yet to reach its logical conclusion. The revolt continues. Ghadar Jari Hai!

Salvinder Dhillon and Dalwinder Atwal, London, UK.

For further reading:1) Deol, Gurdev Singh The role of the Ghadar Party in

the national movement, Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1969

2) Josh, Sohan Singh Hindustan Ghadar Party: a short

history, New Delhi: People’s Pub. House, 1977

3) Puri, Harish K., Ghadar movement: A short history NBT, 2011

4) Ghadar, 1915: India’s First Armed Revolution, Khushwant Singh, Satindra Singh, R & K Publishing House, 1966

5) South Asian American Digital Archive HGP article in Urdu detailing arrest of Lala Hardayal (March 24, 1914)


Sanskriti

The film Chittagong, directed by Bedabrata Pain revolves around the revolt of 1930

in the town of Chittagong in East Bengal in British occupied India (now in Bangladesh). In the film, the lead protagonist ‘Jhunku’ a young boy of just 14 years takes the viewer through the journey of his life. Jhunku is being groomed by his father and the local British Collector to go for higher education to England and study in Oxbridge and perhaps join the ICS. He experiences betrayal at the hands of Wilkinson, the Collector, whom he trusts to do the right thing. While his trust in the British officer is lost, Jhunku too has to prove his innocence to his peers and sets off on a journey of a lifetime.

Master Da (Surya Sen) and his brigade of school going boys plan taking over key institutions of British colonial power in the town. They become successful, but soon

with British replenishments coming from outside, they find that unless they retreat, they will be destroyed. A long battle ensues between the teenaged troops of Master Da and the British armed troops. After this, the boys are caught one by one after an Indian intelligence officer, Ahsanullah Khan, is brought in to find the rebels. Many are sentenced to jail at the Andaman Islands (Kaala Paani). The treatment of the boys at the prison is disturbing, though not portrayed in a gory manner.

Apart from the great camera work in the film, what one finds most refreshing is that the actors don’t seem larger than life. One can easily associate with them and identify with their anger towards an oppressive and alien rule. What is also interesting is Master Da’s constant battle with his own conscience on the question of involving young boys in this life and death battle for freedom from colonial rule.

Chittagong the Film – A ReviewBy Surkhraj Kaur

Image source: http://www.chittagongthefilm.com/

Master Da Surya SenImage source: www.rebelsindia.com

The topic is treated with great sensitivity. One understands the meaning of occupier and occupied; and how age is no deterrent to the love and fight for freedom. People of all religious faiths come together to hide and protect the rebels. Later, when Jhunku is 23, and back from his incarceration, he once again plunges into organising peasants


Facts about the Uprising• Under the leadership of Masterda Surya Sen the revolutionaries

strategised to capture the two main armouries in Chittagong and then destroying the telegraph and telephone office and also to shake the European rulers by using gun power from their own armouries.

• The plan was put into action at 10 p.m. on 18 April 1930. The police armoury was captured by a group of revolutionaries led by Ganesh Ghosh, while another group of ten men led by Lokenath Bal took the Auxiliary Forces armoury but they were unable to locate the ammunition.

• The revolutionaries were successful in cutting off telephone and telegraph wires and disrupting the movement of the trains. About sixteen revolutionaries captured the European club’s headquarters. But the headquarters was empty as it was Good Friday and the officers were in their homes.

• Some sixty-five revolutionaries took part in the raid undertaken in the name of the Indian Republican Army, Chittagong Branch. After the raids, the revolutionary groups gathered outside the police armoury where Surya Sen took a military salute, hoisted the National Flag and proclaimed a Provisional Revolutionary Government.

• The revolutionaries left Chittagong town before dawn as news of their raid was spreading and they needed to find a safe place.

• After a few days, the police traced some of the revolutionaries. The revolutionaries were surrounded by several thousand troops while they took shelter in Jalalabad hills on the afternoon of 22 April 1930.

• Over eighty troops and twelve revolutionaries were killed in the ensuing gunfight. Surya Sen dispersed his men to neighbouring villages in small groups and the revolutionaries escaped accordingly. A few of the revolutionaries fled to Calcutta while some were arrested.

• The mass trial of those arrested during and after the raids concluded in January 1932 and the judgment was delivered on 1 March 1932. Twelve of the defendants were sentenced to deportation for life, two received three-year prison sentences and the remaining 32 individuals were acquitted.

• The Chittagong revolutionary group suffered a fatal blow when Masterda Surya Sen was arrested on 16 February 1933 from Gairala village after a tip-off from an insider of the group.

• Surya Sen along with Tarakeshwar Dastidar was hanged by the British on 12 January 1934. Surya Sen was brutally tortured before the death sentence.

to rebel against their Zamindari and colonial exploiters. The connection to the Tebhaga peasant uprising rounds-off neatly the otherwise tragic end of the Chittagong rebellion.

The film touches upon all aspects of the young protagonist’s life, including how his father wishes for him to go to England and despises the rebels for ‘taking his boy away’, but how subsequently his distaste for the rebels

turns into pride for what his son and his comrades dared to do.

I saw the film three times, and each time I took away something new from it. It made me realise that at different points in time, the situation demands the young to come forth and fight for justice and the progress of society. I learnt that some extremely young boys and girls once answered that call, which is essential for today’s

youth to know about. I am glad that the director chose to tell us this story and that he ensured that the images weren’t mainstream Bollywood, and yet simple and heart touching.

Surkhraj Kaur contributes often toGhadar Jari Hai

Credits for the FilmCast:Manoj Bajpayee, Nawazuddin Siddiqui, Raj Kumar, Vega Tamotia, Jaideep Ahlawat, Barry John, Dibyendu Bhattacharya, Vishal Vijay, Delzad Hiwale, Vijay Varma, Sauraseni Maitra, Chaiti Ghosh, Anurag Arora, Alexx O’Nell, Tanaji Dasgupta, Saheb Bhattacharya

Bedabrate Pain: Writer, Producer, DirectorShankar Ehsaan Loy: Music ComposerResul Pookutty: Sound Designer and MixerPrasoon Joshi: LyricistShonali Bose: Co-writer & Executive ProducerEric Zimmerman: Director of PhotographyAldo Velasco: EditorHoney Terhan: Casting DirectorPiyush Mishra: Hindi DialogNeelnajana Ghosh: Costume DesignerSamir Chanda: Production Designer

The Film has won three National Awards and other awards as well.CHITTAGONG won the Golden Lotus for the 60th National Award 2012, as the best first film of a director Dr Bedabrata Pain The song “bolo na” fetched the best lyricist award to Prasoon Joshi and the best playback singer to Shankar Mahadevan.On March 3 2013, CHITTAGONG won the audience choice award at the 19th Sedona International Film Festival, Sedona, USAOn Dec 13 2012, CHITTAGONG won both the audience choice award and the Critics’ award (Piaggio Foundation Award) at 12th River to River Florence Film FestivalOn Feb 7 2013, CHITTAGONG’s “Bolo Na” won the music award for the best raag-based song of 2012.


Interview with Bedabrata PainBy Surkhraj Kaur

1. What inspired you to choose the Chittagong uprising as the subject of your very first film?

I am an optimistic person – I look at the world with the highest amount of optimism. That’s what drew me towards this story. Chittagong is a story of victory by ordinary people – of those who nobody thought could win. A school-teacher, a few revolutionaries (including a few women – almost unheard of in those times), and some 60 school children shook the foundation of the British Empire – an empire on which the sun never set, as the saying was. For the first time in the 20th century, the British were kicked out of a town – a town was liberated. Today also we need such audacity of thinking – of figuring out new ways of bringing in change.

You know, in India, when we tell stories of freedom struggle, it inevitably becomes a story of martyrdom, bravery and sacrifice. Not taking away from those values for one moment, I wanted to stress on the fact that we can dare to win and we can win!

Importantly, these uprisings are not “one-off” things. There is a continuity of struggle forming an unbroken link. What is most striking in the Chittagong Uprising was that even though Masterda (the iconic leader of the Uprising) was captured and brutally killed by the colonialists, almost everybody survived and went to participate in mass uprisings and win important victories.

Chittagong tells the story of such victories! And in doing so, it would

remind you of events happening today around us – in the world.

2. What impact did Surya Sen have on the freedom movement?

In 1930s when the uprising happened, there were essentially two lines of thinking. One, by the Indian National Congress that imagined a compromise with the British, because the British were apparently too powerful. In fact, even in 1928, the Congress session voted down a call for independence. On the other hand, you had the so-called revolutionary terrorists, who did not dream beyond individual assassination of British officers. And then there was a nascent line of thinking which wanted to take the colonialists head on. This was the time of the famous Bombay textile strike, Bhagat Singh’s HSRA movement in Punjab, and the formation of Kisan Sabhas. Surya Sen belongs to this trend. His biggest contribution, I think, is to shatter the myth that the British

are invincible. The revolutionary movements found a new confidence from the Chittagong Uprising. Many of the Chittagong Uprising revolutionaries were condemned to the ‘kalapani’. Interestingly that’s where the Ghadaris met up with these revolutionaries, producing the next generation of revolutionaries in the 40s and 50s.

3. What kind of research

did you have to do for the film?Most of these revolutionaries wrote

first-hand accounts of the events. I had access to all these manuscripts – and I read them cover to cover. But what was most inspiring was to meet the last surviving participant – Benode Behari Choudhury. He is now 103 years old. But his memory is still sharp as a tack, and the day I met him, he was on a hunger-strike because the Bangladesh government was going to tear down the school where Pritilata Waddedar, one of the women revolutionaries, used to teach.

Still from the film.Source: http://www.chittagongthefilm.com/


I visited the remote locations in Chittagong where all this happened. I talked to the villagers, trying to capture the oral traditions. I went to Dhalghat, the site of the encounter where Nirmal Sen was killed, not before killing Capt. Cameroon and his cohorts. The house where the rebels had taken shelter was razed to the ground by the British in retaliation. It is here that I located Pritilata’s diary.

The bigger challenge was to recreate the period. My team did a meticulous research to recreate the 1930s. For instance, you will find that all wall edges in the film are beveled – just as it was in those days. We researched into every household utensil to make sure they are authentic. I made sure that we bought handloom cotton and stitched clothes out of them, because in those days, the refined cotton was not much in use. So it was a lot of both political research and period research that went into giving the movie its authenticity.

4. What difficulties did you

face in making the film?I faced every difficulty that

you can think of. This was my first movie as a director – I hadn’t even been to a film-set before this. So everything was daunting. I had to learn everything on the go. That would have been difficult enough. But I faced every kind of difficulty – financial, people not trusting my abilities, big Bollywood trying to stop the movie from releasing, the distributor not co-operating – you name it.

We were one of the first victims of the economic slowdown in 2008, when production companies pulled out. I had to pour in all my savings to make this movie. Then everything seemed to go wrong

during production. It taught me a valuable lesson – of believing in myself and staying true to my vision. That’s the only way the movie could be completed. Then I went through a series of intense personal losses and deaths. Soon after that, elements in Bollywood stopped the movie from coming out. Even during the release, I found that the distributor had practically washed his hands off – and I had to run from theater to theater to keep the movie playing. In essence, I became the producer-director-distributor rolled in one!

So, I guess, the lesson is if you want things you have to go and do it, and put in your 300% effort, and not look back!

5. Why did you tell the story

from Jhunku’s eyes (which was brilliant) rather than Surya Sen’s?

I think the question has been partially answered already. Chittagong is a story – not about the leaders but of the “little” people. Jhunku represented those 60 kids who were the backbone of the

uprising. Honestly, it could have been any of those kids.

Of course, one has the highest respect for Masterda. But we felt that it’d be so much more powerful to hear the story from the point of view of a kid, especially this kid who was the most unlikely person to participate in the uprising. His father was close to the British and was in favour of compromise with them. Jhunku himself was a frail, diffident boy who would not even play football. How a boy of his upbringing become a revolutionary, and after becoming a revolutionary muster internal courage to achieve a victory, must make an exciting saga! And as I said earlier, picking Jhunku as the protagonist, was key to stressing the continuity of struggle and its victorious end.

But personally speaking, in many ways, Jhunku’s journey coincided with mine. Just as in real life Jhunku was doubtful about his abilities and his place till the last moment, I as a film-maker was undergoing a similar quest – fighting to survive and make a movie against all odds.

Still from the film.Source: http://www.chittagongthefilm.com/


Book Review

Church in the History of MathematicsRaju argues that Western formal Mathematics has a theological bias, which is being perpetuated by present-

day mathematicians who do not question its underlying meta-structure, says Shailaja Sharma

Cover of the Book

This book is for those who have at some point or the other wondered: Why do

mainstream discussions of science and philosophy centre around European and Greek traditions to the exclusion of all other traditions? Is Science a Western gift to the world? Are the ways and means used by our ancestors to solve real-life problems (in astronomy, architecture, healing, etc.) non-scientific, or failing in some way to measure up to the standards of science? Were the philosophical musings of our ancestors unfit to qualify as good philosophy?

This book is also for those who were turned off from Mathematics, when they were 11 or 12 years of age. What on earth is happening in Mathematics? Why are we learning a round-about way of understanding why ‘2’ follows ‘1’ and so on (Peano’s Axioms)? Why are simple and obvious things being taught as important Theorems to be learnt by-heart (Geometry Theorems)? For many youngsters, this is also the point at which Mathematics becomes unintelligible, and computation begins to be side-lined in favour of the ability to reproduce the language of axioms, theorems and proofs.

This book is also for those who may have asked, why, when Indian

Book Review:“Euclid & Jesus: How and Why the Church Changed Mathematics & Christianity across Two Religious Wars”, by C.K. Raju, Multiversity & Citizens International, 2012

mathematicians (and others) are known to have established and used the result of the so-called “Pythagoras Theorem” centuries before Pythagoras himself (if he existed), the theorem is named after Pythagoras and continues to be so described.

And finally, this book is for those who have wondered how modern Western states like the USA fuse religion with reason.

The book addresses the central question, is Science secular? Is Mathematics universal?

The story goes thus. An investigation into the origins of Euclid, the supposed Father of Geometry and the source of deductive mathematical proof as epitomised by the ancient Greeks, leads to the discovery that there was possibly no such person and further that the Elements (the key


The movement of knowledge

was often in the opposite direction to the direction of conquest and the conquerors learnt

from those they conquered

work of Euclid) was written most likely about a thousand years after its supposed date, and that too, most likely not by a white-skinned Greek philosopher, but a black woman philosopher in Egypt – Hypatia.

A study of history shows that Hypatia was lynched by a religious mob, as was her father the philosopher Theon (whose name is mentioned in many commentaries on Elements); and her follower Proclus left Egypt in order to escape religious persecution. This was around the 5th century CE. Geometry was ridiculed as idolatry. The underlying philosophy of Mathesiz was equity and justice, which was unacceptable to those who wanted to distinguish between faithful believers versus non-believers, pagans and skeptics. The hitherto Christian belief of reincarnation (rebirth) was replaced with that of resurrection (bodily revival from the grave); cyclic time (a recurring cosmos) with linear time starting with creation and ending with apocalypse; immanent god (god within each human) with an external (transcendental) all-powerful god, to be feared. And the mathematics of Theon and Hypatia argued (or demonstrated) in favour of all these points which the Church reinterpreted in a new and different manner, leading therefore to their persecution.

Prior to this period, Christianity was a mystic religion, following in the tradition of various other mystery religions of Egypt, Greece and Persia at the time and the story of Christ was considered to be a mystery open to interpretation. However, in the 4th century CE, the Roman emperor embraced Christianity and the Catholic

church became inseparable from state-power. In the altered scenario, the church leaders reinterpreted the Bible – making it literal - cursed the hitherto influential interpreters such as Origen – who demonstrated that there were 6 different versions of the Bible – and declared war on the heretics. Their enmity extended to the philosophers who had flourished in Alexandria (in Egypt), including Theon and Hypatia. This was the first religious war – against the pagans – c. 500 CE, which led to the complete conversion of Europe to Christianity. The war was carried out with book burning and destruction of temples. This led to the end of philosophy for the time being and the onset of the European Dark Age.

The philosophers migrated to Persia and were allowed to settle in Jundishapur, where they established a hospital, where the Unani (Ionian) tradition flourished. Indian texts such as the Panchatantra, were translated into Persian and Indian medicinal knowledge was incorporated into

this tradition. Later on, these ‘hakims’ were patronised by the Khalifas of Baghdad, as Baghdad grew into the world’s centre of learning and culture.

The movement of knowledge was often in the opposite direction to the direction of conquest and the conquerors learnt from those they conquered. In this way, the Arabs gained knowledge from the Persians. They adopted the philosophy of ‘aql’ (creative interpretation) as opposed to ‘naql’ (copy-cat behaviour). Thus the Arabs interpreted Indian mathematical texts and other sources of learning and set up great libraries in Baghdad and Spain. The Dark Age of Christendom coincided with the Golden Age of Islam.

Around 1000 CE, the Church instigated the ’Holy Crusades’, as the wealth and glory of their Muslim neighbours contrasted with their own situation. This was the second war. When military crusades failed repeatedly, the Church had to alter its tactics. The fall of the city of Toledo (in Spain) led to the huge library of 600,000 Arabic works coming into the hands of the Church. The Church finally abandoned its policy of burning heretical books and undertook a massive campaign to translate the works thus amassed by the Arabs, in order to better understand their enemy.

The Church, confronted with the vast repertory of the Arabs, including translated works from all over the world, had to make new doctrinal changes in order to adopt this knowledge without seeming to be taking from heretical sources. Raju proposes that it was this dilemma that led to the Church doctoring texts and altering history


Mathematics, which is mainly

computational and preoccupied with problem-solving in most cultures,

has been converted into metaphysics of ‘pure reason’ with no relation to real

things

in order to attribute all previous knowledge to the theologically correct ancient Greeks while asserting that the Arabs only made literal translations, which is not true. This myth of ancient Greece’s infallible and all-encompassing wisdom obtained additional grist when the Baghdad book bazaar started churning out lots of books attributed to the ‘old Greek sage’ Aristotle so as to better sell those books. The myth was further sustained when Constantinople fell to Muhammad the Conqueror in the 15th c. CE, and many Greek translations found their way into Europe. Raju proposes that the distortion of history was an active practice patronised by the mediaeval Church, given first that it advocated pursuit of all means including grave violence and grave falsehood to achieve its ends, and secondly that the scientists themselves were scared of acknowledging non-Christian sources. Thus we have Newton’s calculus – although he probably learnt it from Indian sources which preceded him by two centuries, and Mercator’s map – although he learnt it from Chinese sources, and Copernican solar system – although he did not invent it – all translated in the Toledo library by the Arabs.

The main point is that the philosophy of reason (aql) was propounded by Islamic philosophers such as Al Ghazali. The theological debate about whether there were eternal laws with which God ruled

the world (after having created it) or whether God could behave as he chose (divine intervention) was dividing the Islamic clergy. The Church appropriated the ‘eternal laws’ stand, and thereby transformed Christian doctrine into the doctrine of reason.

It has since used that doctrine to claim superiority to all other

races and civilisations not to speak of religions. The identification of the ancient Greek tradition with the Church has been used to justify racism, colonialism (the doctrine of ‘Christian discovery’ of new lands) and slavery and to denigrate ‘pagan’ learning, including Indian. The doctrine of ‘pure reason’ has

been used in the 20th century to make Mathematics ‘purely logical’ as per a defined Greek two-valued logical system. This has made the language of Mathematics unintelligible to students all over the world. Mathematics, which is mainly computational and preoccupied with problem-solving in most cultures, has been converted into metaphysics of ‘pure reason’ with no relation to real things. This ‘pure & eternal laws’ approach is incompatible with problems in physics and engineering, which are based on or require empirical observation and real life problem-solving. However, it is what is being taught in schools and colleges as formal Mathematics. Further it is incompatible with other systems of logic and therefore problematic to apply in some frontier areas of science.

The above is a very short summary of a long and complex story. Raju presents his theories with compelling evidence. His plea is that Western formal Mathematics has a theological bias, which is being perpetuated by present-day mathematicians who do not question its underlying meta-structure. He suggests that the elimination of this bias will free up Mathematics and end the intellectual slavery that exists in the world of the sciences.

(The author is a Mathematician and an independent business and sustainability consultant).


Resonances

Desh Bhagat Yadgar Hall, Jalandhar

Students viewing the gallery at the Desh Bhagat Yadgar Hall

Desh Bhagat Yaadgar Hall in Jalandhar is a memorial for all patriots who fought

uncompromisingly against British colonialism. It is also a special repository of Ghadar Party’s history and memorabilia. It has great educational value to young Indians.

It is a two-storey building incorporating a library, an exhibition hall, conference rooms and some residential rooms. This complex is situated on Grand Trunk Road, Jalandhar in the centre of the city. The site is spread on three acres of land which was purchased in 1955.

As Ghadaris were released from Andaman Jail after serving life imprisonment, they decided to form ‘Desh Bhagat Parivar Sahayk Committee (Patriots’ Family Support Committee) aimed to look after the welfare of families of Ghadaris who were still in jail or had been incapacitated through prolonged confi nement or their properties had been confi scated by the government. Baba Wasakha Singh became its chief organiser who raised much needed cash for many needy families. This Committee continued its activities till 1947 when India gained its independence.

At that time, Bhagat Parivar Sahayk Committee was registered under a new name of ‘Desh Bhagat

Yaadgar Committee’ transferring its entire fund to the new organisation. Sohan Singh Bhakna, founder president of the Ghadar Party was elected President of the Desh Bhagat Yaadgar Committee.

Desh Bhagat Yaadgar Committee was concerned with preserving the memory of the Ghadar Party. For this purpose, they decided to establish a memorial for their colleagues who had laid their lives for the liberation of the country. A prime site was chosen and bought in Jalandhar in 1955. On 14th December 1957 following the death of Sant Wasakha Singh at Dadher, an appeal was made

for funds for construction of building on this site. Desh Bhagat Yaadgar Committee members contributed funds with Amar Singh Sandhwan and Bhag Singh of Jai Singh Wala, Ferozepur offered magnanimously. A more wider appeal was launched on 5th January 1958. During 1958, Gurmukh Singh Lalton, Karam Singh Cheema, Bhooja Singh and Bhola Singh Cheema were deputed to collect donations from Punjabis in Britain and Canada. As suffi cient funds were raised, the foundation stone for the Memorial building was laid by Amar Singh Sandhwan on 17th November, 1959.


The Desh Bhagat Yadgar Building from outside

The founding members of Desh Bhagat Yaadgar Committee on 2nd April 1955 were as follows: President and Trustee: Sant Wasakha Singh, son of Sardar Dayal Singh Vice-President and Member: Baba Karam Singh Cheema, son of Sardar Gujjar Singh Secretary and Trustee: Gurmukh Singh, son of Sardar Hoshnak Singh Treasurer and Trustee:Amar Singh Sandhwan, son of Sardar Sher Singh

GalleryThe Memorial has a very large exhibition hall measuring 90 by 60 feet with 212 portraits of Ghadar heroes displayed thematically. Included among these are many other Indian patriots and revolutionaries

who played prominent role in the freedom struggle.

LibraryIntegral to the Memorial is a major library with valuable Ghadar material, both in its original form as also much related literature. The Library aims to preserve all materials relating to the Ghadar movement and has also acquired works on Punjab and India’s revolutionary movements and across the world. Its chief strength consists of several manuscripts, oral records and journals originally produced by the Ghadar Party.

PublicationsDuring the last fifty years, Desh Bhagat Yaadgar Committee has published several books, periodicals and pamphlets, including reproduction of some original Ghadar literature. Please browse through the list. You can order any of these publications.

EventsThe Memorial Building functions as an important meeting place for

this metropolitan city, for citizens of Punjab and indeed North India. The Memorial is very much part of Punjab’s public life as it is a natural venue for several annual events offering its spacious hall and lawns for progressive political rallies and social gatherings. For several years now, an annual fair is celebrated with much gusto and enthusiasm for the propagation of the Ghadar ideas and ideals. SupportThe Ghadar Memorial is managed by Desh Bhagat Yaadgar Committee [DBYC]. As a volunteer organisation, the DBYC does not solicit governmental support, they depend upon their benefactors for maintenance of the Memorial’s upkeep, its library and providing other services and facilities to the community. You are encouraged to visit our sister sites, especially University of California, Berkeley’s valuable Ghadar Collections at Bancroft Library. Other sites with major depositories of Ghadar materials are also indicated.

Trustees: 1) Hari Singh [Master], son of

Sardar Ishar Singh Jalwant Singh, son of Sardar Nihal Singh

2) Kishan Singh Gahaur, son of Sardar Ratan Singh

3) Ujagar Singh Cheema, son of Sardar Karam Singh Cheema

Members:1) Achhar Singh Chhina,

Member of Legislative Assembly, Punjab

2) Amar Singh Mann, son of Sardar Phuman Singh

3) Bujha Singh, son of Sardar Dharam Singh

4) Dr. Bhag Singh M.A. Ph.D, son of Sardar Sunder Singh

5) Dulla Singh, son of Hazara Singh

6) Genda Singh, son of Sardar Budh Singh

7) Mehanga Singh, son of Sardar Jawala Singh

8) Sher Singh, son of Sardar Kesar Singh


Prime Minister of IndiaPM Office, New Delhi

Subject: Regarding Ensuing Ghadar Party centenary and Ghadar memorial sites in USA-Canada

Dear Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh,

I have recently visited Ghadar memorial site in San Francisco in California State of United States of America (USA), where I was invited to deliver a lecture on Ghadar party hero Kartar Singh Sarabha on 22nd May, 2011, Sunday, to commemorate Sarabha's birth anniversary due on 24th May. Apart from visiting this historic site, I got an opportunity to visit Sacramento Cemetery, where not only Ghadar party senior activist Maulvi Barkatullah was buried, many more freedom fighters from Punjab were also buried there. I was also taken to historic Stockton Gurdwara, which was a meeting place for Ghadaris in 1913-1947 and which is now under the control of Khalistani elements, who have dumped the Ghadar party heroes photographs in one neglected room of the Gurdwara and have filled common eating place-langar with the photographs of Khalistani armed fundamentalists. I could even visit Holt farm of Ghadar party Vice President Jawala Singh, who used to offer scholarships to top Indian students. In University of California’s Berkeley campus, I was able to look at Ghadar archives documents in The Bancroft library and also contacted Centre for South

Open letter to Prime Minister Regarding Ghadar Party Centenary

Asian Studies, being looked after by Prof. Raka Ray. Prior to reaching San Francisco, I visited Vancouver in Canada to visit Komagata Maru sites, which again was related to Ghadar movement and its tragic happenings in year 1914.

This whole journey was not only emotionally touching for me, being so deeply interested in the history of revolutionary aspects of India’s freedom struggle, it was enriching in terms of collecting some documents and having first hand feel of the locations of that historic movement fought by our ancestors for the cause of freedom of India. As you are well aware that Ghadar party was launched by migrant Indians, mostly Punjabis, but was inclusive of Indians from all parts of India as Darisi Chenchiah from South, Pandurang Khankhoje from West India, Jatinder Lahiri, Taraknath Das from East India, Maulvi Barkatullah and Pandit Permanand Jhansi from Central India. It was formed in USA in early twentieth century and was announced in March 1913 meeting in St. Jones as ‘Hindi Association of Pacific Coast’ as described by its founder President Baba Sohan Singh Bhakna in his autobiography- 'Jivan Sangram’ (Struggles of Life), written in Punjabi. However the name of the party became more popular as ‘Ghadar Party’ as from 1st November the party launched the journal called ‘Ghadar’ in Punjabi, Hindi, and Urdu and in many more Indian languages from ‘Yugantar Ashram’ at 5 Wood Street San Francisco, the

very building, which is now named as ‘Ghadar Memorial’. The party took its name ‘Ghadar’, consciously to identify it with 1857 - first war of Independence, which Britishers used to call ‘Ghadar’ and the party wished to turn that contemptuous nomenclature to a respectable one by calling itself ‘Ghadar party’! It was most advanced secular democratic movement of its time, whose tradition was upheld and appropriated by Bhagat Singh later with further addition of socialist ideology. After looking at all the places and meeting various people in relation to these, I have made some observations, which I want to share with you. These observations demand serious attention of the Government of India, as the centenary celebrations of the formation of Ghadar party are beginning next year and you are also receiving lot many representations in this connection. My observations are as follows:

The condition of the building which is now called ‘Ghadar Memorial’, located at 5, Wood Street, San Francisco, has lost its heritage character; even the original name of the building - ‘Yugantar Ashram’ finds no reference anywhere. The name ‘Yugantar Ashram’ was again to identify the movement with early revolutionary movement in Bengal with the name ‘Yugantar’. The original name of the building was written in Urdu, Punjabi and English now only English and Hindi language changed name is painted on the front wall with no Punjabi or Urdu version. The building was


handed over to Govt.. of India after the independence of the country and when Ghadar party was formally dissolved. Presently it is under the administrative control of the Counselor of India. A peon or driver of some Indian official has been put up there, who has no respect or awareness about the significance of this historic site. There is no proper care taker of the building. Very important documents and items of the Ghadar movement, including the artificial arm of Ghadari Harnam Singh Tundilat, who, lost his arm during movement, and who became famous with his surname - 'Tundilat’ (Broken arm Lord) are under display in glass cases without any lock and key. I suspect that many of the documents could have disappeared under these circumstances. I am attaching two photographs here of the building, one original heritage site in 1913 and the other of a drab-unaesthetic reconstructed building. Most of the time building remains closed, even when someone wants to visit it for historic site seeing, he or she can’t see it. It needs special permission from Consulate, which true to Indian Bureaucratic style has no sensitivity for such things, except if some rare sensitive official is posted. Lot many writers have written about it and your office also must have received many complaints in this regard. The building has been converted into a single hall with some kitchen, toilets and a room, used by the peon/driver of consulate.

My suggestion in this regard is: This building should be rebuilt as original heritage with same nomenclature - 'Yugantar Ashram’, as is very clear from the photograph of the building and converted into Library-cum-research centre on the

model of Nehru Memorial Museum and Library in New Delhi, though its scale will be much lower than that. Further Berkeley campus of the University of California should be involved in this project and Centre for South Asian Studies of the campus, which presently is headed by eminent scholar Prof. Raka Ray, daughter of Indian academician and former Vice Chancellor of Calcutta University, Bharti Roy, with most of Indian researchers as part of it, can make detailed project on it. In fact University of California’s Berkeley campus should be offered this building on lease for establishing Ghadar archives and research centre. Bancroft library of the University of California is already having Ghadar Archives in its possession with twenty boxes of documents and some digitalised records are also there. Govt. of India should establish Kartar Singh Sarabha Chair in the Berkeley campus of University of California, where Sarabha was a student of science in 1912-13. This Chair should be located in Ghadar memorial site turned into Ghadar research centre. Copies of all the documents relating to Ghadar movement, spread in various places of US, Canada, India, many other countries, where Ghadar party had influence like Singapore, Philippines, China, Argentina, Brazil, Germany etc. should be brought to this research centre. This should be the best tribute to Sarabha and Ghadar party movement during Ghadar party centenary celebrations. In this research centre some items of Komagata Maru site should also be put on display, such as a brick thrown by Komagata Maru passengers on Canadian police during two month struggle at Vancouver sea side, where ship remained detained. This

brick is on display in Museum of Vancouver city quite prominently. The model of Komagata Maru ship should also be displayed. A film ‘Continuous Journey’ made by Ali Kazmi on Komagata Maru incident beautifully captures the moments of that period. This documentary should be shown and distributed throughout India in schools and colleges during centenary year.

B) Nehru Memorial Museum and Library should acquire the photo copy or digitalised version of Ghadar Archives in Berkeley campus Bancroft library of University of California, which in original should stay there, the University may never part with this historic record. Copies of documents in New York Public Library and other places in USA, Canada and other countries should also be acquired for this library, where a special section for the study of Ghadar movement and movement led by Bhagat Singh should be created as the two are inseparable from each other

Sacramento Cemetery, where Maulvi Barkatullah’s and other Punjabi Muslim freedom fighters graves exist, a plaque should be put up by Govt. of India, giving the details of the role of these personalities, particularly detailed role of Maulvi Barkatullah, should be highlighted. Irony is that caretaker Patricia Hutchings of this cemetery is too keen to know these details and offer all help to put the details. We named a University in Bhopal in the name of Barkatullah, but have no sign of our respect at his grave in Sacramento! I am attaching its picture too.

The situation in Stockton Gurdwara is too serious. A place known as heritage site of Indian freedom struggle, as many meetings of Ghadar party activists used to take


place here and a hall still stands in the name of Ghadari Babas. This hall displayed the photographs of Ghadar party activists and martyrs, some of these photos are under display in Desh Bhagat Yaadgar Hall, (Ghadar memorial Hall) in Jalandhar in Punjab. But the heritage nationalist Gurdwara was captured by Khalistani supporters in Stockton and now first sight of Gurdwara comes by the big banner flowing high at Gurdwara entrance—‘Khalistan Zindabad’ with photograph of Jarnail Singh Bhindrawale. Inside common eating hall (Langar), many photographs of gun totting Khalistani fundamentalists are under display as ‘martyrs’, which include killers of Smt. Indira Gandhi and General Vaidya. Ghadar party heroes photograph were taken out and put in bundles of some neglected corner room, along with photographs of Khalsitani armed fundamentalists, while the Ghadar hall has been converted into prayer room with copy of Guru Granth Sahib installed there , though already a prayer room existed there. The excuse was made for the need of another prayer hall, which could have been built in enough space and resources available in the Gurdwara. It was done to insult the memory of Ghadar party heroes and

downgrade Ghadar movement as compared to Khalistani movement by these mischievous elements. It is a pity that Govt. of India cannot do anything in this regard, as the Gurdwara has been taken over by local Sikhs here, who are ignorant of glorious past of Ghadar movement and have been taken away by the loud mouthed irrational speeches of Khalistani orators. But an awareness campaign about the significance of Ghadar movement among local Sikhs/Punjabis should be launched here, so that in few years time, local Sikhs themselves are able to free the Gurdwara from Khalistani elements and restore its pristine glory with Ghadar party heroes memoirs. (Some photographs attached)

An identifying plaque with details at the Holt farm location of Ghadari Jawala Singh, near Stockton, not much known now to even researchers, should be put up by Govt. of India during centenary year of Ghadar party formation.

Many other things can also be done during centenary year of Ghadar party formation, but emphasis should be more on creating awareness/information/knowledge of these historic events for our younger generations. The history of such events should be taught at school level and simple books narrating the historic events should be published for free or subsidised price distribution in major Indian languages. Particularly autobiography of founder President of Ghadar Party Baba Sohan Singh Bhakna, which is about hundred pages only and written in very simple style, should be translated into all Indian languages and published through Publication Division, Government of India or through National Book Trust, which has published very good books on Indian freedom struggle in recent

years should be assigned this task. Some good documentaries/television serials should also be made, but with sound historic facts. The number of Indians now in USA and Canada is very high; many meetings/seminars with published books/Ghadar party documents should take place at these places to make them feel proud of their own heritage in these countries. California state in USA and British Columbia State in Canada should be in the centre focus. Lot many politically influential Canadians of Punjabi background like former British Columbia Premier Ujjal Dosanjh, himself a grandson of a Ghadari hero, who fought against Khalistani elements and suffered, could be involved in chalking out these programmes.

I earnestly hope that under your wise academic leadership, Government of India would chalk out suitable projects to commemorate this momentous, though failed movement of our freedom struggle. However the wastage of public money should be strictly avoided and dedicated people should be involved in chalking out and overseeing the implementation of various activities during the year.

With Best RegardsChaman Lal

Visiting professor on Hindi Chair, Centre for Language

learningThe University of the West Indies

St. Augustine, Trinidad & Tobago (West Indies)

Professor &Former chairperson, Centre of Indian Languages

Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

An awareness campaign about

the significance of Ghadar movement among local Sikhs

and Punjabis should be launched

Source: http://www.apnaorg.com/articles/cha-manlal-10/


Pages of History

The Ghadar Party in China

The Ghadaris not only fought valiantly against British rule over India, but that they also opposed foreign domination and subjugation of other countries. Madhavi Thampi takes us

through the history of the Ghadaris in China.

Oh Brother, do not fight in a war against the Chinese. Beware of

the enemy. He should not deceptively instigate you to fight your Chinese brothers. The enemy splits brothers and makes them kill each other. The people of Hind, China and Turkey are real brothers. The enemy should not be allowed to besmirch their brotherhood.

Poem in Ghadar ki Goonj, widely circulated among Indian soldiers and policemen in China.

The most characteristic feature of the Ghadar party was its consistent anti-imperialism. Consistent anti-imperialism meant that the Ghadaris not only fought valiantly against British rule over India, but that they also could not countenance foreign domination and subjugation of other countries. As the above poem eloquently shows, the Ghadar Party could not tolerate that its countrymen were being used by Britain to attack and kill the workers and ordinary people of China who were revolting against the imperialist presence in their country in the early twentieth century. But unlike other Indian political organisations like the

Indian National Congress, which limited themselves to passing resolutions against the use of Indian soldiers by Britain in China, the Ghadar Party actively organised to defeat it. In many cases, as we will see below, the heroic work carried out in very dangerous circumstances by Ghadar activists within Indian army and police detachments posted in China, led to these same detachments refusing to fire on Chinese. The work done by the Ghadar Party in China is an important chapter in its history and an unforgettable part of its legacy.

How do we explain the active presence of the Ghadar Party in China, almost right from the time of its inception? There are several reasons for this. It is well known that the Ghadar Party was formed in North America from amongst Indian workers and patriotic intellectuals there. These Indians were able to understand the connection between the racial discrimination and abuse they faced abroad and the enslavement of the Indian people by British imperialism at home. China was a major transition point for Indian workers seeking to go to North America at that time. Hundreds of young Indians congregated in

ports such as Shanghai and Hong Kong, waiting for the opportunity to sail to North America. Most had close connections with Indians who had already gone there, and were themselves resentful of the ill-treatment that they received at the hands of the British colonial authorities in the Chinese ports. They therefore shared the same anti-imperialist sentiments as their counterparts in North America and formed a major base of the Ghadar movement abroad.

A second important reason was the large-scale presence of Indian soldiers and policemen in China. Right from the time of the notorious First Opium War in China (1839-42), Indians had formed a major part of British military and police forces in China. To overthrow British rule in India, the Ghadar Party understood the necessity of weakening that most important prop of British colonial rule – the Indian army. Ghadar activists in China infiltrated army and police units, conducted propaganda amongst them against British imperialism, and organised revolutionary cells within them. The Ghadar Party publications, Ghadar ki Goonj and Hindustan Ghadar Dhandora, were widely circulated in their ranks and


even clandestinely carried back to India by some of them when they were sent back after finishing their tour of duty in China.

A British intelligence report on the Ghadar activists in China in the 1920s gave the following description of how they conducted their work with the Indian regiments:

One Sangat Singh, … an ex-watchman and ex-dalladar of the 39th Central India Horse, approached a Naik and three men of the 4/1st Punjab Regiment and engaged them in conversation of a disloyal nature…

One Asa Singh, … Police Constable No.83 of the Shanghai Municipal Police, attempted to hand a copy of the Ghadar paper to a Hindu Naik of the 3/14th Punjab Regiment…

Two Sikh watchmen, named Amar Singh and Dalip Singh, were arrested for hanging about the camp of the 3/14th Punjab Regiment in a suspicious manner and attempting to get into conversation with some of the men…

The third factor favouring the activity of the Ghadar Party in China has to do with the circumstances prevailing in China in the early twentieth century. In 1911, a revolution in China brought to an end the era of centralised imperial rule. For the next four decades, the political situation in China was very turbulent, as no one political force succeeded in establishing control over the whole country. Ghadar activists were able to operate with relative freedom in China, as they were able to move from one place to another if they were pursued too closely by the police at any given place. At the same time, although China was not a colony of a single power

like India, it was exploited and humiliated by several imperialist powers, and anti-imperialist and nationalist feelings ran high among Chinese people and various political forces. This meant that a number of Chinese, including some prominent political figures, gave active or tacit support to Ghadar activists as they sympathised with their aim of fighting British imperialism.

Activities in ChinaIn the first phase of Ghadar

activity in China, during World War I, the main focus was on recruiting fighters for the plan to launch an uprising in India, and to secure arms and ammunition for the same. As mentioned above, the Indian army and police units stationed in China, along with other Indians in China’s treaty ports and Hong Kong, provided a fertile ground for recruiting willing fighters. In particular, the gurdwaras in these places became important centres of fiery agitation, because the British authorities found it impossible to prohibit the soldiers from visiting the gurdwaras.

China was also a convenient place to buy arms and ammunition, because of the large number of political organisations and military commanders who freely used arms in their political battles. Many Chinese political figures were sympathetic to the aims of the Ghadar party and were willing to help those fighting British power. A letter written in 1916 by one of the Ghadar activists in San Francisco which was later intercepted by the authorities testified that “Li Yuan Hung (then President of the Republic of China) is in sympathy with the Indian revolution and would like English power weakened. Some of the

prominent people are quite eager to help India directly, and Germany indirectly…”

Dozens of jathas organised by the Ghadar Party to go back to India to take part in the planned uprising passed through Chinese ports between starting from 1914. However, this first attempt to organise a country-wide armed uprising against British rule after 1857 was discovered and brutally crushed by the British in India. The British believed that they had put an end to what they called ‘seditious’ activities by Indians in China. In 1925, the British police officer posted in China to spy on the activities of Indians reported complacently: “The circumstances which gave birth to the Ghadar movement were unusual, and are not likely to be repeated. Certainly no parallel exists today…” However, his analysis proved to be completely

Ghadar ki Goonj Publications


wrong. 1925 in fact marked the beginning of the second, and even more active, phase of Ghadar activity in China.

Despite the setback in India, the Ghadar Party continued to organise even more actively abroad among Indians and to seek support of other anti-imperialist forces for the cause of India’s freedom. In particular, they drew inspiration from the October Revolution in Russia, and received assistance from the Comintern. In China, the period from 1925-27 marked a high tide in the anti-imperialist movement there. The imperialist powers who congregated in China’s treaty ports felt that their interests were threatened. In panic, the British rushed troops from India to fire on protesting Chinese workers and youth in Canton and Shanghai, killing and wounding many. In response to this, the Ghadar Party issued a stern statement: “The Hindustani Ghadar Party declared any Hindu [sic] who fired upon the Chinese a traitor”. One of the issues of the Hindustan Ghadar Dhandora contained the following appeal entitled “The Duties of the Indian Army in China”. It said: “The dutiful sons of China are fighting for the freedom of their country. The freedom of India and the freedom of China have a close connection with each other. By the freedom of China the day of the freedom of India will draw near. It is the duty of Indians to help the Nationalist Party of China so that they may have the pleasure of seeing India free.”

The Ghadar Party also organised to ensure that this message was delivered personally to Indian

troops landing in China. Shiploads of Indian soldiers were met almost at the docks by their activists and urged not to fire on Chinese. This message coming from Indians in China just like them had a profound impact on the Indian troops. Some of them rebelled against their commanders and refused to fire, and their regiments had to be hastily disbanded by the British and sent back to India.

An interesting story has been reported in which seventy Indians from the Hong Kong police force resigned in protest against British atrocities on the Chinese. These men then presented themselves before the Governor of neighbouring Guangdong province of China and offered their services to the Chinese. When the Governor hesitated to accept their offer, they are reported

to have told him: “We have burnt our boats. There is no going back. You can utilise us for China’s cause or kill us – as you please.” Hearing these words, the Governor decided to take these Indians into the local police force.

Throughout the 1930s and into the early 1940s, the Ghadar Party activists continued to be active in China, despite repeated arrests and deportations of activists and sympathisers by the British. It is very largely due to the untiring efforts of the Ghadar activists that China became one of the most important overseas bases of the anti-imperialist movement of the Indian people.

ConclusionThe activity of the Ghadar

Party in China, and especially its heroic work in opposing the use of Indians to fight Chinese, showed that it understood a basic truth – that no people can ever be free if it oppresses, or participates in the oppression of, another people. Unmindful of the danger to themselves, Ghadar activists engaged in undermining the loyalty of Indian soldiers and policemen to the British authorities, skilfully using a variety of means. In this way, they not only made an important contribution to the anti-imperialist movement of the Indian people, but also concretely assisted the anti-imperialist movement of the Chinese people.

The author teaches Chinese History and language in Delhi

University and has written several books and articles on India China relations in the colonial period.

China was also a convenient place to buy arms and

ammunition, because of the large number of political

organisations and military

commanders who freely used arms in their political

battles

Shahid ki jo maut hai wo kaum ki hayat hai

Shahid ka jo hai lahu wo kaum ki zakat hai

Katain jo chand daaliyan to chaman ho hara bhara

Katain jo chand gardanain to kaum ki hayat hai

(The death of the martyrs is life of the nation

The blood of the martyrs is the offering of the nation

Few branches fall so that the garden can bloom

Few heads fall so that the nation can have life)

Sikh Temple in Stockton, California (One of the centres of Ghadar activities)

Printed and Published by K Madhusudhan on behalf of Lok Awaz Publishers and Distributors., Printed at: New Print Cottage, B-74, Okhla Industrial Area, Phase-2, New Delhi - 110020, Published at: E-392, Sanjay Colony, Okhla Phase-II, New Delhi - 110020, Editor: S Raghavan

Kade Mangyian Milann Azadiyan Na

Kade Mangyian Milann Azadiyan Na

Hunde Tarliyan Naal Na Raj Loko

Karo Na Minnat Ainwe Bano Na Kaiyar

Fardo Talwar Ehnan Nahin Rahnna

Agge Veero Arjiyan Ne Ki Banna Liya

Zalam Firangyian Ne Desh Kha Liya

“Freedom is not obtained by begging”

Freedom is not obtained by begging

By appeals political power is not won

Do not petition like cowards

Take the sword and they will run

What have all the petitions done?

Brutal British have plundered our land

The Ghadaris published many revolutionary poems in the Ghadar Di Goonj Publication. Through the pages of Ghadar Di Goonj they spread their message in poetic form. Ghadar Di Goonj was published in Shahmukhi and Gurmukhi. This poetry was hard hitting and simple.

gjh final vol-7 issue-1 (2 may).pdf

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