EDMUNDO MDRAN

El Salvador'sClimate of Terror

It is now eight months since the WhiteWarrior Union announced its bizarrethreat to begin assassinating Jesuits inEl Salvador on July 21. The threatserved to draw some attention to thattiny Central American country just asGen. Humberto Romero was assumingthe Presidency. The fact that twopriests had been killed in March andMay made the threat credible. July 21came and went and the media soonturned to more newsworthy issues."No Jesuits Killed" is not much of astory.

Indeed, the first couple of monthsseemed to bring some letup in therepressive climate that had existed forover half a year. The state of siege waslifted and the press was allowed morefreedom, although, as noted below,the press has served as a basic instru-ment for the powerful. Some populardemonstrations and strikes have beenpermitted. This apparent loosening upseems to satisfy the Carter Administra-tion. Ambassador Ignacio Lozano, apolitical appointee of President Eord,had surprised all by his vigor inpursuing human rights. As a signal ofhis displeasure with the SalvadoranGovernment, President Carter waitedover two months before appointing asuccessor. However, the new ambassa-dor, Frank Devine, is described as a"cold warrior," and both he and theSalvadoran Government are giving theimpression that relations with theUnited States are substantially im-proved.

Yet El Salvador's problems are farfrom solved, and there is increasingpolarization that seems headed forgreater violence. Like it or not, thechurch is involved and will be forcedto make decisions.

When President Romero urged "dia-

logue" with the church, the new Arch-bishop, Oscar Romero (no relation),whom these events have catapultedinto a prophetic role, laid down condi-tions: that arbitrary arrests cease, thatthere be information on political pris-oners, that the situation of exiledpriests be reviewed (seven have beenexiled and eight expelled), that theGovernment use its influence to stopthe public defamation of the church.A further step would then be theformation of a commission to studythe post-Vatican II and post-Medellinpastoral work of the church and itslanguage. No progress has been madeIn any of these areas. Hence, there isno "dialogue."

On November 12, Raúl Molina, awell-known industrialist, was killed inwhat the newspapers called a kidnapattempt by guerrillas. Actually, theindications are that it was more likelya personal crime, but the groups repre-senting the landowners, business andindustry have once again launched apropaganda campaign with ads in thepapers.

A refrain in this campaign is thatthe foundations of the "republicanand democratic" society of El Salva-dor are being undermined by a Com-munist movement and only vigorousaction from the Government can stop

it. Part of the tactic is to lump allopposition together and brand it "ter-rorism": guerrillas, labor and peasantgroups, political parties and churchgroups. These pronouncements accusethe Government of being afraid to act.For example, when the People's Revo-lutionary Bloc peacefully occupied theMinistry of Labor in support of strik-ing workers and to publicize theirdemand for higher agricultural wages,the Government accepted the church'soffer of mediation, which was, in fact,successful inasmuch as the bloc with-drew with no need for violence.

FARO, a landowners' association,says in one communiqué that a "hypo-critical dialectic has been adopted tointerpret the Gospel and invoke JesusChrist in order to justify the crimes,vandalism and atrocities which thegood students of the People's Revolu-tionary Bloc commit." In anotherpiece, they pick up the phrase "mstitu-tionalized violence" from a Jesuit pub-lication and declare that "nowhere atall in the Gospels is anything like th s'institutionalized violence' to befound; on the contrary, Jesus Christ-swhole soul. His whole thought, ever>'-thing about Him . , . is in absoluteopposition to this monstrous newbirth called 'institutionalized vio-lence.' " This interpretation of the

'Without a doubt, there is a climate of terrorismand violence in El Salvador. The ruling classesdefine it as the violence of kidnapping andassassination against them, as well as strikesand demonstrations from workers and peasants.This year, approximately five well known peoplehave been kidnapped and/or killed'

America / February 18, ¡978 11

Gospels is not that of the evangelists,they write, but of "Saint [Marx],because his fanatical followers consid-er him more than a saint." The FAROtheologians do not advert to the factthai the phrase "institutionalized vio-lence" comes from the Latin Americanbishops at Medellin.

Every day, the papers have carriedseveral such statements, and, rightafter Mr. Molina's death, they num-bered in the dozens. Ostensibly, thesegroups are calling for the Governmentto stop being weak, stop bowing to in-ternational pressure and to Jimmy Car-ter ("Cartercommunism") and imposeorder. The coffee exporters' associationmade a reference to "a ruler manyyears ago who made the security,peace and internal order of the Repub-lic a primary and indispensable condi-tion for our country's developmentand prosperity." To Salvadorans, thisis an unambiguous reference to thedictator Maximiliano Hernández Mar-tínez, who, in 1932, massacred peas-ants in numbers estimated as large asfrom 10,000 to 30,000 or even more.

On November 24 the LegislativeAssembly responded to this clamorwith the Law for the Defense andGuarantee of Public Order. Whetherthe propaganda campaign and the lawwere orchestrated together is notknown. Proposed, discussed andpassed unanimously in one day, thelaw grants sweeping powers to theGovernment to combat subversion.Any activity that interferes with pro-duction or public services is illegal. Inshort, no strikes or demonstrations. Itis a crime punishable by Imprisonmentof one to three years to propagate"tendentious or false news or informa-tion aimed at disturbing constitutionalor legal order, the tranquility or securi-ty of the country [or] the economicor monetary system. , . ." Indeed, oneassumes that it would apply to thosewho furnished information for thisarticle. In the prologue to the law, thelegislators cleverly invoke humanrights, although its clear purpose is tosupply a basis in law for suppressinghuman rights.

Without a doubt, there is a climateof terrorism and violence in El Salva-dor. The ruling classes define it as theviolence of kidnapping and assassina-tion against them, as well as strikes

and demonstrations from workers andpeasants. This year, approximately fivewell-known people have been kid-napped and/or killed. Yet, it is notclear how many of these cases arereally the work of guerrillas. There is apersistent belief among the upperclasses themselves, high Governmentofficials and foreign diplomats thatsome of this is simply gangsterismperhaps emanating from rivalries orsimple extortion as a business. Theserumors are supported by a widelycirculated document which informedsources consider an F.B.I, leak. To theupper-class victims of violence shouldbe added perhaps a dozen policemen,guardsmen and members of ORDEN, aGovernment paramilitary group, whohave been killed in armed clashes thisyear.

The situation of peasants in El

Salvador is increasingly desperate.Land and wealth are extremely con-centrated, and the country's agricul-tural production is oriented to exportand profits for a few. Ever morepeasants are landless. In 1961, thenumber was only 30,000, while todayit is 266,000. Today, money buys only38 percent of the beans, com, salt,sugar and other necessities that itbought in 1972, but the minimumwage for a day's agricultural work hasrisen only from $1.28 to $2.40 duringthat time. This year, inflation is esti-mated at 22 percent, but there is nominimum-wage increase for cotton andsugar harvesters.

This situation—"institutionalized vi-olence," pace FARO-is what is moti-vating peasant militancy in strikes andmarches, at personal risk. Many say:"I'd rather die struggling than die of

hunger." While there seems to be ageneral understanding that priests arenot to be killed, repression continues.

Throughout 1977, there have beenreports of peasants, especially leaders,being killed, tortured, threatened andharassed. One source has verified fromfamilies and relatives the cases of 45killed last year by security forces andORDEN, and 26 people who havidisappeared after being picked up bysecurity forces. Sixteen of the killingsand 14 of the disappearances havi-occurred since President Romero tookoffice on July 1, 1977, These lists an-assumed to be incomplete.

A group of Christian communitieswrote a letter to Archbishop Romerodetailing various cases of harassment,including several cases of rape andgang rape by soldiers. One case involved a 10-year-old girl. Both thesecurity forces and ORDEN are activiin this terrorism in the countryside. Insome cases, peasants have retaliated.

Much of this terrorism is aimeddirectly at catechists and leaders olsmall Christian communities. The aimseems to be to eliminate leaders andpossible foci of opposition. Since Ünumber of priests have already had toleave the rural areas, the church'sability to function is being severelyimpeded by this persecution. There arereports that some people have fettobliged to bury, or even burn, theirBibles. In one case the bodies of twocursillistas were found badly mutilat-ed. Although for image reasons, priestsare generally nol being picked up, tht-guardia did torture the Rev. Miguel An-gel Ventura in early November as the)were searching the townspeople in Osi-cala. Later the same month. FatherVentura fled to the United States withanother priest, Leonel Cruz.

In short, while the upper classeshave been subject to violence, whetherfrom guerrillas or gangsters, the basicterrorism is that directed by the stateapparatus against the peasants.

Archdiocesan publications and thechurch's radio stations continue todenounce specific acts of repression.Archbishop Romero laments the vi<vlence directed at the upper classes-hi'preached at the funeral of Raúl Molina—but he seems to see clearly wherethe basic violence lies. Indeed, hisresoluteness seems to derive largely

118 America / February ¡8, Í978

from the constant stream of requestshe gets from the families of the victimsof violence in the rural areas, as well ashis contacts with the situation in hispastoral visits to rural Christian com-munities, many of them now withoutpriests.

Failing to get the church to dia-logue, the Government seems to belooking for ways to neutralize theeffect of this refusal. Not all thebishops agree with Archbishop Ro-mero. One told the Roman synod thatthe young clergy in El Salvador werebeing swayed by Communism, to Ihedelight of the upper classes backhome. President Romero has takenadvantage of some protocol occasionsand religious events to be photo-graphed with the nuncio and some ofthe bishops who seem quite willing tobe so used.

Another tactic is an open door tospiritualistic evangelical sects. Theirrevivals and meetings are given promi-nent play in the newspapers. Interest-ingly, at an ecumenical meeting to dealwith the issues mentioned here, someProtestant and Fvangelical participantswere emphatic in telling Catholics thatthey had not organized a currentevangelical campaign but that it hadbeen arranged directly between a spon-soring organization in the UnitedStates and the Salvadoran Govern-ment.

It should be noted that the church'sstruggle has fallen largely to Archbish-op Romero and the clergy. Christiangroups among the poor are themselvesbeing persecuted and have no access tothe public arena, while middle- andupper-class groups, people who havehad years of Catholic schooling, attendMass regularly and have been membersof church organizations, have beenconspicuously absent, with a handfulof heroic exceptions, either becausethey agree that the clergy and theArchbishop have gotten involved in"politics" or from fear. The oligar-chy's adamant refusal to consider evenminimal reforms and the people's in-creasing desperation seem to point tofurther violence.

[Edmundo Moran is an experiencedobserver of Central America who haslived and worked there. His last con-tribution was "A Witness to Justice"(5/7/77).]

JOHN LANGAN

The Imaginationand Spirituality

of Peter Paul RubensIn Belgium 1977 was the year ofRubens. This small country so richin its artistic heritage has celebratedthe 4Q0th anniversary of the birthof Antwerp's most famous son. OnJune 29, 1577, Peter Paul Rubenswas born near Cologne, where hisparents were living in exile from thereligious strife of Calvinlsts andCatholics and the repressive activitiesof the Spaniards who then ruled theNetherlands.

In addition to the main Rubensexhibition in Antwerp, which drfwover 700,000 visitors, major shows ofRubens's works were held in Vienna,Cologne, Berlin, London and Paris.The extent of the commemorativecelebrations was appropriate to thebreadth of Rubens's fame as a painterof European renown and of his careeras a servant of the wide-ruling Haps-burgs in the 17th century.

Even to this day Rubens remainsvery much a European painter. UnlikeRembrandt, who is comprehensivelyrepresented in American collections,

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especially the Metropolitan in NewYork and the National Gallery inWashington, the great concentrationsof Rubens's work remain in Europe,particularly in Munich, Paris, Madrid,London, Vienna and Antwerp. Despitethe presence of many fine and interest-ing paintings by Rubens In Americanmuseums, it is stilt true that an ade-quate appreciation of the full rangeand boldness of Rubens's art dependson seeing the great European collec-tions.

There can be no doubt that Rubensis often regarded as an embarrassingpainter. His buxom women and hypcr-muscular men seem to belong to analien race, while hi.s allegorical andmythological figures come from anoth-er world; his use of art in the service ofthe Hapsburgs and in defense of Coun-ter-Reformation Catholicism appealsto ideas that seem archaic and tovalues that seem suspect. There can beno denying Rubens's mastery of colorand movement, but his enormous skilloften seems to be in the service ofcauses that are dubious at best. Forthose Americans who have been taughtover the last 30 years to admire theabstract and the informal in painting,Rubens's mastery of the figurative andthe formal is likely to appear irrele-vant. The dissatisfaction and embar-rassment one feels come to a headwhen one confronts in the LouvreRubens's most famous commission,the cycle painted to honor Marie deMediéis, Queen Regent of France.Here a wealth of historical and allegor-ical personages adorn the career and

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