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Working Carers and Societal Well-being: insights from comparative
policy analysis in six countries
Teppo Kröger
International Conference
‘Carers and Work-Care Reconciliation’
University of Leeds
13 August 2013
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Societal well-being
Standard of living vs. quality of lifeObjective vs. subjective indicators (a myriad of domains and individual items)Amartya Sen: freedom & capabilityHappiness studiesA classic definition by the Finnish sociologist Erik Allardt from the 1970s– Having– Loving– Being
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Background: WOCAWO Project
WOCAWO research project (”Working Carers and Caring Workers”, www.jyu.fi/wocawo)Funded originally by the Academy of FinlandIn close co-operation with– Uni of Leeds (UK)– Stockholm Uni (SWE)– Uni of NSW (AUS)– National Yang-Ming Uni et al. (TW)– TMIG et al. (JP)
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Background: WOCAWO Project
Extending discussion on work-family reconciliation from childcare to other care responsibilities– Ageing parents/in-law– Disabled children (non-adult/adult)– Disabled/ill partners
Combining policy document analysis and quantitative and qualitative data to understand policies as well as experiencesMaking comparisons both within and between three welfare regimes
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Population aged 65+ of total population, 1950-2050 (%)
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Employment rates of working age women (15-64), 1970-2010 (%)
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Employment rates of older workers, 1990-2010 (%)
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Megatrends and family care
The global increase of female employment follows the idea of ”adult worker model” whereby every adult is expected to participate in paid workThe same trend is seen in older workersAs a result of the supermegatrend of population ageing, families are at the same time facing larger care responsibilitiesTwo rare commodities at risk: workforce and care!Are welfare states doing anything to secure them??
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The liberal policy response
The UK was the first country to pay policy attention to the needs of carers of adults with care needsCarers were recognised in national policy on taxation and income support in the 1960s and 1970s,They became the subject of official data collection in the 1980s; and In the 1990s and 2000s, they began to acquire limited rights in national social care and employment systems in.
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The liberal policy response
Recently the policy focus in Britain has been clearly on employment rights:– 2002: parents of disabled children gained ‘right
to request’ flexible working.– 2004: LAs must consider carers’ wish to work in
assessments.– 2006: right to request flexible working extended
to carers of adults.
Australia has gradually followed Britain– Promoting recently flexible employment– Providing no clear rights to services (despite new
Carer Recognition Act & National Carer Strategy)
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The East Asian policy response
The traditional East Asian policy response to the problems of carers is: no response!Based on Confucian family values, families (aka women) take care of their members as a part of ordinary family lifeThis principle is still stated in the Japanese and Taiwanese Civil CodeHowever, an expectation that women would be willing to sacrifice their professional lives to take up unpaid caring, does not hold anymore in Japan or Taiwan
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The East Asian policy response
Japan made a massive policy turn in its LTC policy from non-action to universal coverage through its 2000 LTCI ActThis did not bring specific support to carers but it recognised that the state has a major responsibility for organising and financing care for older people (incl. home care)Rights of parents of young children have been extended to carers in Japan (incl. a 93-day-per-year paid family care leave)Taiwan has been slower in its policy development but is now planning LTCI
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The Nordic policy responseThe Nordic welfare states were a long time so focused on their formal service systems that family care remained invisibleOnly in the 1990s, linked to financial difficulties of welfare systems and an alarm about population ageing, carers started to receive policy attentionNowadays, there are carer payments, respite care, peer support etc. availableHowever, these provisions still mostly depend on individual LAs/NGOs
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The Nordic policy response
Reconciliation of family care and paid employment has been recognised as an issue only in the 2010sUniversal service systems are naturally a major support to carers (though their universal character has suffered recently…)But still at the moment there is almost no specific support available for working carers in any Nordic country
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Comparative notes (within regimes)
Both Finland and Sweden have tended to ignore the needs of working carers of older parents, who lack specific support
Finland offers less flexible and individual support to parent-carers than Sweden
Partner-carers, again, face broadly similar conditions in both countries: lack of attention, limited personal time and large variations in the flexibility available in the workplace or in local services
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Comparative notes (within regimes)
Both England and Australia have taken steps to support working carers of older people by promoting flexible working and modest unpaid emergency or care leave
Both have gradually given attention to parent-carers (but not to partner-carers)
However, carers’ participation in paid work is made difficult by these countries’ complex benefit systems and limited service provision
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Comparative notes (within regimes)
In the past two decades, Japan has rapidly developed long-term care, care leaves and workplace support for carers.
These have helped carers of parents as well as carers of disabled children.
Comparable policy steps are under discussion in Taiwan but not yet enacted.
Some formal services are available in Taiwan but primarily families turn to informal networks and migrant care workers.
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Comparative notes (between regimes)
Despite many differences, all six states– now expect disability, illness and extreme
old age to be ever-present features of their societies
– recognise the importance of enabling women (and men) to participate in paid work
– are beginning to reshape their social arrangements and systems accordingly
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Comparative notes (between regimes)
All six states now provide at least some support for some family carers– Some limited employment rights and
flexibility– Modest financial support or
compensation– Some types of respite care and other
support services
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Societal well-being (Allardt)Having– Income– Housing– Employment– Education– Health
Loving– Local community– Family– Friendships
Being– Status– Irreplaceability– Political resources– Meaningful free time
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Caring and well-being
Caring is about Having– Income: carers face a high poverty risk, esp. without work– Housing: caring places specific requirements on housing– Employment: carers need to be supported to be able to stay in work– Education: carers’ professional education is a major investment– Health: health costs of caring have to be eradicated
Caring is about Loving– Local community: social participation is a human right, also for carers– Family: caring out of emotional attachment instead of moral obligation– Friendships: friends give support, not to be expected to provide caring
Caring is about Being– Status: recognition as a working carer– Irreplaceability: care is based on unique human relations– Political resources: carers are citizens and voters– Meaningful free time: more to life than caring and working?
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Conclusion
Despite above-mentioned positive developments, most family carers in all six nations still care without support and bear the pressure of work–care reconciliation at the individual level
– their well-being continues to be seriously threatened, which then jeopardizes the well-being of their families and the well-being of our societies
More action is needed if the availability of workforce and the availability of care are to be secured in our countries!
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