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Gardens in ancient Egypt: Their locations and symbolismAlix WilkinsonPublished online: 30 Apr 2012.

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Gardens in ancient Egypt: their locations and symbolismALIX WILKINSON

The ancient Egyptians cultivated gardens from prehistoric until Roman times(3000 BC-AD 100). However, it is only from just before the Middle Kingdom(2000 BC) that evidence from both contemporary images and excavations makes itpossible to visualize how they looked. They were havens of cool and shade. Thecentral feature was often a pool of water surrounded, and even covered in someinstances, by a pergola of vines. 1 The gardens were sometimes terraced," as can beseen in the painting from the tomb of Rekhmire with trees of increasing heightforming a screening, protective barrier (figure 1). A mud-brick wall usuallysurrounded the garden. Evidence for gardens comes from excavations, illustrationsin tombs and on temple walls, wooden and pottery models, and from documentssuch as building inscriptions, biographies, inventories of land, love poems, andreligious literature.

Illustrations and the actual garlands and bouquets remaining in tombs androots, seeds, and impressions of the plants themselves found in excavations showwhich plants grew in the gardens. The trees most frequently illustrated (figure 3)

were date-palm (Phoenix dactylifera L.)3 and dorn-palm (Hyphaene thebaica (L.)Mart.), sycamore-fig (Ficus sycomorus L.) and pomegranate (Punica granatum L.).(figures 2 and 3). Sometimes other types, such as willow (Salix subserrata Wild.),acacia (Acacia niloticus (L.) Wild.) and Persea (Mimusops schimperi hochst.) areillustrated. In the pools the plants were papyrus (Cyperus papyrus L.) and lotus(Nymphaea coerulea) and sometimes pondweed (e.g. Potamagetan schweinJurthii A.Benn or Polygonum senegalense Meisny." On the banks there were usually mandrake

(Mandragora officinalis Mill.), poppy (Papaver rhoeas L.) and cornflowers (Centureadepressa M.B.).5

Since there is little rain in most of Egypt, the gardens depended on artificialwater supplies provided by a network of canals leading from the Nile. The waterwas transferred from the canals to the vegetable and flower beds by means of abucket on a weighted pole (Arabic: shaduf)" or by a water wheel (Arabic:saqqieh).? Otherwise water had to be carried by workmen in pots by hand and onyokes." Soil was deposited annually by the Nile, but had to be moved to therequired place at other times of the year, or to places that the flood did not reach,

JOURNAL OF GARDEN HISTORY, 1990, VOL. 10, No.4, 199-208

such as the workmen's village at El Arnama.? The beds were divided intorectangles with a low dike around each rectangle so that the water would remainaround the plants. In some places the gardeners made a base for the flower bedsconsisting ofa whitish mud paving.!? Trees were sometimes planted in individualbrick containers or in pits filled with Nile mud. 11 Both types ofcontainer could bewatered by means ofa shaduf.P Pools provided a local source ofwater; they were

Figure 1. Tempura copy of wall painting. Pool in garden with statue of deceasedtowed in a boat. Dynasty 18. From Tomb of Rekhmire, Thebes. Nina de GarisDavies, copyist; 66 x 48 em (full-scale). Rogers Fund, 1931, 31.6.44; photograph bycourtesy of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

0144-5170/90 $3·00 © 1990 Taylor & Francis Ltd.

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Figure 2. Model of House and Garden. Late 11th Dynasty. From Tomb of Meketre,Thebes. Painted wood. Rogers Fund and Edward S. Harkness Gift, 1920, 20.3.13;photograph by courtesy of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

200 AUX WILKINSON

plastered on the inside, and had plaster or stone copings, such as the pools excavatedat El Amarna.l:'

Gardens are found in connection with four types ofbuilding: temples, tombs,palaces, and private houses.

Temple gardensAt the temple of Amun at Karnak, there were gardens in different parts of thetemple complex. These gardens are illustrated in the tombs of 18th-Dynastyofficials, some of whom were responsible for their upkeep. The area of the templewould have been much greener and more shady than it is at present; avenues oftrees led to its entrances. In front of what is now the Third pylon, which was builtby Amenophis III (1386-1349 BC), there was a garden and an avenue oftrees. 14Theapproach to the temple was by a canal ending in aT-shaped pool, similar to theavenue and pool in front ofthe shrine in the tomb ofNebamun (figure 4). Anotheravenue led up to the southern entrance of Karnak. 15 Inside the temple complexthere were gardens among the several buildings within the sacred enclosure. In aspecial room beside his Festival Hall.!" Tuthmosis III illustrated the plants he hadbrought back from Punt.!? Palestine, and Syria. In a special plot, another'Gardener ofAmun' grew the lettuces sacred to Amun-Min.l" An extensive part ofthe temple garden is illustrated in the tomb ofa 'Gardener ofAmun' at the time ofAmenophis II (1453-1419BC).19 It contained symmetrically arranged poolssurrounded by flower-beds, vine pergolas and rows of sycamore-fig, date- anddom-palms.

It is reported that Ramesses II (1279-1212 BC) made a garden at a temple onthe east of Karnak called 'Rameses-Beloved-of- Amun-Hearer-of-Petitions'.2oRamesses III (1182-1151 BC) 'planted incense sycamore in (Amun's) court' in thetemple of Karnak.F! and planted the city, Thebes, with trees and flowers.V Agoddess called the 'Great One of the Garden' was worshipped at Karnak, duringthe 26th Dynasty (664-525 BC),but it is not known where exactly this garden waslocated.F' In the temple of the goddess Mut, linked by a processional way to thetemple ofAmun at Karnak, Tuthmosis III made a garden.P" On the route betweenthe temples ofKarnak and Luxor.s" Hatshepsut created gardens in or around someof the way-stations that she built as resting places for the bark ofAmun at the Feastof Opet.F" the rituals in this Feast reconfirmed the right of the king to rulc.F?Amenophis III may have created a garden at the Luxor temple, if the 'viewingplace' (maru), which he is reported to have made with a pool and gardens, was infact at this ternple.F" The word maruwas used to describe an open air enclosure thathad a religious purpose.

On the west bank of the Nile, there were gardens in front ofthe royal funerarytemples: remains of avenues have been found leading up to those of Mentuhotp

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"" TlU: 1«l1':ill'Ol...irllll: AlJH>jl'\

...~~~ ~~~+y~ - "':iU;Z!~i'i,Jiliii,__' 7' 81 _::'.i"~.ijL:!iJ!i_,Wii4rl"" ..E"E"~ r.":,mrl~

Figure 3. Tempura copy of wall painting. Dynasty 18. From Tomb of Minnakhte, Thebes. C. K. Wilkinson, copyist; 122 x 68 em (full-scale). Rogers Fund, 1930, 30.4.56;photograph by courtesy of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

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Nebhepetre (2060-2010 BC) and Hatshepsut (1498-1483 BC) at Deir el Bahri.T -shaped pools for papyrus were found at the approach to the ramp up to thetemple of Hatshepsut. A garden for growing the lettuces sacred to Amun-Min isalso illustrated on the walls of the sanctuary of this temple.P? The incense trees thatshe brought back from Punt (on the coast of Somalia) and planted in the templeprecinct, or at Karnak, are also illustrated in a special portico in this temple.P?Incense was important because it was thought to have the power to unite the royalofferer with the gods. According to a Pyramid Text:

The incense is placed on the fire ... the smell comes to the king ... the smell of theking comes to you, 0 gods ... may the king be with you ... may you be with theking. 3 1

Amenophis III created a garden at his funerary temple where the Colossi ofMemnon now stand. On a stela that he put up in front of the temple is reference toa pool that has 'fish and fowl and is adorned with plants'. 32 The shrine illustrated inthe tomb of one of his officials, Nebamun (figure 4), may be this mortuarytemple.P? The garden is not visible, only the two trees at the entrance. However,the illustration lacks the famous colossi and is part of Nebamun's own estate, so ismore likely to be his tomb. Amenophis III allowed his architect Amenhotep, son ofHepu, to have a funerary temple beside those ofthe kings; the rectangular pool andterraced garden in front of this temple have been excavated.P"

The garden of the funerary temple of Ramesses II, the Ramesseum, isillustrated in the tomb of Nezemger who was chief gardener there. The gardensurrounded aT-shaped canal flowing between the pylon and the tcmple.P"

Ramesses Ill's funerary temple, now known as Medinet Habu, had gardensinside and out. They are described in an inventory of the possessions of Amunmade at the death of Ramesses. The temple was:

Surrounded with gardens and arbor areas (literally, palaces of chambers of trees)filled with fruit and flowers ... (and had) ... a lake ... supplied with lotus fiowers.P"

There was a temple called 'Amenhotep of the Garden' in the burial area."? It mayhave been near the funerary temple of Mentuhotp.38

In other parts ofEgypt the kings provided the temples with gardens. RamessesIII planted incense trees at the temple ofPtah at Memphis.39 At Hermpolis, the cityof the Eight Creator gods and of Thoth, a double avenue of trees led up to thetemple in the Middle Kingdomr''" but in the fourth century BC, the inhabitantsdesecrated the garden of Thoth by removing the plants and eating the fruit fromthe trees.f '

202 ALIX WILKINSON

At Abydos, sacred to Osiris, pits for trees that lined the processional way usedin the annual festival of Osirisf-' have been found in front of some of the largerMiddle Kingdom ccnotaphs.f" Later, Sethos 1(1291-1278 BC) made a lake in frontof his temple in which papyrus, reeds, and lotus grew.v" The depression in theground can still be seen at the approach to the temple. Ramesses II planted incensetrees from Punt.f" In the ninth century BC Sheshonk gave a garden to the temple ofOsiris.r'" Later, in the 26th Dynasty (664-525 BC), one of the priests ofOsiris dug apool and planted trees, possibly on the site of the tomb of Osiris."?

At El Amarna, the city created by Amenophis IV (Akhenaten) (1350-1334 BC)

in Middle Egypt, a double enclosure containing a large lake, several kiosks or smalltemples, the remains of flower-beds and groves of trees was excavated. Thisenclosure has been interpreted as an open-air temple of the Aten, the sun's disc,where offerings of wine were made in T -shaped basins.r'" Other temples at ElAmarna had avenues of trees leading to them. At Dendera, in the temple ofHathor, there is a list of the sacred gardens in which persea, palm, willow, and figtrees grew.r'?

Temple gardens were cultivated for the purpose of maintaining the offeringsfor the daily rituals for the gods. The gardens of funerary temples were to providefor the needs of the deceased king. The offerings coming from the pools wereflowers, fish, and fowl. The flowers were regarded as having the effect of renewingthe life of the king. By a play on words, the flowers, rnpy, conferred rejuvenation,rnpwt.t? Incense was needed for the temple rituals.

Temples represented a microcosm ofthe universe. The garden was the place ofcreation from which grew the temple with its vegetal architecture and thehabitable world. The pool represented the water ofNun from which life originallysprang. 5 1

Tornb gardensGardens in front of tombs and tomb-chapels have been excavated at El Amarna.s-'and Abydos.P-' and Thebes.P" and one or two are illustrated. 55 However, it wasnot usually practicable to try to keep plants alive in the desert. The gardensillustrated on the walls of tombs (see figures 1, 3, 4) usually include a poolsurrounded by flowers and trees. Sometimes there is a building at one end of thepool. This building is identifiable in some cases as the owner's tomb and in others asa temple representing the destination ofa pilgrimage to the ancient sacred cities ofBusiris or Abydos.P" The pool provided drink for the deceased and was shaded bypalm-trees (figure 5). The pool and trees are connected with the so-called'nomadic' burial.?? The shrine shown beside the pool may be the tomb and thusthe entrance to the afterlife.

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Figure 4. Tempura copy of wall painting. Dynasty 18. From Tomb of Nebamun, Thebes. C. K. Wilkinson, copyist; 130 x 99 cm (scale 1 : 2). Rogers Fund, 1930, 30.4.57;photograph by courtesy of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

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Figure 5. Tempura copy of wall painting. Garden with palm trees. Ramesside. FromTomb of Nefersekheru, Thebes. Nina de Garis Davies, copyist; 78 x 67 em (full-scale).Rogers Fund, 1930, 30.4.148; photograph by courtesy of The Metropolitan Museumof Art, New York.

Although the building in one official's garden looks like his dwelling house, hiscomments indicate that the garden is for etemiry.P" He hopes to walk in his

Garden of the West, cool under its sycamore, admire its beautiful trees which he hadmade while on earth. 59

The official, Ineni, had a variety of trees and a pond in his garden. His list of treesincluded 90 sycamore figs, 31 persea, 177 date-palms, 120 dom-palms, five fig­trees, coconut palm, balanos (for its perfumed oil), tamarisk, willow, yew, acaciaand five pomegranates, among others."? In the garden was a bower where Ineniand his wife are shown receiving food.P ' The model of a porch and poolsurrounded by trees (see figure 2) illustrates in the round the ideal expressed by

204 ALIX WILKINSON

Ineni. The model comes from the tomb of an official at Thebes who lived duringthe XIth Dynasty (2117-2069 BC). The purpose ofboth temple and tomb gardens,whether the real ones planted outside the tomb or the painted ones on the walls,was to provide food and drink for the spirit ofthe deceased and trees where it couldalight.62

House gardensAn official of the Third and Fourth Dynasties (2686-2589 BC) described his largeproperty that included a house and garden. In it,

Fine trees were set out, a very large lake was made therein, figs and vines were setout ... very plentiful trees and vines were set out, a great quantity of wine was madetherein....63

House gardens have been excavated at El Arnama.v" where the largest covered anarea of170 m 2.65 Shrines surrounded by trees occupied part of the gardens.v" Theinside walls of the shrines were decorated with scenes of the royal familyworshipping the Aten.v?

House gardens are illustrated in tomb-paintings, temple-reliefs, and wood andpottery models. The size of gardens varied from a strip beside the house to anextensive estate. In gardens that were confined to a narrow strip ofground besidethe house trees were planted in pots. Such an arrangement is illustrated in thetombs of Thayv" and Mosi."? Nebamun seems to have only a few date-palmsbeside his house or even in an interior courtyard (see figure 4).70 If more groundwere available there might be an orchard beside the house."! An impression of agarden beside a house is provided by the model in figure 2 and by pottery versionsof this model, the so-called 'soul-houses'. These were in fact offering trays, whichoften had a pool and some trees in front of them. 72 Pieces of bread and meat weremodelled in clay beside the pools. Other gardens are illustrated that may belong todwelling-houses, but other locations such as temples and tombs have beensuggested for them. 73

Gardens normally belonged to rich officials. Those in El Amarna had pools andshrines in them. Ordinary citizens lived in crowded conditions where the onlyopen space was for cooking. Their gardens, where recognized in excavation, wereoutside the village.T"

Palace gardensPalace gardens have been identified during excavation at Tell el Dabaa in theeastern Delta,75 El Amarna, and Malkata on the west bank at Thebes.?? Thegardens at Tell el Dabaa date from the early Thirteenth Dynasty (1782-1650Bc)and include walled vineyards, flower-beds, and pits for trees. The gardens at El

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Amarna date from the reign of Akhenaten (1350-1334 Be) and were terraced. Onthe lowest levels were pools surrounded by porticos. Excavators have identifiedfour palaces at El Amarna and called them the 'North Palace', the 'Central Palace',the 'King's House',"? and the 'North Riverside Palacc'c?" However, it is notcertain that all these buildings were indeed royal residences."? Most of the gardenswere in courtyards inside a building except for the garden at the 'King's House',which was in front of the main building. Around one of the gardens at the 'NorthPalace' were paintings ofa pool and papyrus swamp inhabited by birds. Niches cutin the wall may have been for cages for live birds (figure 6).

Illustrations ofpalace gardens in the tombs ofofficials at El Amarna give an ideaof their extent and layout. The part of the palace illustrated in the tomb ofMeryrecontains three gardens: one outer and two inner ones."? The former contains treesgrowing in individual troughs; there are two oblong pools at either side of anentrance to the area. In one corner of an inner garden is a large pool surrounded bya variety of trees and small plants; steps lead down into the pool at one corner. Inthe tomb ofTutu, a row oftrees is shown at the back of the palace. 81 Inside there isa courtyard with a pool in the centre surrounded by flowers. Ricke has interpretedthis as a bath-room with flowers painted on the floor. 82 In the tomb of Pentu,83another similar courtyard is shown that might be interpreted in the same way.84The quay in front of the 'Central Palace' at El Amarna is illustrated in the tomb ofMay;85 it has a garden between the river (or canal) and the portico of the palace.

There were also gardens at the palace of Amenophis III at Malkata on the westbank at Thebes.s" and in Karnak temple."? A garden there from the time ofAkhenaten consists of several areas. The entrance is flanked by cages for lions.Inside are date-palms and sycamore-fig trees. A small building guards the entranceto a garden that separates this building from another larger one consisting ofroomswith porticos. In the garden is a pool, flanked by trees and flower-beds, and avineyard. In two other open areas animals are feeding. A wall surrounds the entirecomplex. Another palace garden belonging to King Ay (1325-1321 Be) isillustrated in the tomb of Neferhotep.s"

The features that distinguished palace gardens from house gardens were theirsize and the quantity of pools and vine-arbours they possessed. They were liketemple gardens in these respects as would be expected, since the king wasultimately responsible for the design of both.

ConclusionsThe Egyptian garden was created around a pool. It was inward looking, focusingon the water and the building - shrine or tomb - beside it. Around the garden wereprotective barriers oftrees and walls. Gardens that did not have a pool were usually

Figure 6. Tempura copy of wall painting. Papyrus swamp scene, restored. Dynasty18. From Northern Palace, El. Amarneh. Nina and Norman de Garis Davies, copyists;425 x 105·5 em (full-scale). Rogers Fund, 1930, 30.4.136; photograph by courtesy ofThe Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

orchards. Gardens were sometimes completely enclosed within a building. Theyprovided fruit and flowers, and fish and fowl for use in the dwellings of the living,both human and divine, as well as meeting the practical need for water. On thesymbolic level, painted representations and models of gardens with the fruit andflowers growing and the animals living there ensured a continuous supply ofofferings offood and water for the deceased in the afterlife. The flowers were also

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regarded as having the effect ofrenewing the life of the king, and, by extension, of

the deceased. Gardens also represented the place of the first creation and so were

located beside temples and were illustrated in tombs inaccessible to water.

Washington, D.C.

NotesDates are taken from WILLIAM J. MURNANE, The Penguin Guide to Ancient Egypt (London:Allen Lane, 1983), they are approximate but the 'circa' has been omitted. The abbreviationTT refers to the Theban Tomb numbers in B. PORTER and R. L. B. Moss, TopographicalBibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, 7 vols (Oxford:Oxford University Press 1927-81).

1. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, The Tomb of Kenamun (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art1930), pI. xlvii; TT93, Amenophis II, 1453--1419BC.

2. T. WHITTEMORE, 'Excavations at el-'Amarmah season 1924--5', Journal of EgyptianArchaeology, 12 (1926), pI. ii.

3. Botanical identifications made by L. KEIMER, Die Gartenpjlanzen im Alten Agypten,Agyptologische Studien, Vol. I (Hamburg: Hoffman and Caripev 1924), and Vol. II,ed. R. Germer (Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Kairo, Mainz-am-Rhein, 1984).

4. NATHALIE BEAUX, 'The representation of Polygonum senegalense Meisn. in ancientEgyptian reliefs and paintings' ,Journal ofEgyptian Archaeology, 74 (1988), pp. 248-252.

5. L. KEIMER, op. cit.,6. For example, the illustrations in TT 138 tombs of Nezemger, M. BAUD, Les Dessins

Ebauches de la Necropole Thebaine (au temps du Nouvel Empire) (Cairo: MernoircsPublics par les Membres de la Mission Archeologique Francaise au Caire, 1935), fig.116; TT 49 Nefer-hotep, N. DE G. DAVIES, The Tomb of Nefer-hotep (New York:Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1933), pl. xlvi; TT 217 Ipuy, N. DE' G. DAVIES, TwoRamesside Tombs at Thebes (New York: Metropolitan Museum ofArt, 1927), pl. xxviii.

7. A. BADAWY, Le Dessin Architectural chez les Anciens Egyptiens (Cairo: Service desAntiquites de I'egypte, 1948), p. 247 citing L. KLEBS, Die Reliefs und Malereien des NeuenRetches (Heidelberg: Winter, 1934), p. 22.; A. ERMAN in Aegypten und Aegyptisches Lebenim Altertum, ed. H. Ranke (Tiibingen: Mohr, 1923), p. 513, generally thought to havebeen introduced in the Greco-Roman period; W. HELCK, E. OTTO andW. WESTENDORF, Lexikon der Agyptologie, Vol. 5 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1975-81).p. 358; J. P. OLESON, Greek and Roman Mechanical Water lifting Devices: the History ofTechnology (Toronto, 1984) argues for the second century BC as the date of introduction,cited by MARJORIE S. VENIT, 'The painted tomb from Wardian and the antiquity of thesagiya in Egypt', Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, xxiv (1988), p.219;MARJORIE S. VENIT, 'The painted tomb from Wardian and the decoration ofAlexandrian Tombs' ,Journal ofthe American Research Center in Egypt, xxv (1989), p. 74,note 14, for more detailed discussion of water wheels.

8. P. E. NEWBERRY, Beni Hasan, i (London: Egypt Exploration Fund and others, 1893), pIs.xi, xxix; P. E. NEWBERRY, EI Bersheh, i (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1895), pI. xxiv.

9. BARRY J. KEMP, 'The Amarna workmen's village', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 73(1987), p. 36.

206 AUX WILKINSON

10. J. D. S., PENDLEBURY, The City of Akhenaten, iii (London: Egypt ExplorationSociety, 1951), pI. xiii, Central Palace, North Harem.

11. Ibid., p. 14.12. Winlock suggested that the shaduf came into Egypt at the same time as the Hyksos,

(1663--1575 BC), H. E. WINLOCK, The Rise and Fall of the Middle Kingdom in Thebes(New York: Macmillan, 1947), pp. 165-6.

13. J. D. S. PENDLEBURY, The City of Akhenaten, iii (London: Egypt Exploration Society,1951), p. 44.

14. Tomb of Nefer-hotep. TT 49, Time of Ay. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, The Tomb ofNeferhotep at Thebes (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1933), pI. xlii.

15. In the time ofTuthmosis IV (1419-1386 BC).TT 75 (6). Arnenhotep-si-se. N. DEGARISDAVIES, The Tombs of Two Officials of Tuthmosis IV (London: Egypt ExplorationSociety, 1923), pis. ii, xiii, xiv, pp. 8-10; L. BORCHARDT, Zur Baugeschichte desAmonstempels von Karnak (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1905), p. 28.

16. B. PORTER and R. L. B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient EgyptianHieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, 7 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press,1927-81),1.2.120, Room xxxi; NATHALIE BEAUX, Doctoral Dissertation, Lyon, 1989.

17. J. H. BREASTED, Ancient Records ofEgypt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1906--­7), 2.377. Inscription on stela in front of the tomb of Dhout, TT 11.

18. Brussels 8479. Nakht, Gardener ofAmun, TT 161 (3). M. WERBROUCK and B. VAN DEWALLE, La Tombe de Nakht. Notice Sommaire (Fondation Egyptologique ReineElisabeth, Brussels, 1929). Date: Tuthmosis III according to Werbrouck and Van deWalle; Arnenophis III (?) according to Porter and Moss.

19. SENNUFER, TT 96. SIR GASTON C. C. MASPERO, L' Archeologie Egyptienne (Paris: APicard, 1907), figs. 12-13. This garden is sometimes described as being the garden ofSennufer's house; N. DE GARIS DAVIES, The Town House in Ancient Egypt, MetropolitanMuseum ofArt Studies. 112 (New York, 1929), fig. 8, but the building in it appears to be ashrine; A. BADAWY, Le Dessin Architectural chez les Anciens Egyptiens (Cairo: Service desAntiquites de I'Egypte, 1948), p. 190; C. C. V AN SICLEN III, Two Theban Monumentsfrom the Reign of Amenophis II (San Antonio, TX, 1982).

20. J. H. BREASTED, Ancient Records ofEgypt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1906­07),3.517; LABIB HABACHl, 'Nia, the w3b-priest and door-keeper ofAmun', Bulletin del'Lnstitut Francais d' Archeolooie Orientale, 71 (1972), pp. 67-85.

21. Papyrus Harris. J. H. BREASTED, Allcient Records of Egypt (Chicago: University ofChicago Press, 1906---7), 4. 210.

22. Ibid., 4.213.23. Ibid., 4.914.24. Ibid., 6.622.25. B. PORTER and R. L. B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian

Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, 7 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press,1927-81), 1.2.64, for references. The temple was the site of the creation and rebirth ofAmun, MAHMUD ABD EL-RAZIK, 'The dedicatory and building texts ofRamesses II inLuxor Temple, I: The texts', Journal ofEgyptian Archaeology 60 (1974), p. 147 (313), and'Interpretation', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 61 (1975), p. 127.

26. P. LACAU and H. CHEVRIER, Une Chapelle d'Hatshepsout a Karnak, Le Service desAntiquites de I'Egypte avec la collaboration de l'Institut Francais d' Archcologie Orientale(Cairo, 1977-9); MICHEL GITTON, 'Le palais de Karnak', Bulletin de I'Institut Francaisd'Archeoloyie Oriental, 74 (1974), pis. I, Ii.

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27. LANNY BELL, 'The Luxor temple and the cult of the royal ka', journal of Near EasternStudies, 44 (1985), p. 289.

28. M. LICHTHEIM, Ancient Egyptian Literature, A Book ofReadings, ii (Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1968), p. 45; LANNY BELL, op. cit.

29. B. PORTER and R. L. B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient EgyptianHieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings, 7 vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press,1927-81), 11.2.366.

30. E. NAVILLE, The Temple of Deir el Bahari, iii (London: Egypt ExplorationFund, 1894-1908), pls, lxix, lxxI, lxxiv, lxxviii-Ixxix; for a discussion of the identi­fication of these trees see ABDEL-AzIZ SALEH, 'Some problems relating to thePwenet reliefs at Deir el-Bahari', journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 58 (1972),pp. 14(}-158.

31. Utterance 269. A. PIANKOFF, The Pyramid of Unas (New York: Bollingen, Series 40,1968), p. 5.

32. M. LICHTHEIM, Ancient Egyptian Literature, A Book ofReadings ii (Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 1968), p. 45, Cairo Museum 34025; W. M. F. PETRIE, Six Temples atThebes (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1897), pp. 23--{" pls. x-xii.

33. TT 90. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, Two Tombs of Two Officials of Tuthmosis the Fourth, nos. 75and 90 (London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1923), pp. 3(}-33, pls. xxx-xxxiv.

34. C. ROBICHON, and A. VARILLE, Le Temple du Scribe Royale, Amenhotep fils de Hapou,Fouilles de l'lnstitut Prancais d' Archeologie Orientale (Cairo: lnstitut Francaisd'Archeologie Orientale, 1936).

35. TT 138, Nezemger. M. BAUD, Dessins Ebauches de la Necropole Thebain au Temps duNouvelle Empire (Cairo: Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale, 1935), p. 248, fig.116.

36. J. H. BREASTED, Ancient Records ofEgypt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1906­07),4.194.

37. T. E. PEET. The Creat Tomb Robberies of the 20th Egyptian Dynasty; being a critical studywith translations and commentaries of the papyri in which these are recorded (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1930), p. 38.

38. CHRISTIAN LEBLANC, 'Le culte rendu aux colosses "osiriaques" durant le NouvelEmpire', Bulletin de l'Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale, 82 (1985), pp. 295-312;PORTER and Moss, op. cit. 11.2,343; CHARLES VANSICLEN, III, 'The Temple ofMeniset',Serapis, 8 (1980), p. 193.

39. Papyrus Harris. J. H. BREASTED, Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago: University ofChicago Press, 1906-07), 4.339.

40. GUNTHER ROEDER and HANS STECKEWEH, 'Bericht iiber die Ausgrabungen derDeutschen Hermopolis Expedition 1935', Mitteilungen des Deutschen Instituts flirAgyptische Altertumskunde in Kairo, 7 (1937), p. 10, abb. 1.

41. M. LICHTHEIM, Ancient Egyptian Literature, A Book ofReadings, iii (Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1980), p. 47, Petosiris (341-332 BC).

42. DAVID O'CONNOR, 'The "Cenotaphs" of the Middle Kingdom at Abydos' in MelangesCamal Eddin Mokhtar (Cairo: Institut francais d'archeologie orientale du Cairo), p. 171;DAVID O'CONNOR, Expedition, 21 (1979), p. 49, fig. 6; BARRY KEMP, 'The earlydevelopment of towns in Egypt', Antiquity, 51 (1977), p. 188, fig. 2; WILLIAM KELLYSIMPSON, Terraceof the Creat Cod at Abydos: the Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13(New Haven, Conn: Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition to Egypt, 1974), pp. 9-10.

43. DAVID O'CONNOR, 'The 'Cenotaphs" of the Middle Kingdom at Abydos' in MelangesCamal Eddin Mokhtar, Vol. ii, ed. Paule Poscner-Kricger. 1985 (Cairo: Institut francaisd'archeologie orientale du Cairo), pp. 162-177, figs. 5--6, pI. i.

44. Stela of a woman cited by EBERHARD OTTo and MAX HIRMER, Ancient Egyptian Art: theCults ofOsiris and Amun, trans. Kate Bosse-Griffiths (New York: Abrams, 1967), p. 56.

45. J. H. BREASTED, Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1906-07), 3.527.

46. Ibid., 4.682.47. Ibid., 4.1021.48. T. E. PEET and C. L. WOOLLEY, The City ofAkhenaten, i (London: Egypt Exploration

Society, 1923), pp. 115-118; C. L. WOOLLEY, 'Excavations at Tell el-Amarna',journal ofEgyptian Archaeology, viii (1922), pp. 48-83, pI. xv; A. BADAWY, A History ofEgyptianArchitecture, iii (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), pp. 211--4, fig. 127.

49. A. MARIETTE, Denderah, DescriptionGenerale du Grand Temple de Cette Ville. Texte (Paris:1875), p. 90.

50. LANNY BELL, 'The Luxor temple and the cult of the royal ka', journal of Near EasternStudies, 44 (1985), p. 281.

51. W. HELCK, E. OlTO and W. WESTENDORF, Lexikon der Agyptologie (Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz, 1975-81),4.534.

52. BARRY J. KEMP, 'The Amarna workmen's village', journal ofEgypt ian Archaeology, 73(1987), p. 35.

53. T. E. PEET, The Cemeteries of Abydos II (Egypt Exploration Fund: London, 1914), pp.74-75, figs. 37-38, pI. xi.

54. B. BRUYERE, Rapport sur les Fouilles de Deir el Medineh, 1924-25, 1929, Fouilles del'lnstitut Francais d'Archeologie orientale du Caire (Cairo: Institut Francaisd'Archeologie Orientale, 1930), p. 19, pI. i; D. EIGNER, Die Monumentalen Crabbautender Spatzeit in der Thebanischen Nekropole (Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademieder Wissenschaften, 1984); M. BIETAK and E. REISER-HASLAUER, Das Crab des Anch­Hor. Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo (Vienna: Verlag der OsterreichischenAkademia der Wissenschaften, 1982), abb. 21.

55. For example, Stela of Djedamentefankh. C. VANDERSLEYDEN, Das Alte Agypten,Propylean Kunstgeschichte (Berlin: Propylean, 1975), pI. xl, and stela in Turin, no. 144 A.BADAWY, Le Dessin Architecturalchez lesAnciens Egyptiens (Cairo: Service des Antiquitesde l'Egypte, 1948), p. 233, fig. 301.

56. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, 'Two Pictures of Temples', journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 41(1955), pp. 8(}-82. TT 147 (14), owner's name not known, Temp. Tuthmosis III-IV andTT 134 (5), Thauenany, 'Who navigates on the Sea of Amun'. 19th Dynasty.

57. A. BADAWY, Le Dessin Architectural chez les Anciens Egyptiens (Cairo: Service desAntiquites de l'Egypte, 1948), p. 162, fig. 203.

58. TT 81. H. BOUSSAC, Tombeaux thebains. Le tombeau d'Anna. Mernoires publies par lesmembres de la Mission archeologique francaise au Caire, xviii (Cairo: Institut francaisd'archeologie orientale, 1896), 11th plate.

59. A. BADAWY, A History of Egyptian Architecture, iii (Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress, 1968), p. 490; K. SETHE, Urkunden der 18 Dynastie, iv (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1927),p.73.

60. W. BAUM, Arbres et arbustes de l'Egypte ancienne. La liste de la tombe d'Ineni (no. 81)(Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 31. Departement Orientalistik, Leuven, UitgeverijPeeters, 1988).

207

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61. A. BADAWY, Le Dessin Architectural chez les Anciens Egyptiens (Cairo: Service desAntiquites de l'Egypte, 1948), P: 85.

62. EDWARD BROVARSKI, 'Senenu, High Priest of Amun at Deir el Bahari', Journal ofEgyptian Archaeology, 62 (1976), p. 62.

63. J. H. BREASTED, Ancient Records ofEgypt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1906-­07),1.173. Tomb ofMethen; KARIN BARBARA GODECKEN, Eine Betrachtung der Inschrijtendes Meten im Rahmen der sozialen und rechtlichen Stellung von Privatleuten im AgyptischenAlten Reich (Wiesbaden 1976); HANS GOEDICKE, 'Die Laufbahn des Mjn', Mitteilungen

des Deutschen Instituts fur Agyptische Altertumskunde in Kairo, 21 (1966), pp. 3, 65.64. H. RICKE, Der Grundriss des Amarna-Wohnhauses (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1932); LUDWIG

BORCHARDT and HERBERT RICKE, Die Wohnhiiuser in Tell el Amarna (Berlin: Mann,1980); T. E. Peet and C. L. WOOLLEY, The City of Akhenaten, i (London: EgyptExploration Society, 1923).

65. Amarna House Q. 46.1. H. RICKE, Der Grundriss des Amarna Wohnhauses, pp. 44, 48,fig. 41.

66. Described by T. E. PEET and C. L. WOOLLEY, The City ofAkhenaten, i (London: EgyptExploration Society, 1923), pp. 47-8. Houses 46.15-16, M. 47.1, N. 49.9.

67. For example, Houses nos. 46.15 and P.47.32.68. TT 23, A. BADAWY, A History ofEgyptian Architecture, Vol. iii (Berkeley: University of

California Press, 1968), fig. 4.69. TT 254 (6) Mosi. Late XVIIIth Dynasty. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, The Town House in

Ancient Egypt, Metropolitan Museum of Art Studies. 1/2 (New York: MetropolitanMuseum of Art, 1929), pp. 245--6, fig. 6.

70. TT 90. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, The Tomb of Two Officials of Tuthmosis the Fourth (London:Egypt Exploration Society, 1923), p. 30, pI. xxxiv.

71. TT 49. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, The Tomb of Nefer-hotep at Thebes, ii (New York:Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1933), pl. xviii.

72. W. HELCK, E. OTTO and W. WESTENDORF, Lexikon der Agyptologie, (Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz, 1975-81), 2.1067--8, Hausmodelle; 5.806--813, Seelenhaus.

73. For example, Sennufer, TT 96 (4). SIR GASTON C. C. MASPERO, L' Archeologie Egyptienne(Paris: A. Picard, 1907), figs. 12-13; Amenemhab, TT 25 (4). No illustration published.First Prophet ofKhons. Ramesside. Described by PORTER and Moss, op. cit. as 'house,garden and pool'.

74. BARRY J. KEMP, 'The Amarna workmen's village', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 73(1987), p. 36.

75. MANFRED BIETAK, Eine Palastanlage aus der Zeit des Spaten Mittleren Reiches undandere Forschungensergebnisse aus den Ostlichen Nil Delta. Tell el Dabaa 1979~84.

Verlag Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna, 1985);J. DORNER andM. BIETAK, Osterreichisches Archiiologisches Institut Grabungen, 1984; M. Bietak, Einaltiigyptischer Weingarten in einem Tempelbezirk. Tell el Dabaa 1 Marz bis 10Juni 1985.Ostcrreichischcn Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna, 1986); J. LECLANT, Orientalia

208 ALIX WILKINSON

(1988), p. 318, fig. 13; Garden south of the palace with pools, parterres, and pits fortrees. M. BIETAK, Informationsblatt der deutschsprachigen Agyptologie, 34 (july 1987) p. 26.

76. ELEONORE BILLE DE MOT, The Age ofAkhenaten (New York: McGraw Hill, 1966), p. 27.77. T. WHITTEMORE, 'Excavations at EI Amarnah: season 1924-5', Journal of Egyptian

Archaeology, 12 (1926), p. 4; J. D. S. PENDLEBURY, The City of Akhenaten, iii(London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1951), pp. 33-86; W. M. F. PETRIE, Tell el Amarna(London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1894), pp. 7-20.

78. BARRY J. KEMP, 'The window ofappearance at el-Amarna and the basic structure ofthiscity', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 62 (1976), p. 96.

79 Editorial Foreword, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 63 (1977), p. 3.80. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, The Rock Tombs ofel Amarna, 6 vols (London: Egypt Exploration

Fund, 1903--8), i, Meryre ii, pI. xxxii. The idea ofinner and outer gardens is explored byDAVID STRONACH, 'Royal Garden at Pasargadae' in Archaeologia lranica et OrientalisMiscellanea in honorem Louis Vanden Berghe, ed. L. de Meyer and E. Haernick (Ghent,1989).

81. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, The Rock Tombs of el Amarna, vi (London: Egypt ExplorationFund, 1903-8), pp. 36--7, pI. xvii; H. RICKE, Der Grundriss des Amarna-Wohnhauses(Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1932), p. 60.

82. H. Ricke, Der Grundriss des Amarna-Wohnhauses (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1932), p. 62, cf.W. M. F. PETRIE, Tell EI Amarna (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1894), pI. 2.

83. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, The Rock Tombs of el Amarna, iv (London: Egypt ExplorationFund, 1903-8), pI. viii.

84. A. BADAWY Le Dessin Architectural chez les Anciens Egyptiens (Cairo: Service desAntiquites de I'Egypte, 1948), p. 107.

85. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, The Rock Tombs of el Amarna, V (London: Egypt ExplorationFund, 1903-8), p. 3, pI. v.

86. ELEONORE BILLE DE MOT, The Age ofAkhenaten (New York: McGraw Hill, 1966), p. 27.87. PIERRE ANUS, 'Un domaine thebain d'epoque "amarnienne" sur quelques blocs de

remploi trouves a Karnak', Bulletin de l'Lnstitut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale, 69(1970), pp. 69-88; MOHAMMAD HAMMAD, 'Ueber die Entdeckung von 4 Bloecken dieneues Licht auf eine wichtige Epoche der Amarnakunst werfen', Annales du Service desAntiquites de I'Egypte, 54 (1957), p. 303, fig. 6; B. PORTER and R. L. B. Moss,Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic texts, reliefs and paintings, 7vols (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1927-81), 1.2, p. 37, from beneath statue ofPinodjem in front of2nd pylon at Karnak; LABIB HABACHI, 'Preliminary report on theKamose stela and other inscribed blocks found re-used in the foundations oftwo statuesat Karnak', Annales du Service des Antiquites de I'Egypte, 62 (1955), p. 198; MOHAMMADHAMMAD and HANS FR. WERKMESITER, 'Haus und Garten im Alten Agypten', Zeitschriftfur Agyptische Sprache, 80 (1955), pp. 104-8, pI. ix.

88. TT 49. Time of Ay. N. DE GARIS DAVIES, The Tomb of Neferhotep at Thebes, i (NewYork: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1933), pp. 23-26, pI. xiv.

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