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Howmuchfoodsovereigntycanyougetforonemilliondollars?

MarcEdelmanPaper#90

Apirila–Abril–April24,25,262017

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Howmuchfoodsovereigntycanyougetforonemilliondollars?

MarcEdelman

Abstract

Sincethemid-1990s,“foodsovereignty”hasbecomeanimportantmobilizingframeforsocialmovementsandalsoasetofnormsandrightsenshrinedintheconstitutionsofsomehalfdozencountries.Thispaperfirstoutlineskeydebatesaroundfoodsovereignty,includingthequestionofwhoorwhatisthesovereign,therolesoflongdistancetradeandprotectionism,andappropriatepolicymeasuresforattainingfoodsovereignty.ItthenanalyzestheinstitutionalizationoffoodsovereigntyinEcuador,arguablythecountrythathasgonefurthesttowardcreatingrelevantlegalnormsandpolicies.TheConferenciaPlurinacionaleInterculturaldeSoberaníaAlimentaria,thestateagencychargedwithimplementingfoodsovereignty,hasanannualbudgetofonlyonemilliondollars.COPISA’smandateincludescommunityoutreachandthedevelopmentofenablinglegislation,butmuchofthishasbeenstalledinthelegislatureoramendedinwaysthatgenerateoppositionfrompopularorganizations.Theoverallimbalanceinbudgetarysupportforlargeagribusinessandforthesmallholdingsector,aswellasthecontradictionsofaleftistgovernmenthighlydependentonrentsfromextractiveandagro-exportindustries,limittheimplementationoffoodsovereigntyeveninthisbest-casecountry.

Resumen

Desdemediadosdelosaños90,la“soberaníaalimentaria”sehaconvertidoenunimportantemarcodemovilizacióndelosmovimientossocialesytambiénenunconjuntodenormasyderechosconsagradosenlasconstitucionesdeunamediadocenadepaíses.Enestetrabajoseexaminanalgunosdelosdebatesclavesobrelasoberaníaalimentaria,talescomolacuestióndequiénoquéeselsoberano,lospapelesdelcomerciodelargadistanciayelproteccionismo,ylasmedidaspolíticasnecesariasparalograrlasoberaníaalimentaria.LuegoseanalizalainstitucionalizacióndelasoberaníaalimentariaenEcuador,posiblementeelpaísquemáshalogradoencuantoalacreacióndenormaslegalesypolíticaspúblicasrelevantes.LaConferenciaPlurinacionaleInterculturaldeSoberaníaAlimentaria,elorganismoestatalencargadodelaimplementacióndelasoberaníaalimentaria,tieneunpresupuestoanualdesólounmillóndedólares.ElmandatodelaCOPISAincluyeprogramasaniveldelascomunidadesylosterritoriosyeldesarrollodelegislaciónhabilitante,perogranpartedeestasehaestancadoenlalegislaturaohasidoenmendadaatalpuntoquegeneraoposicióndepartedelosmovimientospopulares.Eldesequilibrioenelapoyoinstitucionalalosgrandesagro-negociosyalsectordelapequeñaagricultura,asícomolascontradiccionesdeungobiernodeizquierdaaltamentedependientedelasrentasdelasindustriasextractivasyagroexportadoras,limitanlaimplementacióndelasoberaníaalimentariainclusoenestepaísquedeberíahabersidounodeloscasosmásexitosos.

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Keywords:foodsovereignty,Ecuador,agriculture,extractivism,socialmovements

Introduction

Sincethemid-1990s,aspirationsfor“foodsovereignty”haveinspiredandgenerateddynamicsocialmovementsandbeenenshrinedinlegalnormsandstatepoliciesaimedattransformingfoodandagriculturesystems.TheInternationalPlanningCommitteeforFoodSovereignty(IPC),forexample,isamassivecoalitionwhichintegratespeasant,farmer,environmentalistandhumanrightsorganizationsandwhichlobbiesinRomeattheUnitedNationsFoodandAgricultureOrganization(FAO).IPCisarguablytheworld’slargestprogressivesocialmovement,includingunderitsumbrellaorganizationsofpeasants,indigenouspeoples,pastoralists,fisherfolkandhumanrights,environmentalandfoodjusticeactivists.ThelargestIPCmemberisLaVíaCampesina(LVC),atransnationalagrarianmovementthataloneclaimsaglobalmembershipoftwohundredmillion(EdelmanandBorras2016).Somehalfdozencountries—Bolivia,Ecuador,Mali,Nepal,Nicaragua,SenegalandVenezuela—nowhaveprovisionsforfoodsovereigntyintheirconstitutionsandseveralofthesehaveapprovedrelevantenablinglegislationorregulations(Edelman2014).Anumberofothercountrieshavepassedsimilarmeasureswithoutincludingfoodsovereigntyprinciplesintheirconstitutions.

Foodsovereigntyisalsotheobjectiveofinnumerablelocalandgrassrootsinitiativesindiverseworldregions.Asapolicyprescription,measuresintendedtoenhancefoodsovereigntyrunthegamutfromconventionalprotectionismtostate-sponsoredpolicyinitiatives,suchaspublicprocurementrulesthatfacilitatesmall-farmerprovisioningofnearbypublicsectorinstitutions(schools,hospitals,prisons,elderhousing),todecentralized,innovativeformsoflinkingsmallfarmersandconsumers,suchaslocalmarkets,communitysupportedagricultureprojectsandlabelingorcertificationschemes.Inmanyplaces,foodsovereigntyeffortseschewstateinvolvementaltogetherandseektoimplementnewkindsofeconomicrelationsandproductionmodelsatthecommunityorregionallevel.

Sowhatisfoodsovereignty?Scholarsfriendlytotheconcepthavepointedtomultipleinterpretationsandambiguities,asIwillindicateshortly(Edelman2014;Godek2015).Thecanonicaldefinition,frequentlycitedintheliterature,isfromthe2007NyéléniDeclaration,issuedattheconclusionofaforuminSélingué,Mali,attendedbymorethan500delegatesfromover80countries,representingpeasantandfarmer,fisherfolk,andpastoralists’organizationsaswellastheWorldMarchofWomen,FriendsoftheEarthInternationalandotherNGOsandsocialmovements.Thatdefinitionsaysthat“foodsovereigntyistherightofpeoplestohealthyandculturallyappropriatefoodproducedthroughecologicallysoundandsustainablemethods,andtheirrighttodefinetheirownfoodandagriculturesystems”(NyéléniForum2007,8).AmoredevelopedvisionoftheconceptisfoundintheappendixofthesameDeclaration,wherethe“SixPillarsofFoodSovereignty”areenumerated.Thiselaborationoftheideaisworthquotingat

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length,sinceitsuggestiveofthebroadrangeofissuesanddemandsthatfoodsovereigntyencompasses:

1.FocusesonFoodforPeople:Foodsovereigntyputspeople,includingthosewhoarehungry,underoccupation,inconflictzonesandmarginalized,atthecentreoffood,agriculture,livestockandfisheriespolicies,ensuringsufficient,healthyandculturallyappropriatefoodforallindividuals,peoplesandcommunities;andrejectsthepropositionthatfoodisjustanothercommodityorcomponentforinternationalagri-business.

2.ValuesFoodProviders:Foodsovereigntyvaluesandsupportsthecontributions,andrespectstherights,ofwomenandmen,peasantsandsmallscalefamilyfarmers,pastoralists,artisanalfisherfolk,forestdwellers,indigenouspeoplesandagriculturalandfisheriesworkers,includingmigrants,whocultivate,grow,harvestandprocessfood;andrejectsthosepolicies,actionsandprogrammesthatundervaluethem,threatentheirlivelihoodsandeliminatethem.

3.LocalisesFoodSystems:Foodsovereigntybringsfoodprovidersandconsumersclosertogether;putsprovidersandconsumersatthecentreofdecision-makingonfoodissues;protectsfoodprovidersfromthedumpingoffoodandfoodaidinlocalmarkets;protectsconsumersfrompoorqualityandunhealthyfood,inappropriatefoodaidandfoodtaintedwithgeneticallymodifiedorganisms;andresistsgovernancestructures,agreementsandpracticesthatdependonandpromoteunsustainableandinequitableinternationaltradeandgivepowertoremoteandunaccountablecorporations.

4.PutsControlLocally:Foodsovereigntyplacescontroloverterritory,land,grazing,water,seeds,livestockandfishpopulationsonlocalfoodprovidersandrespectstheirrights.Theycanuseandsharetheminsociallyandenvironmentallysustainablewayswhichconservediversity;itrecognizesthatlocalterritoriesoftencrossgeopoliticalbordersandensurestherightoflocalcommunitiestoinhabitandusetheirterritories;itpromotespositiveinteractionbetweenfoodprovidersindifferentregionsandterritoriesandfromdifferentsectorsthathelpsresolveinternalconflictsorconflictswithlocalandnationalauthorities;andrejectstheprivatisationofnaturalresourcesthroughlaws,commercialcontractsandintellectualpropertyrightsregimes.

5.BuildsKnowledgeandSkills:Foodsovereigntybuildsontheskillsandlocalknowledgeoffoodprovidersandtheirlocalorganisationsthatconserve,developandmanagelocalisedfoodproductionandharvestingsystems,developingappropriateresearchsystemstosupportthisandpassingonthiswisdomtofuturegenerations;andrejectstechnologiesthatundermine,threatenorcontaminatethese,e.g.geneticengineering.

6.WorkswithNature:Foodsovereigntyusesthecontributionsofnatureindiverse,lowexternalinputagroecologicalproductionandharvestingmethodsthatmaximisethecontributionofecosystemsandimproveresilienceandadaptation,especiallyinthefaceofclimatechange;itseekstohealtheplanetsothattheplanetmayhealus;and,rejectsmethodsthatharmbeneficialecosystemfunctions,thatdependonenergyintensivemonoculturesandlivestockfactories,destructivefishingpracticesandotherindustrialisedproductionmethods,which

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damagetheenvironmentandcontributetoglobalwarming.(NyéléniForum2007,39)

ElsewhereIhaveanalyzedindetailthegenealogiesofthefoodsovereigntyconceptandtheattimesshiftingandcontradictorypremisesofitsadvocates(Edelman2014;Edelmanetal.2014).Inoted,amongotherthings,thattheideaandthephraseoriginatednotwithLaVíaCampesinainthemid-1990s,asdozensofscholarlyandactivistwritingsonfoodsovereigntymistakenlymaintain,butwithMexicangovernmentprogramsmorethantenyearsbefore1.Ifurtherpointedoutthatdespitetheclaimsofitsproponentsthatfoodsovereigntyandfoodsecurityarelockedina“globalconflict”(Schanbacher2010),definitionsoffoodsovereigntyfrequentlyoverlappedwiththoseof“foodsecurity,”aconceptthatcriticsfrequentlyderideasoverlytechnocraticandquantitative,sinceitrefersmainlytoadequacyofsupplieswithoutsayinganythingabouthoworbywhomthefoodisproduced.Finally,Iarguedthatfoodsovereigntyadvocateshadbeenlargelysilentaboutfourkeyissuesbearingonthepracticalimplementationoftheirpoliticalproject:(1)thequestionofwhoisthe“sovereign”andwhatisthegeographicallocusoffoodsovereignty(thestate,aregionorthepeople,forexample);(2)theroleofsmallholdingagriculturalistswhocultivatecashcropsforexport(coffee,tea,cacao,etc.);(3)thekindsofinstitutionsrequiredtolocalizeproduction,controlmarketforcesandlimitfirmandfarmsizeandlongdistancetrade;and(4)theroleofdeeplyrootedconsumerpreferencesintheGlobalNorthforproductsgrownintheGlobalSouth—whatusedtobecalled“dessertcrops”—someofwhichareluxuries(e.g.,chocolate,pineappleormacadamianuts)andothersofwhichhavearguablybecomenecessities(caffeineincoffeeandtea).Iinitiatedmy2014polemicwiththedisclaimerthat

thescepticalobservationsthatfollowareofferedinaspiritofdeepsympathyandsolidaritywiththefoodsovereigntyproject,whichcanonlyadvancefurtherifitsproponentssharpentheircriticalfocusandacknowledgehowdauntingthechallengesare.(Edelman2014,960)

Inanepigraphtothesamepaper,IalsoinvokedthewordsofthatbrilliantsocialscientistAlbertHirschman,whoremarkedin1995that“criticizingone’sfriendsismoredemandingandthereforemoreinterestingthantoexposeonceagaintheboringerrorsofone’sadversaries”(Hirschman1995,58).Bothofthesecaveatsarerelevantagainhere,forinthepresentpaperIintendtoraisesomedelicatequestionsabouttheimplementationoffoodsovereignty.

Ecuador:apropitioussiteforfoodsovereignty?

1Inapersonalcommunication(September21,2016),DavidBarkin,whoparticipatedinaMexicangovernmentdelegationtotheFAOinthe1980s,hasconfirmedthisandprovidedmanynewdetails,suggestingaswellthatdirectantecedentsoffoodsovereignty—atleasttheconcept,ifnotthewords—maybetracedbacktotheagrarianreformofthe1930sunderPresidentLázaroCárdenas.

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Whatdoesallthismobilizingandtheorizingaboutfoodsovereigntymeanontheground?In2008,Ecuadorbecameoneofthefirstcountriestofullyincorporate“foodsovereignty”intoitsconstitution,declaringit“astrategicgoalandastateobligation”(Ecuador2008,Articles13,281).ThisconstitutionalizationoffoodsovereigntyreflectedthemassivepowerofEcuadoriansocialmovements,especiallytheindigenousandcampesinoorganizationsthathadplayedkeyrolesintopplingthreepresidents,AbdaláBucaramin1997,JamilMahuadin2000andLucioGutiérrezin20052.SomeofthesemovementshadformalandinformaltiestoLaVíaCampesina,whichhadbeguntoenthusiasticallypromotefoodsovereigntyin1996,soitwasnotsurprisingthattheideabegantogaintractionintheEcuadoriancontext(Clark2017).

RafaelCorreawaselectedpresidentin2006andtookofficein2007,usheringinwhathecalleda“Citizen’sRevolution”(“RevoluciónCiudadana”).Evenbeforetheelection,CorreasignedapactwiththeMesaAgraria,acoalitionoffourpeasantorganizations,andcommittedhisgovernmenttoinitiatingan“AgrarianRevolution”(“RevoluciónAgraria”)thatincludedapromiseofworkingtowardfoodsovereignty(Giunta2014;Henderson2017).Withsubstantialinputfromindigenousandothercivilsocietymovements,aconstituentassemblydraftedanewconstitution,whichwasapprovedin2008(Becker2011).Itwasthisdocumentthatenshrinedfoodsovereigntyas“astateobligation,”aswellasothernovelprovisions,suchasguaranteeingthe“rightsofnature”andrecognizingtheplurinationalcharacterofEcuadoriansocietyandthestate.ThenewstatestructureinvolvedamajorexpansionofthepublicsectorandanofficialcommitmenttoservingcitizensandimplementinganationaldevelopmentplanaimedatrealizingwhatinKichwaistermed“SumakKawsay”orinSpanish“Buenvivir,”roughly“GoodLiving”or“LivingWell,”aconceptwithdeeprootsinindigenousAndeancultures(Fatheuer2011;GarcíaÁlvarez2016;Villalba2013).Simplydefined,BuenViviris

thewayoflifethatpermitshappinessandthecontinuityofculturalandenvironmentaldiversity;itisharmony,equality,equityandsolidarity.Itisnotthesearchforopulenceorinfiniteeconomicgrowth.(Ecuador2013,13).3

Amoresubtle,lessbureaucraticandperhapsliteraltranslationofSumakKawsaymightbe“plenitudeoflife”(“plenituddevida”)4.Andthis“plenitude”or“fullness”iswidelyunderstoodasincludingthestrengtheningofsocialandsolidarybondswithinandbetweencommunitiesandterritories.

TheBuenVivirguidingprinciple—withitscelebrationofno-growtheconomics(Hamilton2004),egalitarianism,plurinationality,community,sociality,solidarityandbiodiversity—wouldseemanaturalcomplementtofoodsovereignty,

2Inthe2005uprisingagainstGutiérrez,anerstwhileindigenousmovementally,urbanmiddle-classsectorsalsoplayedaveryimportantrole.3“laformadevidaquepermitelafelicidadylapermanenciadeladiversidadculturalyambiental;esarmonía,igualdad,equidadysolidaridad.Noesbuscarlaopulencianielcrecimientoeconómicoinfinito.”4AccordingtoGarcíaÁlvarez(2016,39),“elsumakkawsayutilizadoenEcuadorempiezacon:sumak,quesignifica;plenitud,sublime,excelente,magnífico,hermoso(s),superior,integral,simbióticoyholístico.Ycontinúacon:kawsay,significa:vida,ser-estando,estar-siendo,conlocualsutraducciónliteralsería:‘plenituddevida’,aunqueformalmenteselotraducecomo,‘buenvivir’,talcomolorecogelaConstitucióndelaRepúblicadelEcuadorde2008.”

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althoughasamodelforpracticalpolicyitisequallyvagueandpolysemous,ifnotmoreso.5Thisveryimprecision,alongwithitsallegedlymillenarianindigenouspedigree,nodoubtmadeSumakKawsayapoliticallyattractiveandexpedientsloganforapopulistpoliticalprojectcharacterizedfromitsinceptionbyintractablecontradictions.

InCorrea’sfirstyearinoffice,inaspeechbeforetheUnitedNationsGeneralAssembly,heofferedtoleaveinthegroundthe20percentofEcuador’spetroleumreservesthatlayundertheAmazonianregionofYasuníasacontributiontoreducinggreenhousegasemissions.TheoneconditionwasthatthecountrieshistoricallyresponsibleforthemajorityofemissionsprovideEcuadorcompensationof$3.5billionover13years,approximatelyone-halfofwhatitwouldreceiveifitexploitedthosedeposits(LeQuang2013).Thisproposal,basedinpartontheconceptof“ecologicaldebt,”atermedcoinedbyChileaneconomistsintheearly1990s(RobletoA.andMarcelo1992)inthelead-uptotheRioEarthSummitandadoptedbytheEcuadoriancivilsocietyorganizationAcciónEcológica(2000),metwithanindifferentreceptionindeveloped-countrycapitals.EventuallyEcuadorproceededwithfurtherdrillingandextractioninYasuní,threateningtheterritoriesofseveralindigenouspeoples,includingtwo(theTagaeriandTaromename)heretoforelivinginvoluntaryisolation6.Theecologicaldebt,asubsetofwhatotherscholarscalled“ecologicalunequalexchange,”isofcourseacounter-hegemonicconceptintendedtoinvertmainstreamassumptionsaboutthefinancialdebtthatGlobalSouthcountriesowetobanks,governmentsandmultilateralorganizationsintheGlobalNorth.ItpositsthatthecountriesoftheSouthare,ineffect,creditorsandthoseoftheNortharehighlyindebtedasaresultoftheirlong-termandmultifacetedpillagingoflessdevelopedcountries(MartínezAlier1997;Rice2009).

EcuadorunderCorreajoinedtheVenezuelan-ledAlternativaBolivarianaparalosPueblosdeNuestraAmérica(ALBA),thoughincontrasttoVenezuelaandBolivia,andnotwithstandingCorrea’sveryconsiderablecharisma,itsgovernmentreliedlessonmassmobilizationandpersonalistleadershipthanontechnocraticmanagementofkeystateinstitutions,incorporationofsignificantmiddle-classsectorsandneo-Keynesian“pumppriming”thatgeneratedemploymentandimprovedlivelihoods(delaTorre2013;Svampa2017).WhilethispapercannotexploreindetailthecontradictorytrendsandpoliciesthatunfoldedduringCorrea’stwotermsaspresident,itshouldsufficetonotethatduringtheearlierpartofhispresidency—2007to2014—thecountryenjoyedanextraordinaryoilpricebonanzathatmadeitpossibletogreatlyincreasethesizeofthepublicsector,aswellasinfrastructurespendingandotherpublicinvestment,withstatespendingnearlyquadruplingduring2007-2015,beforefallingoffinthelasttwoyearsofCorrea’spresidency(seeFigure1).Inaddition,asadollarizedeconomysince2000,Ecuador’sexportsbenefitedfromtheweakdollarthatresultedfromexpansivemonetarypoliciesintheUnitedStatesfollowingthe2008crisis.Theextraordinarilylowinterestratesofthatsameperiod,togetherwithoilrentsthat

5Clark(2017,355)callsit“an empty signifier for state-led development.”6AccordingtoAcciónEcológica(2000,1),“LaDeudaEcológicaeslaobligaciónyresponsabilidadquetienenlospaísesindustrializadosdelNorteconlospaísesdelTercerMundo,porelsaqueoyusufructodesusbienesnaturales:petróleo,minerales,bosques,biodiversidad,bienesmarinos;acostadelaenergíahumanadesuspueblosydeladestrucción,devastación,ycontaminacióndesupatrimonionaturalyfuentesdesustento”(originalemphasis).

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grewbyover10percenteachyear,madeitpossibletocarryalargerdebtburdenandopenedupaccesstonewsourcesoffinance,notablyfromChinaandfromregionalmultilateralssuchastheCorporaciónAndinadeFomento(CAF)andtheFondoLatinoamericanodeReservas(FLAR)(HidalgoPallaresandHurtadoPérez2016).

Manyoftheseadvantagesevaporatedbeginninginmid-2014,whenoilpricesplummeted.AsAndrésMalamudarguedinarecentcritique,afterthecollapseofoil,“nohaypetroprogresismoqueaguante….

Inalessdramaticway,theriseandfall[ofoil]isrepeatedwiththeothercommodities.Forfifteenyears,SouthAmericarefutedthecurseofRaúlPrebisch,thatthetermsoftrade—thedifferencebetweentherelativepricesofexportsandimports—wouldsufferaseculardeterioration.Insteadtheyimproved.Theperipheryexploitedthecenter,whichhadmiserablegrowthrates.Buttheemergenceofthethirdworldwasnotaconsequenceofitsliberationbutratherofanewdependence.BehindthefantasticpriceswastheriseofChina,whichwasbothmassive(one-fifthoftheworldpopulationjoiningtheglobalmarket)anddizzying(itsannualgrowthwasaround10percent).Butitwasn’tdiversified.TheresurgenceofLatinAmericawasthusbasedonarenewalofprimaryproductexports,whichwasequivalenttotherelativedeindustrialization[ofitseconomies].(Malamud2017)7

ThisrenewedrelianceonprimaryproductexportsandChineseinvestment,togetherwiththeotherelementsofthefavorable2007-2014contextoutlinedabove(cheapcredit,weakdollar,etc.),nonethelessproducedgenuinelysignificantsocialgains8.Boththeboomingeconomyandtargetedgovernmentprogramscontributedtodramaticdeclinesinoverallandextremepoverty(seeTable1).Overallsocialspending,whichincludedcashtransferprograms—notablytheBonodeDesarrolloHumanothatnowprovidespoorhouseholdswithUS$50permonth—morethantripledduring2007-2016(seeFigure2).DuringtheoilbonanzaperiodEcuadoralsohadoneofthehighestratesofwagegrowthinLatinAmerica(seeFigure3).TherapidconstructionofanextensivemodernhighwaynetworkbecametheCorreaadministration’ssignatureinfrastructureproject,toutedonroadsidebillboardsthatboasted“¡Tenemoscarreterasdeprimera...Tenemospatria!”

Itwasnotjusttheeconomic,politicalandnormativecontextthatfavoredafoodsovereigntyproject.Endowedwithanextraordinaryvarietyofphysicalenvironments,manywithrichsoilsandabundantwater,Ecuador’srelatively

7Conmenosdramatismo,elaugeylacaídaserepiteparalasdemáscommodities.Durantequinceaños,SudaméricadesmintiólamaldicióndeRaúlPrebisch:lostérminosdeintercambio(esdecir,ladiferenciadeprecioentreexportacioneseimportaciones)nosedeteriorabansinoquemejoraban.Laperiferiaexplotabaalcentro,quecrecíaatasasmíseras.Perolaemergenciadeltercermundonofueconsecuenciadelaliberaciónsinodeunanuevadependencia:pordetrásdelosfantásticospreciosestabaelascensochino,quefuesimultáneamentemasivo(unquintodelapoblaciónmundialseincorporóalmercadoglobal)yvertiginoso(sutasadecrecimientoanualrondóel10%).Peronofuediversificado.Así,elresurgimientodeAméricaLatinasebasóenlareprimarizaciónproductiva,queequivalióadesindustrializaciónrelativa.(Malamud2017)8PublicinvestmentandChinesefinanceareclearlylinked.AsCorreaindicatedinNovember2016,whenChinesePremierXiJinpingvisitedEcuador,“ElfinanciamientochinonoshapermitidoserelpaísdeAméricaLatinaconmayorinversiónpública”(HidalgoFlor2017).

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modestsizeofslightlylessthan300,000km2anditssuperbnewhighwaynetworkalsomadethecountryafavorablesitefortherealizationoffoodsovereignty(CarriónandHerrera2012;LacroixandHidalgo2013).Iffoodsovereigntyispossibleanywhere,itoughttobepossiblehere.Ecuadoristhusanidealcaseforexaminingtheconstructionandimplementationoffoodsovereigntylegalnormsandpolicies,aswellastheobstaclesthatstandintheirway(Wittman,Desmarais,andWiebe2010).

The2014collapseincommoditypricesandgovernmentrevenuesfromoil,mineralsandexportagriculture,however,hadconsequencesthataffecttheviabilityofthefoodsovereigntyproject.Increasingly,statedevelopmentplansemphasizethe“transformaciondelamatrizproductiva,”whichtheysayinvolvesbolsteringthemanufacturing,exportagricultureandservicesectors.Butthegovernmentandthebusinessesalliedwithithavenonethelessintensifiedthesearchfornewsourcesofforeignexchangederivedfromextractiveactivities,attemptingtocompensateforlowpriceswithincreasesinvolume.Followingthesamelogic,thegovernmentincreasinglybacksinvestmentinhigh-value-addedexport-orientedagriculture9,includingso-called“flexcrops,”suchasAfricanoilpalm,soyandsugarcane(Alonso-Fradejasetal.2016;HidalgoPallaresandHurtadoPérez2016).Bothtendenciesmeantthatthepressureonthelandsofpeasant,indigenousandAfro-descendentcommunitieshascontinuedunabatedandinsomecasesevenworsened.

Theinstitutionalizationoffoodsovereigntyanditslimits

ScholarshiponfoodsovereigntyinEcuadorhasexpandedexponentiallyinthelastfewyears(CarriónandHerrera2012;Clark2015;Giunta2014;Henderson2017;McKay,Nehring,andWalsh-Dilley2014;Muñoz2010;Peña2015).Itisnotmyintentionheretoexploretheinstitutionalizationprocessindetail,butrathertoshiftthefocusofthediscussionfromtheusualconcernwithlegalnormsanddevelopmentprojectstothepersistentasymmetriesinEcuador’sruralsectorthatinthepastthreeyearsareexacerbatedbytheoilpricedeclineandtheextractivistbasisofEcuadorianpopulism.Attheriskofgreatlyoversimplifying,theinstitutionalizationprocesshasproceededasfollows:

1. In2008,theconstituentassemblyincludesfoodsovereigntyinthenewconstitutionas“astrategicgoalandastateobligation”(Ecuador2008,Articles13,281).

2. In2009theNationalAssemblyapprovedtheLORSA(LeyOrgánicadelRegimendeSoberaníaAlimentaria).Afterapresidentialvetoofseveralprovisions,thelawwaspassedinamendedformin2010.LORSAincludedimportantprovisionsonaccesstowater,landandcapital,biodiversityandnativeseeds,researchand“diálogodesaberes,”agroecology,associativemicroenterprises,andmarketing,amongothers(EcuadorGobierno2010). 9AmongMAGAP’sprogramsaimedatpeasantsare:thePrograma de Negocios Inclusivos Rurales (PRONERI), which encourages small enterprise development;theProgramSocioSiembra,whichprovidesdirectsubsidiesforthepurchaseofagrochemicals;theUreaDonationProgram(DotacióndeUrea),whichprovidesimportedureatosmallproducersatconcessionaryprices;theProgramadeCompetitividadAgropecuariayDesarrolloRuralSostenible(CADERS),whichseekstoraiseproductivitythroughbetterwateruse,toencourageproducers’associationsandlinkthemtoprocessingenterprisesandtoidentifysourcesofcreditandinsurance;andvariousothercredit,insuranceandtechnologytransferprograms(MAGAPEcuador2016,1:366–69).

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3. Article32ofLORSAcreatedtheConferenciaPlurinacionaleInterculturaldeSoberaníaAlimentaria(COPISA),anorganizationundertheMinistryofAgriculture(MAGAP)mandatedwithmakingrecommendationstothenationalgovernment,forgingagreementswithlocalgovernmentsanddraftingninelawsthatwereineffectfoodsovereigntyenablinglegislation.Theselawwereon:(1)landandproductiveresources;(2)artisanalfishing,aquacultureandmangrovefisheries;(3)seedsandagrobiodiversity;(4)ancestralterritoriesandcommunalproperty;(5)foodsafety;(6)agro-industrialdevelopmentandagriculturalworkers;(7)credits,subsidiesandinsurance;(8)nutritionalandconsumerhealth;and(9)marketing10.Between2010and2012,COPISAdraftedallninelaws,withsignificantinputfromcitizensinallpartsofthecountry.Onlyonehasbeenapproved,however,thelawonlandandproductiveresources,anditseverelypenalizeslandoccupationsandiswidelyviewedasprotectinglargelandedproperty.Thewaterlaw,notdraftedbyCOPISAbutviewedasaddressingissueswithinitspurview,limitscollectiveorcommunityownershipofirrigationsystems,provisionsthatruralactivistsandindigenousgroupsfindobjectionable(HerreraRevelo2017).Thedraftlawonseedsandbiodiversity,currentlyunderdiscussionintheNationalAssembly,declaresthatseedsandplantgermplasmare“patrimonyofthenation,”aclaimthatindigenousactivistsvigorouslyopposesincetheybelieveeitherthatseedsarethepatrimonyofhumanityasawholeand/orthattheruralcommunitiesthatdevelopednativeseedsovermillenniacouldbedeprivedofthebenefitsharingtowhichtheyareentitledunderinternationallaw(specificallythe1992ConventiononBiologicalDiversityandits2011NagoyaProtocol).

4. LORSA(Article31)alsocreatedtheSistemadeSoberaníaAlimentariayNutricional(SISAN)toelaborateproposalsgeneratedbybothcivilsocietygroupsanddifferentlevelsofgovernmentthatwouldthenbepassedontoappropriategovernmentministries.Nevertheless,theactualconformationoftheSISANonlyoccurredinlate201511.

5. InitiallytheMinistryofAgriculturesetupanextensiontrainingprogramdirectedatsmall-scaleproducersandcalledtheEscuelasdelaRevoluciónAgraria(ERAs),thoughthesewerealmostmoribundafterthreeorfouryearsandwerewidelyviewedasapartisanpoliticalinstitutionthatencouragedpeasantdependenceonstatelargess(Daza2015,12;CarriónandHerrera2012,79;Giunta2014,1219).

TheasymmetriesofpowerandinfluencebetweenthefoodsovereigntyprojectandEcuador’straditionalandnon-traditionalformsofconventionalagricultureareimmediatelyevidentinthebuildinginQuitothathousesboththeMinistryofAgriculture(MAGAP)andtheCOPISA,themaininstitutionchargedwithimplementingfoodsovereignty.ThetoweringMAGAPbuildingisoneofthetaller

10 Ley Orgánica de tierras y territorios, Ley Orgánica de pesca, acuacultura y manglares, Ley Orgánica de comunas, Ley Orgánica de agrobiodiversidad, semillas y fomento a la agroecología, Ley Orgánica de sanidad animal y vegetal, Ley Orgánica de agroindustria y empleo agrícola, Ley Orgánica de crédito y subsidios, Ley Orgánica de comercio y abastecimiento, Ley Orgánica de consumo y salud alimentaria

11InterviewwithAlbertoZambrano,COPISA,26July2016.

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edificesinearthquake-proneQuitoandishometoalargeministry.IfitisindeedthecasethatafewoftheMAGAP’sprogramsareorientedtowardsmallproducers,agroecologicalproductionandstrengtheninglocalmarkets,allkeyaspectsoffoodsovereignty,itisalsotruethattheoverwhelmingmajorityofitseffortsandbudgetsupporthighinput,large-scaleindustrialexport-orientedagriculture.MAGAP’soverallbudgetin2015wasapproximately$356million(MAGAPEcuador2016,1:216).Andthisdoesnottakeintoaccountthehugedirectandindirectsubsidiesfortheagroindustrialsector,suchasfavorabletariffsonimportedinputsandmachinery,infrastructureconstructionandcreditflows,amongmanyothers.

COPISA’sofficesaresqueezedintoasmallmezzaninebetweenthefirstandsecondfloorsoftheMAGAPbuilding.Theinstitutionhasapayrollof28employees,includingadriverandtheconciergeresponsibleforcleaningandmaintainingtheoffices.Itsstructureappearssuperficiallylikeaclassicallycorporatistorganization,sinceitisledbynineconferencistasorrepresentativesofdifferentcivilsocietysectors:indigenous,Afro-Ecuadorians,andMontubios(peasantsofthePacificcoastalregion,consideredanethnicgroup,thoughnota“nationality”);consumers;smallandmedium-sizeproducers;smallandmedium-sizeagriculturalists;smallandmedium-sizelivestockproducers;artisanalfishersandgatherers(recolectores);aquaculturesector;peasantsandirrigators;anduniversities,technicalschoolsandresearchcenters.Therepresentativesarechosenthroughconcursosorcompetitionsinwhichdifferentaccomplishmentsorattributesareassignedpoints,muchasoccurswithacademicjobsearchesinmostcountriesinLatinAmerica.Itthusdiffersfromtypicalcorporatistarrangementswhereappointmentstopublicsectorpositionstendtobebasedonclientelism.TheotheremployeesofCOPISAincludeseventechnicalpersonnelandadditionalsupportstaff.COPISAisbothadependencyoftheMinistryofAgricultureandalsosignificantlyautonomousinasmuchasitmanagesitsownbudget12.Thatbudget,in2015,wasprecisely$1,096,587,andin2016itwasslightlyunder$1million(COPISA2016,16)13.

Irecognizethatthequestionthatfiguresasthetitleofthispaper—“Howmuchfoodsovereigntycanyougetforonemilliondollars?”—couldbeconsideredaprovocation.ItisnotexactlythecasethattheEcuadoriangovernmentspendsonly$1millionannuallytorealizeitsconstitutionalobligationtobringfoodsovereigntytothecountryandthattheMAGAPspends350timesasmuchonconventionalagriculture.SomeoftheprogramsoftheMAGAPalsoaimatobjectivesthatarepartofanyfoodsovereigntyprogram.ButthesameAgricultureMinistrythatinitiatedthesekindsofprogramsinveststhelion’sshareofitsbudgetincoastalprovinceswhereagoindustrialproductionisdominant(Clark2015).Thus,forexample,Ecuador’sproductionofAfricanpalmvaultedfrom1.8millionmetrictonsin2007to4.1milliontonsin2015,sugarcanejumpedinthesameperiodfrom6.5to10.1milliontonsandyellowmaize(usedforfeedconcentratesandcalledmaízduroinEcuador)from900,000to1.8milliontons(HidalgoFlor2017).COPISAhasbeenadeptatleveragingitsscantfundsby

12InterviewwithZambrano.13The2016estimateisfrominterviewswithRuthPeñafiel,COPISA,26July2016,andPedroAldaz,COPISA,31August2016.

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partneringwithprovincialandlocalgovernments,othernationalgovernmentagencies,universitiesandpeasantorganizations,buttherewereonly20suchagreementsin2015.Typicallytheyinvolveplanstoholdlocalconsultativeforumstoidentifyanddevelopfoodsovereigntymeasures.

Conclusion

Ecuadoralreadyproducesaverysubstantialportionofthefooditspopulationsconsumes,withestimatesrangingfrom70to97percent(HidalgoFlor2017;Daza2017).Yetthesituationofitsruralpopulationisstillprecariousinmanyrespects.Thefailuretoapprovefoodsovereigntyenablinglegislationandtochannelresourcestothefoodsovereigntyprojectreflectsnotonlydisregardforaconstitutional“stateobligation”butalsoanimpasseandalackofpoliticalcoherenceintheEcuadorianstate.Theconstitution“obliges”thestatetobackfoodsovereigntymeasures,suchasincentivesforsmall-scale,agroecologicalproducerstoprovisionlocalmarkets.Yetmoststateresourcesforagricultureareallocatedtoagribusinesssectors.Scholarssometimesframecontradictionssuchastheseas“policyincoherence.”Theyusuallyapplythistermtocasesofdevelopmentassistanceinwhichdonorcountriesmight,forexample,backextensionprogramsforsmallproducerswhilesimultaneouslyimposingatraderegimethatglutsmarkets,lowerspricesandundermineslivelihoodsforthosesameproducers.Increasingly,scholarsacknowledgethatthesourcesof“policyincoherence”areoftenfoundindeveloping-countrystatesaswellasindonorcountries(Ashoff2013).Thisframeworksuggeststhatfactorsinfluencingwhereonthecoherence-incoherencecontinuumparticularcountriesmayendupinclude:(1)thecomplexityofdevelopmentprocesses;(2)lackofinformation;(3)theorganizationofthepolicy-makingsystem;and(4)divergentpoliticalinterests.

Iwouldproposeinsteadthattheseemingcontradictionsoffoodandagriculturepolicyintoday’sEcuador—andthefragilefoodsovereigntyprojectthere—mightbebetterunderstoodasreflectionsofbroadercontradictionsofthe“Citizens’Revolution,”initiatedbyRafaelCorreain2007andthatwillnowbecarriedforwardbyhishandpickedsuccessorLenínMoreno,electedpresidentonApril2,2017.Moreno’selectiongoesagainstthetideintheregion,wheretheleftpopulismssuffereddecisivereversesinArgentina,Brazil,Honduras,andParaguayandlessdefinitiveonesinBoliviaandVenezuela.InEcuador,apparently,toparaphraseandinvertAndrésMalamud’scommentquoteabove,“síhaypetroprogresismoqueaguanta.”

Butatwhatcost?Correa’stwotermsinvolveddeeplytroublingtendenciesthatthreaten,soonerorlater,toundermineEcuador’ssignificantsocialadvances,ifonlybecausetheyfacilitatetheterritorialadvanceofandimpedeprotestagainstavoraciousandultimatelydoomedextractivism—doomedbothbecauseitdependsonnonrenewableresourcesandbecauseitraisesgreenhousegasemissionsthatsoonerorlaterwillinevitablyrunupagainstenvironmentalandlegallimits.Thesetroublingtendenciesinclude:(1)frequentconflictswith,attacksonandoccasionalseizuresofmasscommunicationsmediaandthecreationofa

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systemofstate-runmediathatnarrowlyprojectsadministrationviewsandauthoritarianclaimsandrarelyprovidesspaceforcriticalvoices(Cerbino2016;delaTorre2013,2017);(2)amarkedcentralizationofpowerintheexecutivebranch(HerreraRevelo2017)andarelativeabsenceofchecksonpresidentialpowerandofaccountabilitymechanismsfortheexecutivebranch,eventhoughthesehavebecomepervasivethroughouttherestofthesprawlingbureaucracy;(3)acomplicatedandlargelysuccessfulefforttodisarticulateandattimesabsorbtheprogressivesocialmovementsandpoliticalpartiesthatcontributedtotherisetopowerandinstitutionalizationoftheRevoluciónCiudadana(Clark2017);(3)aconcertedcriminalizationofsocialprotestthathasincludedarbitraryarrests,dubiousjudicialproceedingsandexpulsionsofpoliticalasylumseekersandforeignscholar-activists;(4)effortstocircumscribe,co-optorclose—withthepretextoffomentingauniformandfirst-ratesystemofeducation—thebilingualschoolsthatformanyruralcommunitiesconstitutedanimportantlocusoftheiridentityandculturalreproduction(MartínezNovo2016);(5)aconsolidationofsupportfromsignificantsectionsofthenon-financialbourgeoisiefortheRevoluciónCiudadana,largelybecauseprivateenterpriseisoneofthemainbeneficiariesoftechnocraticKeynesianism;and(6)attemptstocloseimportantenvironmentalandothernon-governmentalorganizations,mostrecentlyAcciónEcológica¸thathavestoodinthewayoftheexpansionofpetroleumandotherextractivistenterprisesintoindigenousterritories.TherecentandultimatelyunsuccessfulcampaigntoshutterAcciónEcológicaisespeciallyironic,sinceitwaspreciselythisorganizationthatprovidedthemainargumentsforCorreawhenheattemptedtopersuadethecountriesoftheGlobalNorthtopayEcuadorforleavingtheoilintheground,underneaththeYasuní.

There’sabiggerproblemherethathastodowiththeresponsibilityofprogressiveintellectuals.OneofthemoststrikingimpressionsIcarriedawayfrombeinginEcuadorin2016wasofconstantencounterswithrecentlyarrivedVenezuelans—waiters,barbers,refrigeratorrepairmen,drivers.TheyweremostlyvociferousintheiroppositiontothecollapsingBolivarianexperimentintheircountryandtheyall,withoutexception,spokeoffleeingfoodshortagesandhunger.Venezuela,likeEcuador,hasfoodsovereigntyinitsconstitution(Schiavoni2015).

Proponentsoftoday’snewLeftpopulismsinLatinAmericahavedevotedremarkablylittleattentiontounderstandingwhatwentwrongwithwhatusedtobecalledactuallyexistingsocialism,tootherheterodoxLeftexperimentsoreventothemyriadproblemsofcontemporaryCuba,whichinthevisionofsomuchoftheLatinAmericanLeftremainsinacategoryofitsown—admired,heroic,notsubject(atleastinpublic)tocriticalscrutiny.Inotherwords,theLeft—andthisincludesmanypopulistsofLatinAmerica’sreceding“pinktide”—oftenfailedtolearnfromitsownhistory.Tociteonesmallexample,whyhastheadministrationofVenezuelanPresidentNicolásMaduroinsistedonmaintainingasystemofmultiplecurrencyexchangeratesthatcreatedalargeclassofinstantmillionairesenrichedthroughfalseinvoicingschemesandspeculationindollar-denominatedbonds(Astarita2017),whileatthesametimeimpoverishingandenragingthemasses?TheVenezuelanscouldhavelearnedsomethingfromtheexperienceof

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theSandinistasinNicaraguaoreventhesocialdemocratsinCostaRicaorintheirowncountry(e.g.,duringtheLusinchiadministration),whoalltriedthesamethingwithcatastrophicresults.

Wecouldsaythatfoodsovereigntyandextractivismareinadelicatedanceorevenadeathembrace.Thosefoodsovereigntyadvocateswhofavorstateinvolvementintheprojectneedtoaskwhystateresourceshavebeensoscantandwhetherafoodsovereigntyprojectiscompatibleandcanco-exist,perhapsindefinitely,withindustrial,large-scaleandfrequentlyexport-orientedagricultureandwithsubstantialimportsofstaples(e.g.,wheat)andevenluxuryfoodsconsumedbythemiddleandupperclasses.Theyneedtoscrutinizethedifferencebetweenpro-formaconsultationsandgenuinedemocraticparticipationintheconstructionandimplementationoflocal-orregional-levelfoodsovereigntyprograms.Thosewhoescheworrejectstateinvolvementandseektobuildfoodsovereigntyonlyfromthebottomup,inlocalitiesandregions,asisthecasewiththeremnantsofEcuador’soncemassiveindigenousmovement,requirepoliticalspace,respectforculturaldifferenceandgenuineterritorialautonomy,allofwhichseemtobeincompatiblewiththeintensifyingextractivismoftheCitizens’Revolution.

TodayproponentsofthenewLeftpopulismsfrequentlymanifestdenialorspoutrationalizationsabouttheintensifyingauthoritarianismandthedisastrouseconomicsituationinVenezuela(Lander2017;Svampa2017),evenastheyuncriticallyhailtheuntilnowmuchmoresuccessfulBolivarianprojectinEcuador(Grandin2017;Weisbrot2017).Thislackofcriticalreflectionisanabdicationofintellectualandpoliticalresponsibility.Itisoflittlehelptoprogressivepoliticalprojectsthataregrapplingwithmassiveinternalandexternalcontradictionsandthatpoliticallyandinotherwaysarenotinfinitelysustainable.Italsosetsthestageforfuturedisappointmentsandsetbacks,somethingthatinthisterriblemomentinhistorywecanillafford.

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Table1

Figure1

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Source:MinisteriodeFinanzas,Ecuador,https://es.slideshare.net/elazambranodiaz/generalidades-del-presupuesto-general-del-estado

Figure2

Source:MinisteriodeFinanzas,Ecuador,https://es.slideshare.net/elazambranodiaz/generalidades-del-presupuesto-general-del-estado

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Figure3

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NazioartekoHizketaldiaELIKADURARENETORKIZUNAETANEKAZARITZARENERRONKAKXXI.MENDERAKO:

Munduanork,nolaetazer-nolakoinplikaziosozial,ekonomikoetaekologikorekinelikatukoduenizangodaeztabaidagaia

InternationalColloquiumTHEFUTUREOFFOODANDCHALLENGESFORAGRICULTUREINTHE21stCENTURY:

Debatesaboutwho,howandwithwhatsocial,economicandecologicalimplicationswewillfeedtheworld.

April24th-26th.EuropaCongressPalace.VitoriaGasteiz.Álava.BasqueCountry/Europe

ColoquioInternacionalELFUTURODELAALIMENTACIÓNYRETOSDELAAGRICULTURAPARAELSIGLOXXI:

Debatessobrequién,cómoyconquéimplicacionessociales,económicasyecológicasalimentaráelmundo.

ij/ikdeAbril,ilmn.PalaciodeCongresosEuropa.Vitoria-Gasteiz.Álava.PaísVasco.Europa.

GUNTZAILEAK/COLABORAN/COLLABORATINGORGANIZATIONS

LAGUNTZAEKONOMIKOA/APOYAN/WITHSUPPORTFROM

2017koapirilaren24/26.EuropaBiltzarJauregia.Vitoria-Gasteiz.Araba.EuskalHerria.Europa.