#118 8 - 14 November 2002 16 pages Rs 25

Weekly Internet Poll # 58

Q. Do you think Maoist leader Prachanda is serious inhis latest offer for talks?

Weekly Internet Poll # 59. To vote go to: www.nepalitimes.comQ. Which of the following offers the best solution tothe present political impasse:- an inter im al l party government- const i tuent assembly e lect ions- re instatement of par l iament none of the above

Total votes: 2,077

Fed Ex

EXCLUSIVE ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

BHAGIRATH YOGIrime Minister Lokendra BahadurChand has been so busy launchingCDs and giving speeches about the

importance of art and literature for nationalupliftment, that he doesn’t seem to havetime for much else.

To be fair, Chand has been doing therounds lobbying hard to cajole partystalwarts to lend support to his administra-tion. But Dasain and Tihar have slowedthings down, and no “untainted”politician seems eager to join histechnocrat-dominated nine-member cabinet.

The public’s perception isthat the interim administration isoff to a slow start.

The health and finance ministersdid announce plans for reform: furtherbelt-tightening on expenditure and a newhealth insurance scheme. But the public isskeptical about more plans, and wants tosee immediate and dramatic improvementsin service delivery. The one thing that hasreceived widespread acclaim is the strongaction by the anti-corruption body to sendformer Home Minister Khum BahadurKhadka, information minister JayaprakashPrasad Gupta and others, including thechairman of Royal Nepal Airlines, to jail.

The main focus of the government’swork is: a) lure political parties into the fold,and b) bring Maoists in to talk. On both,the results so far have been discouraging.

The two major political parties, NepaliCongress and CPN (UML) are still vocallydefiant about the king’s decision, and haverefused point-blank to join the Chandcabinet. Both are mobilising the partymachinery for mass meetings in the comingweeks. “The situation is forcing us towards

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

RAMYATA LIMBU“Miam hamnida. Very, very sorry.” Choi Sung Kak, a well-known South Koreanwriter, stood in front of Chandra Kumari Gurung in Kimche village near Pokharalast month, head bowed and palms together. Choi wasn’t fumbling for words toexpress guilt for any action of his own, he was apologising for his country.

Chandra Kumari went to Korea to work as a labourer in 1992, a healthy andexcited woman nearing 40. In 1993, she disappeared.

A meal Chandra Kumari couldn’t pay for was the start of the nightmarish sixyears and four months that this normal, balanced Nepali woman spent inKorea’s national psychiatric hospital. After her release, Chandra Kumari, withthe help of angry South Koreans, sued the Republic of Korea and Dong-sanJang, director of the Chung-ryang-ri mental hospital. “Because of the careless-ness of the Korean police and state, she ended up in the hospital, where shehad no business being,” said Choi, who is also vice-president of Nature Trail,the Korean NGO that helped Chandra return home on 14 June, 2000.

Of the nearly 2,000 Nepalis working in Korea, 99 percent are illegal. Manyhave been there since they went to South Korea legally since 1991, under a“trainee program”. Since that program expired, there has been no formallabour agreement between the two governments. Activists like Choi and Nepalisconsidering working in South Korea hope that Chandra’s case will set aprecedent for better labour laws for migrant workers.

When Korean police arrested Chandra Kumari she couldn’t explain to themthat she had lost her wallet. She had no valid papers, and couldn’t communi-cate to the police her contact address and phone number. “She just insisted

One month into office, Chand government isgetting little help from squabbling politicos.

Divided they fall

confrontation, even though we want toavoid it,” UML leader Madhav KumarNepal told his party paper.

Despite their tough talk, the politicalleadership realises that public opinion isstill cautiously supportive of the king’saction. And Chand’s lobbying has partlypaid off: he finally secured official blessingsof his own party, the RPP. While he takesthe softly-softly approach, Chand seems tobe letting his deputy, Badri Prasad Mandalof the Sadbhavana Party, carry the big stick.Mandal is hammering political parties fornot joining the government. He told ameeting in Kathmandu last week: “Thegovernment will march on even if the majorparties don’t join us.”

P

she was Nepali, not Korean, and said “I don’t know” in Korean to everyquestion they asked,” said Lee Seong-gyou, a journalist working on adocumentary about Nepali migrant workers. With her Gurung looks shecould have mistaken for a Korean. “But there’s no excuse for such adevastating mistake,” Lee told us.

Throughout her stay in the psychiatric hospital, Chandra Kumariwas kept alone in a room. A doctor there familiar with Nepal met her,and contacted Lee Geun Hoo, a member of Nature Trail and founderof the Yeti Café in Seoul. Lee, a professor who has been coming toNepal regularly for 15 years, visited the hospital. The story waspublicised by Nature Trail, and created an uproar in Korea.

Soon after her release from the hospital in April 2000 Koreanlawyer Suk-tae Lee helped Chandra file a lawsuit demanding compen-sation for her incarceration, and a formal apology from the SouthKorean state. The court arrived at a ruling 5 November, and awardedChandra just over $23,500. Choi says the amount is insulting, andthat NGOs and Chandra’s lawyer are preparing to appeal. “Still, noamount of money can ever right the wrong that the Korean statecommitted against Chandra,” Choi told us when in Nepal last month tohand over money that the Korean public has donated to Chandra.

“She’s a totally different woman today from the one we met inKorea,” says Choi. Chandra Kumari is now taking care of herelderly father. (See also ìSeven years with my Korean fathersî,p. 4-5.)

Hardline BaburamMaoist leader Baburam Bhattarai hashurled another broadside at the monar-chy just as analysts were saying therebels were softening their approach. Inwhat appears to be an effort to driveanother wedge between the politicalparties and the king, and exploit thecurrent strained relations between them,Bhattarai calls for unity among “demo-cratic forces” to build on the gains of the1990 People’s Movement. Bhattaraiargues that significant changes weretaking place at the geopolitical level thataffected the strategic balance of powerin Nepal. He directs the leaders of thepolitical parties not to be spellbound bythe monarchy. “We never gave up ourprogram for a republican state,” said thearchitect-turned-revolutionary. “In fact,

the constituentassembly is not

an alternative toa republic, butonly a method-ology toinstitutionalise

that republic.” Hesays next week’s

three-day bandhmarks the launch ofa joint struggle tothis end. TheMaoists have beenblowing hot and coldlately, and analystssay this lateststatement shows that

the rebels are inno mood forcompromise.

Chandra Kumari is happy now

Sources close to Baluwatar told usChand is wooing some big-name Congressand UML as well as more RPP and NSPleaders. He may also add technocrats and“politically savvy” figures to help himnegotiate with Maoists, the source said.

And that is Chand’s biggest challenge.The Maoists have been playing good-cop-bad-cop, alternating seemingly conciliatorystatements with hardline ones to dividepolitical parties and the king. Prachanda hasrenewed his call for a roundtable betweenthe king, political parties and the Maoiststo debate a constituent assembly and havehinted that they may accept the constitu-tional monarchy if the king agreed torelinquish control over the army.

However, Baburam Bhattarai this weekpublished an uncompromising republic-or-nothing statement that dashed all hopes thatthe Maoists were bending. (See box)

While there are no signs of direct talksbetween the government and the rebels,sources say secret contacts have beenestablished “at the highest level”. India’srole is said to be pivotal here, since theMaoists use Indian territory for training,supplies and shelter. New Delhi says itwants the king to take the political partieson board while negotiating with the rebels,but disunity among political parties and theirmistrust of the king’sintentions is prevent-ing this approach. !

Editorial p2Un-united nation

SU

BH

AS

RA

I

Chandra Kumari, left,with family and friendsin Kimche.

22222 EDITORIAL 333338 - 14 NOVEMBER 2002 NEPALI TIMES8 - 14 NOVEMBER 2002 NEPALI TIMES

STATE OF THE STATE by CK LAL

Nepali Times is published by Himalmedia Pvt Ltd,Chief Editor: Kunda Dixit Editor: Anagha NeelakantanDesign: Kiran Maharjaneditors@nepalitimes.com, www.nepalitimes.comAdvertising: Sunaina Shah advertising@himalmedia.comSubscription: Anil Karki subscription@himalmedia.comSales: Sudan Bista sales@himalmedia.comSanchaya Kosh Building, Block A-4th Floor, LalitpurGPO Box 7251, Kathmandu, NepalTel: 01-543333-7, Fax: 01-521013Printed at Jagadamba Press: 01-521393

L E T T E R SL E T T E R SL E T T E R SL E T T E R SL E T T E R S

COMMON SENSEAnd so it goes on. The seem-ingly endless spiral of murderand mayhem. Amidst all this wehave to bear witness to theinexorable extinction of all thatwe hold good: faith, basichuman decency,wisdom andcompassion.

The sickening squabblesamongst these pariahs ofpolitics hold the entire nationhostage. They brandish theconstitution as a fig leaf toexplain away all their shenani-gans and in the meantimeeveryone lives in abject terror.The countless deaths becomenothing more than “collateraldamage”, the citizens sufferfrom viewer fatigue and readerslike us, who enjoy the relativeluxury of life in the US, cansafely take angry, bombastic potshots at the Maoists and thepoliticians from this distance.

Meanwhile heroes likeMohan Khatri and KrishnaSapkota die everyday, and all Ican think of is what can I do toshow my respect and gratitudefor these selfless martyrs whohave laid down their lives to thegreater cause of life and liberty.

Right from day one, yourpaper has always espouseddecency and common sense inthese difficult times. But who islistening?

Irrespective of his motives,the king’s gambit was the onlylast ditch option we really had.

The solution will not be painless. Ijust say it is not too late.

T Sherpa, Seattle, USA

" What political parties’ re-sponses to King Gyanendra’smove has shown is what Nepalishave known all too well all along:that the parties have neither thepolitical will nor the stomach toconfront the myriad crises thathave beset the nation. As youhave pointed out in your editorial(“Common sense in uncommontimes”, #116), political partieswere given a free hand for 12years, they had the chance toattempt to solve the problem ofMaoist insurrection, the rampantcorruption in the highest echelonsof government, rampaginglawlessness and a languishingrefugee crisis screaming forattention. Instead what thecountry got was an intensifiedinsurgency. Politicians treated thenational treasury as their ownpiggy bank, the once-healthynational flag carrier teetering onbankruptcy, endless scandals,corruption and mismanagementcareening out of control, and theall-talk no-action approach to therefugee crisis.

So is it any surprise that thepeople have stood with cautiousand guarded optimism now thatKing Gyanendra has assertedhimself, within the framework ofthe constitution, to address thegrievances of long-sufferingNepalis? They know the political

parties have utterly and ruthlesslyfailed. The confrontationalapproach, using language loadedwith thinly veiled threats againstthe king being adopted by thepolitical parties and their refusal tojoin the government have demon-strated how completely vacuous,out-of-touch and morally bankruptthey have become. The real threatto the security, dignity andsovereignty of the Nepali peopledoes not emanate fromNarayanhiti, but as the past 12years have demonstrated, itcomes from the likes of GirijaKoirala, Madhav Nepal, BaburamBhattarai and their ilk.

Bishwa Basnet, by email

CK LALCK LALCK LALCK LALCK LALIf Mahakal is dancing, it’s CK Lalwho’s keeping the beat. Howdisappointing to see Lal’s movingtribute to Major Khatri (“The purityof pure despair”, #117) degener-ate into lugubrious pontificationson the death of this and that. Hemourns the death of hope in thecountry, but all I’ve heard since 4October is that now there issome. And there seems littlesense getting misty-eyed aboutthe passing of “the sovereignty ofthe people” when the pretend-democracy at play in Nepal for thelast 12 years clearly gave birth tono such thing. Their indifferenceto political thought and action andtheir quite invincible complacency,moreover, hardly qualified theNepali people for an adventure

into people power in the firstplace. They have tolerated rot intheir air, water, and streets:what reason on earth was thereto suppose that they would notalso tolerate it in their govern-ment? The hard truth is that theNepali people, whom I lovedearly, have deserved every fooland crook they’ve kept in powerin Singha Durbar. In the king theyhave neither, consequently, thehope.

Lal is contemptuous of the“sanctimonious judgments” ofdonors (the writer in his familiarxenophobic mode), but that begsthe question why it is not thebusiness of donors to see theirlargesse safely to its destina-tions, or pass judgement on thesuccess or failure of its arrival.Doesn’t his resentment spell thelarger problem of Nepal’s faileddemocracy: its aversion toaccountability? The contradictionin Lal’s thought mirrors theparadox of Nepal’s commitmentto democracy. Both supportdemocracy and lament its failureeven as they reject adherence tothe transparency and rule of lawcentral to its functioning. Indeed,some homegrown sanctimony,as well as the rectitude whichunderpins it, might have helpedthe struggling experiment to itsfeet. And more cynicism, notless, dear editor, might havehelped too. Real democraciesare run by laws, not by men. Thomas Duddy, Thamel

NATION

by ALOK BOHARACOMMENT

iven the current economic and politicalturmoil, it is our moral responsibilityto try to break the impasse by looking

at solution. What compromise will result inthe greatest public good?

Given the near-consensus on a commit-ment to constitutional monarchy and themultiparty system, a compromise strategy canemerge around the notion of the Constitu-ent Assembly. Such an assembly of electedrepresentatives to draft a new constitutioncan, if properly handled, serve as acommon denominator to bring all theparties together.

There, they can address the anomaliesthat have contributed to this country’swoes: institutional corruption, regionalimbalances, lack of separation of power,unstable governments, centraliseddecision making, lack of transparency ingovernments and politicos, ignoredvoices of political and ethnic minoritiesin public policy debates, and missedopportunity to exploit our vast naturalresources for the benefit of the millions.

An election for a constituent assemblyis based on an election just like a parliamen-tary election. Recently, countries like SouthAfrica, Namibia, and East Timor havesuccessfully used this democratic process toform constituent assemblies to write (or re-write) their constitutions. After ratifyingthe document, the constituent assemblieshave then been converted into parliamen-tary assemblies.

These constituent assemblies used a moreinclusive electoral method—proportionalrepresentation, where seats are allocated basedon the percentage of the popular party votes.Our current method of election is the winner-take-all Westminster model.

Going from historical experienceelsewhere, a future constituent assembly in

Shock therapyNobel Prize winning mathematical genius John Nash, in the movie A Beautiful Mind,goes to a bar with his friends, and upon seeing four women including a blonde heobserves the following: “If every one were to go after the blonde, the chances are thateveryone would all go home without the pleasure of female company. The best solutionis to reduce this non-cooperative competitive situation into a cooperation game bychanging the strategy by agreeing to ignore the blonde, thereby increasing the chanceof going home with the other lesser beauties.”

The lesson for Nepal is that competitive non-cooperation with a potentiallydisastrous outcome can be avoided by following a cooperative game that results in abetter outcome for all concerned.

Nepal can also be expanded to include themembers of the Upper House to make theprocess more inclusive and if necessary thechamber may be reformed through freshelection. An all-party interim government maybe needed to ensure fairness during theelection process.

An exercise in forming a constituentassembly must take advantage of thisopportunity to set the following agenda:empowerment, separation of powers, and acode of conduct.

The grassroots must be empowered bydevolving decision-making powers through a

system of decentralized regional govern-ments. The new constitution shouldthen clearly define the tasks of the three

layers: village, region, and center. Aproportional representation system would

also allow a higher level of representationfrom the smaller parties and provide a voiceto the minorities, and force dominatingparties to be more inclusive.

Most genuine democracies have givenup the first-past-the-post Westminster

model for proportional representation.Put simply, this system puts half itsrepresentatives based on the currentsingle-constituency winner-take-all

method, and the other half are elected based onthe percentage of the popular votes that eachparty receives nationally or regionally.

The ambiguity of royal powers andresponsibilities need to be clarified to avoidfuture conflict between the constitutionalmonarch and parliamentary forces. Thisseparation of powers would not completelyremove a royal role, especially during the gravenational crisis. Similarly, a direct election ofthe Prime Minister, as in Israel, would makethe executive head responsible to the entirenation rather than to his or her party bosses.By allowing the premier to pick cabinet

members, with approval of the House, thiswould reduce conflicts of interest.

There also needs to be an agreed code ofconduct: the nation, government, andgovernment resources belong to the people.Through elections, political parties are onlytemporary custodians. We must thereforedemand from them internal democracy andtransparency. Irresponsible behaviour by therank and file can lead to nominations ofpeople of questionable characters, and thewhole nation suffers.

The current rift between the king anddemocratic forces has turned what was once atwo-party game into a three-way contest.Even the Maoist leadership has nowacknowledged this tripartite power struggle.The king has the backing of the Royal NepalArmy. The Maoists command a sizeablecadre base. The political parties may befloundering at times, but they do have agrassroot base and can claim to bear thebanner of democracy. This position mayseem stable, but it is a static equilibriumbecause there is no incentive for anyone tochange their conduct. We could linger in thislimbo for a long time.

The army will require a significant

G A Beautiful Messhere is something in the Nepali character thatmakes us more divisive and prone to disunity thanany other people. Perhaps our shared history is so

faint, its symbols so ephemeral, our future so abstract,that it breeds individualism. The “patriotic songs” everymorning on radio extol the virtues of the impeyan pheasant,Mt Everest and Lumbini. But they sound like parodies.

Individually, we are proud to be Nepalis, but we can’tseem to be collectively proud to be Nepalis. We likeNepal, but can’t seem to stand other Nepalis. Especiallyif they are Nepalis who are doing well for themselves. Itis this frog-in-the-well psyche that has kept us fromgetting ahead—if one frog tries to take a leap, anotherwill drag it down. In fact, there are many examples ofNepalis who have excelled in societies where there areno other Nepalis to pullthem back.

It’s not for lack of ability that we lag behind. It is noteven because we have low self-esteem. A prime ministerwho has just been sacked told the youth wing of hisfaction, in all modesty, that he was “the best primeminister Nepal ever had, and will ever have”. Well, someprime ministers are born great, others attain greatness,and still others just think they’re great.

With misplaced pride on that scale, it is no wonder

that we can’t work together. Just look at our track record.Communist parties the world over are known for their divi-siveness, but even by international standards, our comradeshave set world records in disunity. Replicating through binaryfission like amoeba, we have more communist factions percapita than any other nation on earth. Doctoral candidates havedone their PhDs trying to unravel the sequence, and keep trackof the splits.

And it’s not just politics. We have two ANFAs, two PABSONs,two mountaineering associations, two film artists’ associations,and at last count there were three rival political science associa-tions. One of Nepal’s most professional and successful domes-tic airlines split in two because of sibling rivalry (the smallerairline went by the nickname “Brother Air”).

We don’t know how bad it is in other countries, but it could bethat this is a mentality common to poor countries, where thepeople are left to quarrel over such small pickings. They end upfighting each other instead of those who are cheating them.

Congress vs Congress vs Congress, UML vs Congress,UML vs ML, ML vs ML, RPP vs RPP, ironically, even the leftistparty that called itself “Unity Centre” eventually split. Usuallythe reasons are not ideological, but personal envy, jealousyand pride. Somehow, the Maoists have not split yet. But givethem time. They are Nepalis after all.

“In the west, democracy celebrates differences of opin-

ion. There’s a rule, you agree to disagree but with a pointand not a person,” sociologist Krishna Bhattachan ex-plained to us. “In Nepal, people tend to disagree with theperson.” And because we take things so personally, wehaven’t as a nation been able to transform our genuine anddeeply-felt sense of national pride into a unity of purpose. Wecan, and must, override our ingrained cultural individualism toachieve a sense of collective destiny. Otherwise we will justkeep on fighting each other until there is nothing left to fight over.

increase in resources to crush the rebellion,but not without a sizeable human toll. TheMaoists will remain relatively elusive but willnot be able to overrun the country toestablish the one-party communist state,especially since India is now on their trail.The political parties, because of their ownshortcomings, are not likely to muster muchpeople’s support to repeat 1990 Part Two.But they will remain vocal, increasinglyunited, and influential.

The country has thus been stagnant forthe last seven years, with a deadly outcomethat has decimated the economy and resultedin more than 5,000 deaths. What will bethe next best move that will bring everyonecloser to a solution acceptable to everyoneso that the nation can be spared from thismindless carnage?

The current stalemate in Nepal can bebroken with shock therapy, and that couldvery well be a constituent assembly. It willrequire a cooperative approach, but that maybe the only way. !

(Alok K Bohara, PhD, is professor ofeconomics at the University of NewMexico, USA.)

MOHAN KHATRIThanks to Kunda Dixit for hisappreciation piece on MajorKhatri, despite the unnecessaryunderhanded jab at the RNA.(“The villagers’ support kept megoing”, #116) Major Khatri, by allaccounts, lived a life of chal-lenges—translating his ruggeddreams into reality with moneysaved from his army days. He isone of many unsung Nepaliheroes: an entrepreneur thathelps himself and othersthrough productive activity andthen extends his benevolence tothe community. He was acapitalist caught betweenpoliticians with the mentality ofhyenas (no offence to hyenas)and individuals pursuing apathetic and defunct ideologythat has unleashed an incredibleevil on this land. His workseems to have ended far toosoon. How many others like himhave been wasted by thismess? I hope people rememberthis man someday becausewhen and if the dust settles, itwill be on the backs of thou-sands of people with hischaracter and dreams that thecountry will pick up the pieces.God bless his family.

P Rana, by email

" As someone who has beenfortunate enough to have hadthe chance to visit your lovelycountry, I was deeply saddenedand shocked to read about the

Everything a constituent assembly can do, a sovereign parliament can do better.The four wheels of democracy

brutal and senseless murder ofMajor Mohan Khatri. Sadly, wemust remember that he is justone of many innocent peoplewhose lives have been lost andwhose family must suffer suchpain in the ongoing conflict. Ipray that Nepal, which I havegrown to love very much, mightfind peace and I pray for MajorKhatri’s family and others whoare grieving the loss of theirloved ones. I pray that his life,though tragically taken, will bean inspiration to others like himwho truly wish to work for thegood of the people, to relievesuffering, to care for those inneed, who do not wish to takepolitical sides or work just forprofit, but who truly wantwhat’s best for their country. Intribute to Major Khatri’s life andwork and others like him,please, don’t give up the fight(not necessarily armed fight) forgood and justice and love. I praythat out of tragedy might livehope. What a precious word,hope. May it never be taken...

Sarah Olson Seattle, USA

UN-UNITED NATION

ropelled by the rumours ofan impending settlementbetween Maoist rebels and

the palace, the trial balloon of aconstituent assembly is once againup in the air. But will such anassembly create more problems,rather than solving our existingones, remains to be answeredsatisfactorily.

Controversy over theconstituent assembly dates backto 1951, when King Tribhuvanproclaimed: “It being our desireand decision that our people,henceforth, be governed by ademocratic constitution framedby the Constituent Assembly,

elected by them...”. The royal

“desire and decision”, however,never got implemented. After adecade of uncertainty, politicalparties accepted King Mahendra’sproposal to go directly forparliamentary polls.

Perhaps King Mahendra hadexpected that a hung parliamentwould give him some room forpolitical manoeuvring. Theelectorate, as is its wont, threwcold water over the ambitions ofthe king. Voters sprang a surpriseand gave the Nepali Congress atwo-thirds majority. In effect, thismeant that the new parliament

was almost a constituent assem-bly—it could amend all theprovisions of the constitution saveits fundamental principles.Alarmed by that possibility, KingMahendra dismissed parliamentand put the first elected primeminister of the country in jailwithin 18 months of the generalelections and reneged onthe solemn promise made byhis father.

The demand for an electedconstituent assembly remaineddormant all through the years ofstruggle for restoration ofdemocracy. When BP Koirala

P ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

T

SU

BH

AS

RA

I

acolytes of BP Koirala have begunto propose after 4 October, maylie in the formation of a constitu-ent assembly empowered todebate the future of monarchyitself.

However, in a country in theviolent grips of insurgency andcounter-insurgency, the idea of aconstituent assembly has its ownpitfalls. First, free and fair pollsaren’t possible when armedinsurgents terrorise the country-side with impunity. Second, thereis nothing to stop an engineeredassembly from initiating a processof republicanism eventuallyleading to Sikkimisation. Thepolitical elite in KathmanduValley may not be aware of it, butpeople in the countryside havealready started debating whetherthe fate of a protectorate likeBhutan can be any worse thanprolonged violence and insur-gency. The third risk is that ofconservatives holding sway inan unfair election leading to thecurtailment of existing rights.Then there is the ever-presentquestion: will the promise tohold elections for the constitu-ent assembly once againbecome an excuse to keep thecountry in a political limbo?

By declaring that the stateauthority is inherent in the kingrather than the people, KingGyanendra has virtuallybrought out the square wheelfrom the Narayanhiti attic. Butthat should not give an excuseto a galaxy of constitutionalexperts and political scientistslike Bishwanath Upadhayay,Daman Nath Dhungana,Narhari Acharya, Lok RajBaral, Krishna Khanal andKrishna Hathechhu to getengaged in the pointless task ofreinventing the circular wheel.

came back from political exileannouncing that he and the kingwere “joined at the neck”, theconstitutional monarchy becamean article of faith with the NepaliCongress.

Some fringe groups on the left,particularly the Nepal CommunistParty (Marxist-Leninist) thenrunning a violent campaign inJhapa, did espouse the dictator-ship of the proletariat, but mostmainstream political forces hadtheir problems with absolutemonarchy, not with the monarchyas such. After the referendumverdict, BP Koirala told BholaChatterji of Calcutta’s Sundaymagazine in 1979 that the NepaliCongress was not for monarchy,but “kingship”. Kingship, accord-ing to Hindu scriptures, is powerheld by a ruler in trust—on behalfof the ruled, and with theirconsent. Such a concept has noplace for absolute monarchy orexecutive kings.

Perhaps King Gyanendraalluded to this distinction when hetold me earlier this year that theconstitution of the kingdom of

Nepal 1990 was a document ofcompromise between three

political forces of thecountry—democratsrepresented by theNepali Congress,communistsrepresented by theLeft Front, and therest of the peoplerepresented by theking. There is onlyone problem withthis interpretation of

the People’s Move-ment of 1990: how do

we know whether therest of us want the king to

be our representative? Theanswer, as many self-professed

What is perhaps neededmore urgently is a sincereattempt to bring the four-wheeled vehicle of the demo-cratic train back on track. We allknow what those wheels are:legislative assembly constitutedby adult franchise, an executivebody formed by multipartyelections, an independentjudiciary to ensure rule of law,and a constitutional monarchy asa symbol of unity of all Nepalis.

Given the history ofanimosity between democraticforces and the king, therestlessness among the rankand file of the Nepali Congressis perhaps understandable. Buta confrontation between thetwo at this juncture is the lastthing that we need. In anycase, it was Prime MinisterSher Bahadur Deuba who badlywounded the constitution byhis midnight recommendationfor the dissolution of parlia-ment. All political parties thentook their turn to rub salt overthe wound. Under the circum-stances, the worst thing that KingGyanendra can be blamed for ismercy killing the constitution.

It is incumbent upon allstakeholders of democracy toensure the re-birth of theconstitution without beingentangled in the never-endingdebate over a constituentassembly. Everything a constitu-ent assembly can do, a sovereignparliament can do better, and atless cost to society. For a countryalready in violent convulsion,debating the future of kingship ishardly an issue of priority.Restoration of the democraticprocess is much more urgentlyneeded, to face the twinchallenges of a leftist insurgencyand a rightist resurgence. !

44444 8 - 14 NOVEMBER 2002 NEPALI TIMES 555558 - 14 NOVEMBER 2002 NEPALI TIMESNATIONNATION

by DANIEL LAKHERE AND THERE

o non-Maoists, perhaps the most famous words ever spoken byChairman Mao Zedong were in 1949, after his forces had chased theKuomintang of Marshall Chiang Kai Shek from Beijing and almost all

of mainland China. “The Chinese people,” he said, “have stood up.” It wasthe most stirring line ever by a successful revolutionary leader, simple,powerful and truthful. The Chinese people, for hundreds of years bentunder the yoke of both domestic and foreign oppression, had stood up. Noone could deny them their moment of triumph—those tens of millions whohad followed Mao through a generation of war and the Long March.Countless others died opposing Mao, and during various Great LeapsForward and Cultural Revolutions but those are other stories.

I have a simple suggestion for Nepal’s current non-Maoist leaders. Takea lesson from Chairman Mao and the Chinese people and stand up. Stoplounging in comfortable chairs, being chauffeured to endless all-partymeetings, endlessly splitting hairs about political semantics or plans of(in)action. Stand up and lead the people you claim to represent. At the veryleast, stop being photographed while flopping in those chairs at meetings.Call the photographers in when you’re on your hind legs and talkinganimatedly to each other about the problems of the country. And forgoodness sake, stop taking huge long holidays for Dasain, Tihar, orwhatever. The country is burning. There’s no time for its leaders to sleeplate, drink too much and enjoy the festival.

It begins with image. As Tony Blair, Bill Clinton and George W Bushknow very well, modern political leadership is all about conveying acoherent, attractive message so that the people themselves take an activerole in their own development. The message sent by endless front-pagephotos, as in this newspaper last week, of politicians addressing a crisis bysitting down is doom-filled and dreadful. What about a photo of a politi-cian leading a drive to raise money for victims of violence, visiting frontline

Time for our politicians to stopjust sitting around.

Last stand

areas where people are suffering. When did any of them last go to a distantVillage Development Committee office, either one that was blown up by theMaoists or displaced by the political folly of the late Deuba government? To hiscredit, the UML leader, Madhav Kumar Nepal, has made a few speeches outsidethe capital. But not nearly enough, comrade, not nearly enough.

The prime minister told me in an interview two weeks ago that thecountry’s problems can be solved if the political leaders and the government“sit down together”. With respect sir, it’s only when you stand up togetherthat you can appreciate and begin to alleviate the suffering of the vastmajority of population. Action is required, and almost any action will do.British Foreign Office Minister Mike O’Brien—on his recent visit here—spoke of the need for “quick fix development”. It raised more than a fewhackles in the aid community but the minister is an able politician. He

realised instinctively that it was essential to get out of Kathmandu and intothe neediest and potentially most dangerous areas; not just with guns, nightvision goggles and helicopters, but also armed with spades, sacks of rice andjob creation programs. The sheer novelty of a major political party leaderwielding a shovel will probably have a discernible impact on the situation.

This is a Hindu kingdom, so I suggest a foray into Bhagvad Gita as wellas the speeches of Chairman Mao. The ancient texts of Hinduism advisedthat the path of action should always be chosen over inaction. When there’sa choice between doing something, or just waiting for things to happen, justdo it. Long before Nike, the wise ones who wrote the Gitas understand thatimportance of standing up. How Hinduism has since got a reputation forinaction is a debate for historians or theologians. I’m more concerned withapplying the eternal wisdom of the past to the agony of the present.

If the Nepali people are fed up with politicians, even with democracy,it’s because they see little of the benefits getting beyond Kathmandu. It’s thebehaviour of political leaders that’s causing the problem, not politics on itsown. It’s the implementation of democracy, or the lack of it, that’s spread-ing cynicism and encouraging Maoism, not democracy itself. Time to learnfrom Chairman Mao, who also said that if the people aren’t on your side,nothing matters. So let’s go, let’s.....stand up.

All together now, flex those knees, arms on armrests, 1,2,3...pushupwards … be careful, don’t get dizzy. I know it’s an unfamiliar position.There, that wasn’t so hard was it? !

T

n 28 January, 1992, I leftKathmandu’s TribhuvanInternational Airport to goto Korea to work. My

family shed tears as they placed akhada around my neck. As I walkedtoward the aircraft, I looked back andsaw my mother and aunt crying andwaving to me from the balcony of theairport. I shed no tears.

When we landed at Kimpoairport, I walked quickly to theimmigration counter. The broker hadtold us to stand in line behindwesterners, if possible, so that theinspection would not be verythorough. But everyone in the linewas South Asian. My legs weretrembling and my heart was pounding.If I couldn’t get a visa, I would have toreturn to Nepal. I had borrowed Rs70,000 to try to get a job in Korea.After the interview, which was easierthan I thought, I received a visa for a15-day stay. It seemed that what thebroker was right, it was better to giveshort answers. Almost everyonereceived the visa without problems.

We took a taxi from the airportto Itaewon Street, which is similar toThamel. There were many Nepalisamong the swarms of foreigners there,and we felt at ease. There we met aman called Raju Thapa, who wasresponsible for finding us jobs. On the

Seven years with my Korean fatherssubway to Uijongbu, Raju said thatwe must never stare at young womenon the train, as it would cause a bigproblem. So for two hours we staredout of the darkened windows, likeidiots. I was really worried aboutwhether or not I would be able tomake a living in this country.

Raju took us to the home of thecompany’s owner, Mr Yoo, inUijongbu. His family had neverknown foreigners before, and werecurious about all sorts of things. Wedidn’t have much of an appetite forKorean food, so we ate bread andmilk. Raju told us Mr Yoo would giveus $400 per month, and that oursalaries would gradually increase. Wedidn’t even think to check that. Theday that we arrived at 00 Steel’s salesoutlet in the town of Taesangli,Kwangju, in the province of Kyonggi,it was snowing. I had suddenly cometo this snowy country and was reallyworried about living here.

The first day was really hardbecause of the language barrier. I usedbody language, my hands and feet.Outside, the snow was piling up andit was very cold—ten degrees belowzero. For the first time in my life I wasso far from home. How was I going tolive there? Fortunately, one of thelabourers who worked with meloading and unloading goods from the

truck spoke a little English. Jae GilKim was about my age. Thanks tohim, I learnt to speak Korean quickly.He taught me the work too. When-ever we had time, we sat on thepacking boxes and studied. I am stillgrateful to him. Employees of MrYoo’s personal service company, weprovided services such as loading,unloading, and transporting metalfurniture such as file boxes, clothescabinets, lockers, desks, chairs, etc for00 Steel’s sales outlet.

My name is Pasang Sherpa. I wasborn in the village of Lungtung,eastern Nepal, at 1,500 m in thefoothills of Kangchenjunga in 1971,the oldest of three sons and twodaughters. I attended high school inLelep town, about an hour-and-half’swalk away. I was the only one in myhigh school class to pass the universityentrance exam. My mom slaughteredand prepared a large goat and held aparty for the whole village. It wasnatural for my mother, who only has athird grade education, to be elatedabout the fact that her son could enterthe university.

In 1990, I entered the People’sCampus college in Kathmandu. I livedin Chhetrapati with my aunt, whomade tongba. My aunt and I workedbusily from 4PM to midnight. Wemade tongba from more than 100 kgof millet every day. It wasn’t easy. Youhave no idea how cold our hands andfeet were when they got wet. I wentto school at 6AM and took classes forthree hours. I continued this for twoyears, and during that time I kepthearing about college friends goingoverseas to earn money. I too beganthinking about working overseas. Ithen met the broker and left mynative land.

Soon after, I was joined byanother Nepali, Sri Ram. Mr Yoo toldus not to refer to him as the owner,

but to call him father. We did justthat. We worked for “father” Yoo forover three years. We went to his housein Uijongbu for rest and relaxationevery Saturday. We played cards, atebarbecued pork, drank soju (clear,hard Korean liquor), and went tokaraoke. His wife really treated uswell, preparing delicious food for us,even giving us clothes to wear.

But the first year I was lonely andcold every day. The fear of deportationwas the biggest fear for foreign workerswho were staying in Korea illegally.Once, a policeman entered ourworkplace. Sri Ram hid in a containerof styrofoam, and I, with my smallframe, hid in the closet. It’s funnynow, but at that time it made my hairstand on end.

For a while, I could only think ofmy home and family. Sometimes Icried. Soon thereafter I learned tospeak a little Korean, how to do thework, the names of the products, andmy skills in loading and unloadinggoods increased, and the workgradually became fun.

We had to unload 27-toncontainers from the 00 Steel factory in

Taejeon, and three 8-ton trucks, andput their contents in the warehouse,and then load more than ten 2.5-tontrucks and more than twenty 1.5 tontruck loads of goods. I really workedhard. We also completely changed thework methods. Instead of movinggoods on a wagon, we carried them onour backs, shoulders, or heads. Wecut down the unloading time of alarge container of goods from threehours to one hour.

Since we didn’t even spare ourown bodies in order to do the work,everyone from the outlet and thecompany as well as the main companypraised us. Mr Yoon Kwan Ho, anassistant manager consoled us bybuying alcohol for us when we weresad or when times were difficult for us,and also slept with us at the hotel. I’llnever forget him.

I respected my many fathers inKorea, but Father Kang was the onlyone of them who really treated us likehis own children. We ate and sleptwith father for five years. I can stillhear his voice calling, “Wake up kids!It’s time to eat!” Sometimes heinsulted us too, but he enabled us to

experience a parent’s love in that faraway land, so we were able to forgetthe difficulties of living such a hard lifethere.

We referred to the men in ourvillage as “cousin”. We especially likedone of them, a taxi driver whose housewasn’t far from us. There was also alady at the Tae Ung supermarket,where we were regular customers, whowe cannot forget. She prepared a tablefull of food for us when we returnedfrom Seoul and told her that we werehungry. We lived in Taesangli like thisfor six years, and developed strongbonds with our neighbours. It becamejust like our hometown.

Father Kang also did constructionwork and we worked on projects withhim over the weekends. After our firstproject, Mr Yoo congratulated us andgave each of us 10,000 won, about$11. If we used that money to batheat the public bath house/sauna andhave Chinese noodles at a cheaprestaurant, we would be left penniless.If Korean labourers did that kind ofhard work, they would receive severaltens of thousands of won. However, ifI had worked in Nepal, I wouldn’t

have even been able to receive eventhat much. We continued to doconstruction work on each of our daysoff for five months, increasinglydreading the weekends.

After we had worked for threemonths, Mr Yoo indicated to us,using hand gestures, that our salarywould increase by a certain amount,and would do so every six months.We didn’t know by how much itwould increase, but we worked evenharder. Mr Yoo didn’t pay us oursalaries every month. “If I give youyour salaries, you’ll spend it all atonce. I’ll save it for you and then giveit to you in one lump sum in thefuture when you need it,” he said. Buthe only gave us $400, or 375,000 won

per month, for 27 months fromFebruary 1992. Only for the last fivemonths did he give us 500,000 wonper month. And he withheld 1 millionwon of my salary. I was dumbfounded.

We talked to Mr Yoo. “Wetrusted you like a father, andcontinued to work, thinking that youhad been saving our money for us.You told us many times that oursalary would increase, so why did itremain the same as it was in thebeginning?” He only replied, “Shutup!” and “Be quiet!” We were in thecountry illegally, and so couldn’tcomplain. We had worked with Mr.Yoo for three years like this. The 00Steel company had about 20 agenciesin Kyongi province alone and we went

to deliver goods to each of them.Most of the people there were kind.I feel grateful to those who treatedus so warmly.

Our work was difficult, but wewere able to see a lot of Korea. Onetime, our driver was tired and drove bymistake until we arrived at the armycheckpost. We had to submit toquestioning and a body search by themilitary police. They said they had noway of knowing whether we were fromNepal or North Korea. After half-an-hour of wrangling, we were released.

After seven years of hard labour,my body was worn down. I have boneaches and other internal body aches.Boils appeared here and there all overmy body, but even though I went to

the hospital and was treated, I nevergot any better. According to thedoctor, my vertebra and body framehad become twisted.

One day, we saw an article in themorning newspaper about a demon-stration by foreign workers inMyoungdong. The company presidentsaid, “Those sons of bitches! If they goto another country to earn money,why don’t they just earn it andleave? What are they demonstratingfor? And that goes for you too, ifyou do that you’ll end up withnothing. Understand?”

We replied, “Oh no, we don’tplan to live here for the rest of ourlives. If we want to demand our rights,we’ll go back to our country.” But wecouldn’t be indifferent to their plight.I had read articles about other foreignworkers who had come to Korea toearn money like me, but who endedup losing their hands or feet inaccidents, or didn’t receive theirpay, or were deported from thecountry, or even worse, whocommitted suicide. We spent oneor two months like this.

One-and-a-half years passedwithout us receiving our salaries, thenthe IMF crisis struck. The cost ofliving rose, the number of people outof work skyrocketed, factories wentbankrupt, and the government waslooking unstable. It was a heavy blowto everyone, including foreignlabourers like us. It seemed that it wastime for us to go home to our

country. We started saying goodbyeto the people who seemed likefamily to us. Everyone was melan-choly, and we couldn’t help cryingthe last time we met.

We worked until five days beforeour departure on 1 April, 1998. Thecompany president owed us back payfrom January 1997 to April 1998. Theday before we left, he told us that hehad no money then, but he wouldsoon bring it to us in Nepal. We feltas if the whole sky had just collapsedon top of us. He gave us 2 millionwon ($1,100). We went shopping andgot one suit, one mini CD, a smallautomatic camera, an airplaneticket, three pairs of pants, a travelbag, a backpack, three pairs ofslippers, four fashion watches, and10 T-shirts on sale.

It felt like we had fallen from agreat height. The son in the family,who had gone away to earn money,was returning for the first time inseven years, penniless. I felt depressedthinking about what my relativeswould say. And I hadn’t been able tosend money home for a long time. Ihad already called my family and toldthem that I would bring some moneyback with me. Of course, my parentswould just be happy to have me back,with or without money. But I hadearned that money with my blood andsweat, it was very precious to me.

My mother and cousins werewaiting for me at Tribhuvan Interna-tional Airport. We took a taxi to ourhouse in Kathmandu, where mymother said, “This is the house webuilt through your suffering. How doyou like it?”. The next day, it was withgreat difficulty that I informed mymother that I had returned with only$100. She didn’t get upset about it.

I believed in the companypresident. I believed that he’d bring usthe money when his situation

improved. But October passed. ByApril, the money still hadn’t arrived.When I called his house, I got arecording saying that the number wasno longer in service. After that, Icalled the business department of 00Steel Company. I got the samemessage that time, too.

Meanwhile, two Koreans hadstarted to frequent my aunt’srestaurant before I returned to Nepal.After getting to know this couple, Itold them what had happened, andthey agreed to help. Thanks to theefforts of Mrs Jeong, the woman, I gota phone call from the companypresident. You have no idea howhappy I was. He asked me to returnto Korea. He said that first, he’d sendmoney for a plane ticket through MrsJeong, and to come quickly. A fewdays later, she received about $600 forme. The company president called fiveor six times a day to tell me to buy aplane ticket with the money andreturn quickly.

I wanted to go back. However, Iwas not in good health, and had noway to get a visa. I told him that,and never heard from him again.When I rang him, I heard, “Thisnumber is no longer in service”.

I’ve been studying Korean hardfor several months. I had alreadylearned to read and write while I wasin Korea, but the reason I wasstudying so hard now was because Iwanted to write about the seven yearsI spent there, from the age of 20 to27. As I continue to write, vividmemories of Korea come to mind andmy eyes become moist with tears. AndI still believe in our companypresident, who I called “father”. !!!!!

(Translated by Kim Hong Sungand Millicent Thapa from theKorean original by PasangSherpa, aka Phinzo Lama.)

A first-person account ofPasang Sherpa’s quest tosupport his family, trackingyears of backbreaking work inSouth Korea, his deepfriendships, and deception.

BACK HOME: Pasang Sherpa with his friend, Sri Ram, after both returned to Kathmandu. Pasang with Korean friends(left, centre) and his aunt, who he now helps run a small momo and tongba shop in Kathmandu.

O

66666 777778 - 14 NOVEMBER 2002 NEPALI TIMESNEPALI TIMESNEPALI TIMESNEPALI TIMESNEPALI TIMESBOOKS

Thennowandetween 1962 and 1987, Fritz Bergerworked on rural development projectsin Nepal for what is now SwissDevelopment Cooperation (SDC). In hisbook Gespiegelte Zeit: Wie Menschensich wandlen. Begegnungen in

Griechenland, Nepal und Pakistan (Mirrored Time:How people change. Encounters in Greece, Nepal andPakistan), Berger writes: “In the villages and on thefarms, I always carried my camera. What interestedme most was the people, their work, their festivals,their clothes and, most of all, how they lived. Idiscussed it with people before Iphotographed them. In Greece andNepal, they were always happy tobe photographed, and loved tochoose their poses. … They werealways pleased when I showedthem a picture of themselves or rana film in which they sawthemselves.

In 1996 and 1997 I returnedto my project sites to furtherresearch this book, which providedme my focus earlier. Before Iphotographed them anew, I showed them a picture Ihad taken of them a decade or so earlier. As soon asthey remembered, memories came tumbling out, andthey spoke spontaneously of their work then, wherethey lived, how they lived, and also about illnesses,their material difficulties, the project, theircolleagues.”

The book cover (above) is a remarkablepicture of Thuli Tamang in Dandapakhar, in 1975. Itshows Thuli harvesting wheat. The inset shows Thuliat 45, with her grandchild. “I gave my three childrenonly the breast. I certainly couldn’t afford babyfood,” she told Berger on meeting him again. Healso learns that Thuli’s husband served in the armyfor seven years, and has since then received a smallpension, which the couple used to build a new housewith a corrugated iron roof.(Gespiegelte Zeit: wie Menschen sich wandeln. Begegnungen in Griechenland,Nepal und Pakistan, Fritz Berger Die Lösen Blätter, Bern, 1999.)

Bhakta Bahadur Shrestha, KharidhungaBhakta Bahadur in Dandapakhar, 1975. Bhakta Bahadur is the firstfarmer to plant the new vegetables under a farmer’s trainingprogram. But no one in Lamosangu wants to buy his largeradishes. Later Bhakta Bahadur will fell wood in the high forestsand transport it to the project’s building sites.

Bhakta Bahadur, 57-years-old now, with his second wife. He hasten sons, six daughters, and so far, 32 grandchildren. BhaktaBahadur loves to sit in front of his house and watch the traffic goby. “This road has changed our lives,” he says. In the last tenyears schools and a police post have been built. Many tradershave opened shops, and there is also work in the magnesite mine.

Soma and Lal Bahadur Tamang, BernaSoma and Lal Bahadur, 1973. The mother and childare on their way home after shopping in aneighbouring village. Soma remembers: “We werealways hungry, and so my husband went to workin India.” And after a long pause: “In the earlyyears, he would still send me money. But he’snever returned.”

Soma, now 60 years old and Lal Bahadur 30, in thesquare of Berna village. Lal Bahadur is married andhas a daughter. He manages the family’s smallfarming business. “When the Kharidhunga mines areopen, I can earn something additional.” Soma valuesthe new road, and also the water and electricitysupply. “They make my life easier, especially now,when I am older.”

Gunja Master Nepali, MegachaurGunja, front right, 1980. Together with three fellow tailors, Gunjaregularly visits the weekly market in Kavre. Tailors, like black-smiths, are at the lowest rung of the social hierarchy in Nepal.

Gunja, middle, is now 40. For a few years, Gunja has occasion-ally worked part-time in Kathmandu. “In the village customerspay us with goods, in Kathmandu, with money,” he says.“Although we are still poor, things are somewhat better for usthan before.”

Kharka Bahadur Karki and Maya, PetkuKharka Bahadur and Maya on their wedding day inSanopakhar, in 1976. The bridegroom put his bridein a closed palanquin to take her to Patku. Theauthor captured the procession and the accompa-nying musicians in the documentary film Hami Haru.This film, about the lives of the farmers there, wasrepeatedly screened in Dandapakhar, to the greatdelight of the viewers when they saw themselveson the screen.

Kharka Bahadur is now 45, and Maya 39. Both manage,together with Kharka Bahadur’s father, the largestbusiness in the area. Many different kinds of vegetablesgrow in Maya’s garden. Even the fruit trees are unusu-ally well cared-for. On the way to the young cardamomplantations, Kharka Bahadur narrates a dream in whichChrist came to him. On the second floor of his largehouse, he has rigged up an assembly room richlydecorated with Christian posters. “We are already eightfamilies who gather here for services.”

Bachman Thami, AlampuBachman, 1978. Bachman lives in Alampuvillage, where the famous stones from Biguare broken. “We work for Lal Bahadur. Hewas the big man of Alampu, and gotwealthy by selling the stones to theproject.”

Bachman, now 73-years-old, braiding bamboo. “Afterdemocracy we divided the use of slate slabs to all Thamis.In the 1991 revolution, Lal Bahadur fled to Kathmandu dueto the oppression of the people. Bachman’s wife died tenyears ago. He has two sons and a daughter. “The time todie is here, as I can’t walk anymore since I fell whileherding sheep.”

B

Laxmi Devi Lama, KalichaurLaxmi, with her twins, Bango andLaxman (left), 1975. Laxmi tells us:“We were very poor and I openedthe teashop in Piple, as my husband,a labourer, earned too little.” Most ofLaxmi’s clients are porters andothers who work on the project[nearby]. After the opening of thestreet, the customers stay here too,and Laxmi has to keep tabs on herteashop in the Lamosangu bazar. Herhusband recently left her.

Laxmi, now 52, holds up a photo ofLaxman, who is a bus conductor.Bango, who sits next to her, hastwo children and helps her mother.Laxmi now runs a restaurant on thenew Sun Kosi bridge. Bango’shusband drowned in the Sun Kosiin a tragic accident on 1995. Thelarge flood, which destroyedeverything in the restaurant a yearafter it was opened, was a greatblow. “In order to buy new plates,pots and tables, I had to sell off myold gold jewellery.”

It’s never been easier to subscribe toNepali Times.

Just dial this number and leaveyour address. 543333

EASY TIMESEASY TIMESEASY TIMESEASY TIMESEASY TIMES

Fritz Berger in1959, and in1998 (below).

88888 8 - 14 NOVEMBER 2002 NEPALI TIMES

rom the anger, banality,calumny and disdain that havegripped political deliberations,

you can easily diagnose Nepal’simmediate ailment: infectiousranting. Blame mainstreampoliticians for the ills of the last 12years, and you’re told how twowrongs cannot make a right. If thepalace has violated the constitu-tion, comes the refrain from theother end, it’s because the politicosprovided the pretext. A thirdwrong—the revival of the spirit ofthe defunct Article 128 of theconstitution—is not going to help.Maybe a fourth—the restoration ofthe House of Representatives—would. Buried in this din is the realblunder our mainstream politiciansmade. When it eventually camedown to contravening the constitu-tion either way, how could havethey expected the palace to step inat their convenience?

A month later, Kangresis andcomrades are still reminding us thatthe core of the 1990 compro-mise was the principle thatthe king can do no wrong.(The reactionary rightobviously believes thatshould directly answer thecritics.) The people are astep ahead. They realisethe palace must have

Critical massSOMEWHERE IN NEPAL

carefully weighed the consequencesof its conduct. Royal advisers whohad the acumen to insert twoparagraphs from the satra salproclamation into the 4 Octoberaddress for added effect couldn’thave ignored the rest of history.

Consider the situation from theother end. When the palace didn’thave a direct political role thesepast 12 years, it still faced criticism.And, worse, for the wrong reasons.Nominations to the Upper Houseand ambassadorial appointmentsindependent of the prime minister’srecommendation warrantedreproach. But the political classpersisted with the generic “democ-racy-is-in-danger” chorus. Likesome of the architects of theconstitution say, the parties didn’tcriticise specific instances of royal

infraction because they wanted toshield their own transgressions. Ifthe palace has come centrestagewith a readiness to take fullresponsibility for its actions, thatdoesn’t sound like a bad bargain.

We know Prime MinisterLokendra Bahadur Chand and hisministers are answerable to no onebut the king. The palace secre-tariat must have finalised apanchayat-style division ofportfolios within the premises longbefore the king stepped in.Whatever goes on—and doesn’t—in Singha Darbar will leave alasting mark on Narayanhity.Mainstream parties can do muchmore than indulge in rhetoricalflourishes over how the cushionbetween the monarchists and theMaoists has been ripped apart.

By refusing to join the Chandgovernment, Kangresis andcomrades have demonstrated howtainted leaders are still capable ofupholding the torch of freedom.It’s the arrogance of powerlessnessthat’s troubling. True, most of theparties that welcomed the royalintervention have little more thantelephone sets and tawny station-ery to prove their presence. It’salso true that big-party pride droveBaburam Bhattarai and hisbattalion into the jungle. Theyprobably couldn’t ever have won aparliamentary majority, but wewere wrong to underestimate theirability to nullify thosewho could.

When newsrooms have moreto fear from a fuming film industrythan from finicky palace censors, itcan only mean we’re cruising inuncharted waters. The interna-tional environment is not condu-cive to a return to authoritarian-ism. Officially, it never was.(Remember how BP Koiralarefused to believe he could bedeposed in between KingMahendra’s state visits to theUnited States and Britain andQueen Elizabeth’s scheduledarrival in Kathmandu?) The superand regional powers that matteredwere more willing to tolerateexceptions to the freedom-firstrule. The war on terrorism hasrewritten the post-Cold War rulesto the detriment of our lives andliberties. This doesn’t mean thefree world is going to greet everytightening of the political screwswith public displays of gratifica-tion.

In the end, it all boils down tothe domestic front. And it’s nice tosee the debate simmering. Whatthe constituent assembly Kangresisand comrades are toying with isnot a bad idea, considering thesizeable number of Nepalis—Maoists and absolute monar-chists—who feel excluded by thisconstitution. Not to mention thatChand and his deputy, BadriPrasad Mandal, represent partiesthat weren’t even remotelyinvolved in drawing up thisstatute. There’s a lot we have todo in terms of the legal, politicaland procedural imponderablesinvolved, though. We don’t wantto see another mob of malcontentsgo on the warpath just because ofa technical flaw in the creation ofsuch an assembly, do we?

While we work out thosedetails, let’s remain focused on animportant feature of this constitu-tion: the consecration of thejurisdiction of the street. Sincepolitical fortunes will continue tofluctuate with turbulence andtranquillity on the thorough-fares, I’ll be keeping an eye onthe New Road Gate-Indrachowkstretch. !

by PUSKAR BHUSAL

Two wrongs don’t make a right. Neither dothree. Four might be just the ticket.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Children and the insurgencyAs with most conflicts around the world, children have suffered themost in Nepal’s insurgency. More than 3,000 children have beendisplaced from their homes in the past seven years, and the war hasleft another 1,500 orphaned.

At least 100 children have been killed in the fighting, and all thesenumbers are probably higher. That is just thecount tallied by the government andhuman rights organisations. Lately,there is also the worrying phenomenonof the forced recruitment of childsoldiers by the Maoists.

The child-welfare group, ChildWorkers in Nepal Concerned Centre(CWIN) and PLAN Nepal have teamed upto publish a book documenting the impactof the conflict on Nepali children, and thecontents are a tragic reminder of theseriousness of the situation. ChildrenCaught in the Spiral of War documents the direct impact of violence,but also looks at indirect effects such as migration, lack of educationand health care, and the psycho-social fallout of violence.

“The book describes the turmoil of the conflict situation in Nepaland how it affects innocent children,” says author Gauri Pradhan whocompiled field reports and research to bring out the book.

The book suggests that child welfare be declared a “zone ofpeace” for both sides—children should not at any cost be targeteddirectly or indirectly in war, and their right to peace and survivalshould be restored. “It is a crime to make children victims of any kindof violence and armed conflict. From whichever side it takes place, noviolence targeted towards children can be justified,” writes Pradhan.

The 80-page book also gives documentation of some 94 cases,where children have been brutally killed, and official attempts made tosuppress information.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Bigger armyThe Royal Nepal Army will recruit 5,000 more soldiers in the nextthree months. RNA spokesperson Colonel Dipak Gurung told mediamore force would help create pressure on the Maoists to thinkseriously about dialogue. The RNA has intensified its search andcordon operations—Gorakh I and Gorakh II—in Rukum and Rolpa, thehotbeds of the insurgency. Gurung said that there had been nochange in the army’s tactics, and that if the government declares aceasefire it would “act accordingly”.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Lean and mean civil serviceThere will be fewer jobs going in the civil service sector. The govern-ment has started the process of cutting down 7,518 civil service jobsfollowing a decision taken by the cabinet of dismissed Prime MinisterDeuba.

There are 10,600 positions in Nepal’s civil service sector, butabout 19,000 are vacant. The scratched positions are among thosethat have been unfilled for the last two years, mostly in the HealthMinistry. The recent move might also bring a smile to donors, whohave been pushing for a leaner and meaner civil service here.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

More climbing this autumn seasonAccording to data from the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and CivilAviation, 71 teams from 20countries will be climbing inNepal this season. Franceand Japan are sending thehighest number of expedi-tions, ten each, while theAustralians and Germanshave received permits foreight and six teams respec-tively. A total of 199 climbersare in Nepal for the autumnmountaineering season.

Three teams are here foron Everest (8,848 m), threefor Lhotse (8,516 m), two forDhaulagiri (8,164 m), and justone team will try to climbAnnapurna I (8,091 m). The rest will attempt lesser peaks. The issueof these permits has earned the Ministry Rs 28.8 million in fees. Lastautumn, Nepal earned Rs 17.8 million in fees from 55 teams.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

F

999998 - 14 NOVEMBER 2002 NEPALI TIMES

QUOTE OF THE WEEK

Feelings of political revenge have motivated the arrest of our friends [Jai Prakash Prasad Gupta and KhumBahadur Khadka]. This is unacceptable to us.

— Former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba in Kantipur, 1 November

“If you are a politician, you have to sometimes go to jail. Wasn’t Mahatma Gandhi imprisoned? Wasn’tBP Koirala?”

Robin Sayami in Himal Khabarpatrika, 2-16 November, 2002

FROM THE NEPALI PRESS THIS PAGE CONTAINS MATERIAL SELECTED FROM THE NEPALI PRESS

Himal Khabarpatrika, 1 November

Fifteen members of the 50-strong Nepali contin-gent to the Asian Games in Busan (left) failed toreturn home. Nepal won three silver medals inthe games, so it wasn’t a complete loss. Thedisappearance of the Nepali athletes was widelycovered in the Korean and international press,and was a source of acute embarrassment forthe country. There were fears that something likethis would happen, but no one had imagined somany would stay behind. Some didn’t even waitto appear in the game they went for, others tookpart in the first rounds and then vanished.

While athletes from other countries werewinning medal after medal, our athletes starteddisappearing one after another. The highestattrition rate was in the boxing team—all but oneof the eight boxers did not return. Two of thosewho disappeared, Ramchandra Thapa Magarand Ramesh Das Shrestha, had won gold andbronze medals in the South Asian Games inKathmandu. All three members of the judo teamdisappeared. Weightlifting Nepal record holder,Roshan Nakarmi, and shooting participantsMaya Sunwar, Birendra BK and Shyam Bista alsodisappeared.

Seven Nepali athletes had disappeared afterthe 1999 Hiroshima Asiad, and earlier this yearthree women footballers sought political asylumin Norway. And it is not just sports people. Somemembers of the Nepali delegation to Japan andKorea who went for the football World Cup in Julynever returned.

Kumar Adhikari advanced to the quarterfinalsin boxing, but disappeared after that. No onefrom the shooting team got the minimum scorerequired for participation in the Olympics, sothere will be no Nepali representation in shoot-ing in Athens.

It was only the medals won by Renuka Magar,Dipak Bista and Ritujimi Rai (below) that savedBusan from being a total loss, and we managedto rank 33 among 44 countries. The big ques-tion, though, is: was that worth the Rs 30 millionthat Nepal spent on sending our team to Korea?

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

7,000 and countingSpace Time, 1 November

The nearly seven-year-old Maoistinsurgency has claimed over 7,000lives. According to the Royal NepalArmy and the Home Ministry, thisbreaks down into: 6,011 Maoistrebels, 873 policemen, 219 soldiers,97 armed policemen and 773civilians including political workers.Of these, 4,050 Maoists have beenkilled since the proclamation of thestate of emergency last November.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

CondomsNepal Samacharpatra, 1 November

An estimated 30 million condoms areused annually in Nepal, of whichSocial Marketing Distribution(SMD) and Nepal CRS together sellnearly 10 million units. Othergovernment agencies distribute nearly14 million condoms free of cost,under USAID assistance, while theFamily Planning Association of Nepaldistributes around seven millioncondoms.

Only 3.7 percent of marriedcouples in Nepal use condoms as ameans of family planning. Accordingto Narayan Babu Shrestha, SMD’scentral region manager, the demandfor female condoms is very low dueto application difficulties and highcosts. The number of abortions inNepal is estimated at 70,000 a year.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Palace on ShrishaKantipur, 1 November

King Gyanendra, who assumedexecutive powers last month, hasdirected Prime Minister LokendraBahadur Chand to take the necessarysteps to amend existing rules andregulations to check yellowjournalism. The royal directivecomes in response to a petitionsubmitted to His Majesty bymembers of the filmmakingcommunity a week ago. Theydemanded action against theweekly newspaper, Jana Aastha,which published a nude photo-graph of actress Shrisha Karki wholater hanged herself. The kingasked the government to takeaction as soon as possible, inaccordance with the existing laws.

South Korea: 15,Nepal: 3

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Protesting 4 OctBimarsha, 1 November

Political parties have declared protestprogrammes against the king’s 4October move. If the monarch doesnot correct his mistake, they promisethat they will react even morestrongly. The Nepali Congress isgoing to organise nation-wideprograms to strengthen the party andraise people’s awareness to protect theachievements of the 1990 people’smovement and democratic systemstarting from 8 November with massmeetings on 26 November in differentparts of the country.

Similarly, the CPN-UML willorganise a public awareness campaignacross the country for a monthstarting 19 November. It will alsoorganise 13 zone-level mass meetings.The People’s Front will organise amonth-long protest programmestarting 11 November. It will alsoorganise mass meetings in all 75districts on 16 December, and agreater mass meeting in Kathmanduon 22 December.

○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○

Reds and the kingExcerpts from an interview withMadhav Kumar Nepal, generalsecretary CPN (UML),Nepal Samacharpatra, 3 November

… Our party has decided not toparticipate in the government led byLokendra Bahadur Chand as itdoesn’t have any authority. Theexecutive authority is vested in theking. This government is 100 percentdependent on the king and palace. Itis neither accountable to the peoplenor responsible towards the politicalparties. Participating in such agovernment would besmirch theimage of UML.

… Despite having reservationsabout the process of formation ofthe government, we acknowledgethat it is a government, and willlaud all its good accomplishments.We want the government to holddialogue with the Maoists and openthe doors for a political way out ofthis situation.

… The government should alsofix a date for elections and conductthem in a free and fair manner. TheUML is not in a hurry and we arenot saying that elections should beheld immediately, but we can’twithhold elections for ten years ifthe problem of insurgency is notresolved by then.

… We believe that Nepal needsthe monarchy in order to protectits sovereignty. The ethniccommunities need to be unified,but the king should rise above dailypolitics and simply remain a symbolof national unity. He should becommitted to democracy and to theinterests of the people. Althoughwe are a communist party, we wantto move ahead with a constitu-tional monarchy. We believe thatmultiparty democracy, togetherwith the constitutional monarchy,can address the problems facing thecountry at the moment.

SU

BH

AS

RA

I

$ BBBBBANYANANYANANYANANYANANYAN CONVENTIONCONVENTIONCONVENTIONCONVENTIONCONVENTION C C C C CENTERENTERENTERENTERENTER WITH 5 MEETING

HALLS, $ 48 SUITES, $ 2 RESTAURANTS, $ SWIMMING

POOL AND HEALTH CLUB, $ 6 ACRES OF ARBORETUM,$ OPEN AMPHITHEATER, $ AND NATURE UNLIMITED

Tel: 375280, Email: pvh@wlink.com.np

1616161616 8 - 14 NOVEMBER 2002 NEPALI TIMES

CDO Regd No. 194/056/57 Lalitpur, Central Region Postal Regd. No. 04/058/59

by Kunda Dixit

Under My Hat NEPALI SOCIETY

pedalled through South Asia,South-east Asia, Australia, NewZealand, Japan and China and onto Central America and theCaribbean. By January 2003, he’llbe on the road again to begin thefourth leg of his trip in Mexicoand go down to South America.After that, there will only beEurope and Russia.

An amateur singer and lyricist,Shah pens verse whenever he’slonely and homesick on some darkdesert highway on the other side ofthe planet. Back home, his mother,wife and four-year-old son are fullysupportive, if sometimes a bitworried when they don’t hear fromhim for a while. And for good luck,Puskar still carries in his pocket the

Rs 100 note his mother gave himfour years ago. !

the world and make Nepal betterknown,” recalls Shah. But in thepast four years that he has been onthe road, it is Puskar’s own mother-land that has been wracked byviolence, conflict and the head-line-grabbing massacre of royals.Instead of talking about worldpeace, he has been busy explain-ing events back home to journalistswho interview him.

Everywhere he has gone, withthe red double triangle Nepali flagfluttering proudly from thehandlebars, he has been wel-comed. “I have been overwhelmedby the generosity and warmthshown by complete strangers,” hetold us. The only places wherehelp has not been as forthcom-ing, unfortunately, have been insome Royal Nepal Embassies inforeign capitals.

Last year, his bicycle was stolenin New Zealand, and he had to begto feed himself. Luckily, SirEdmund Hillary strode to his rescueand bought him a new bike andpaid for logistics. And wherever hehas run into the Nepali diaspora,they have taken him in andtreated him like a hero.

So far, Puskar has

hen the 30-year-oldPuskar Shah set out onhis bicycle to see the

world in 1998, his mother gavehim a 100-rupee note. He didn’thave any sponsors, or big-namebackers. All he had was thedetermination to take hismessage of peace to all cornersof the world on a bicycle.

Today, after crossing 88,000km, Puskar’s journey is only a thirdcomplete and he is back home fora rest and to take part in apeace rally being organised bythe World Cyclist Foundation inKathmandu in January.

Born in the tiny village ofMakaibari in Dolakha, Puskar losthis father at the age of 17. Heserved in the Indian army, and waskilled by militants in Assam.During the pro-democracymovement in Nepal in 1991,Puskar was among many studentactivists who were arrested andtortured by police.

“Nobody really inspired me togo around the world on a bicycle.It just came out of my ownconviction, that I should take theBuddha’s message of peace out to

ver the holiday period the reading public hasbeen deprived of information of vital impor-tance to their daily lives because some of us in

the media business were just too lazy to bring outnewspapers.

Serves the reading public right. Don’t they haveanything better to do? Anyway, as a result of thisserious deprivation much that has happened in ourcountry has fallen between the cracks and been lostforever. As a journal of record, therefore, it is our dutyand responsibility to bring to public notice eventswhich would otherwise have been consigned to thedustbin of history and geography. The fact that none ofthese items below are actually based on fact is besidesthe point, the point is that as journalists it is oursolemn obligation to publish and be damned. Thepublic in a democracy has the right to know, and wehave the right to break every rule in the book.

Commercial Break: Today’s News Bulletin isbrought to you by Kangchendzonga Steel Rods: “Sostrong, no one can take your house away from you, noteven the Judicial Commission to Investigate Ill-gottenWealth; by Fishtail Condoms: “Nepal’s first brandedprophylactic, mix your business with pleasure”; and by24-Carrot Noodles: “Switch to new gold-platednoodles and instantly improve your credit-worthiness.”

And now, the news in brief:

Country Closed Till XmasBy Our Staff ReporterKATHMANDU – The Ministry of Inertia andLethargy has finally announced that, since Christmas isaround the corner, the current holidays will beextended till December.

The news was received with much jubilation atgovernment offices which had reluctantly opened afterthe holidays. “Work was piled up so high, we didn’t

Jello Journalismknow where to start,” said a visibly elated PhanindraNepal at the Department of Rest and Recreation.“Now we can relax, and not worry about getting anywork done for another two months.”

“Grand Design,” says KoiralaBy Our Staff HumoristBIRATNAGAR: Former prime minister and NepaliCongress (G) chairman, Girija Prasad Koirala hasopined that the carpet industry is Nepal’s past, presentand future. Inspecting a carpet factory in BiratnagarThursday, Koirala peered at the art work on a new rugbeing readied for export, and told the weaver: “This is areally grand design. Keep up the good work.”

Nepal To Have NavyBy A Reporter Who Requests AnonymityPOKHARA: As a part of the national plan to augmentthe strength of the security forces, the government hasdecided to set up a navy, informed sources in the jointforces HQ said. “At the moment we are just naval-gazing, but very soon we should have a flotilla of high-speed submarines deployed on Ghoda Ghodi Tal,Begnas, Tin Kune and other water bodies throughoutthe kingdom,” said Admiral Bhim Sen.

Pedalling for peacePedalling for peace

OW

Puskar in St Kitts

At home in Dolakha

Give yourself the gift of Reflexology! email:buddhasfeet or ring 425-931

Wanted urgently fully furnished with utilities, ahouse or apartment with two/ three bedrooms,kitchen, living, dining, with adequate supply ofwater and telephone. Good view, quiet area.Preferred location: Rabi Bhawan/ Thahachal/Teku/ Kalimati. Contact Shrihar 521128/ 546857 orVinay 981024192. No brokers.

Contact www.kopilaclinic.com

House for rent in Jawalakhel centrally located,spacious old Rana bungalow (9386.61sq.ft) withbig garden, ample parking space. Total land area-30690.23 sq.ft. Suitable for offices. Seriousenquiries: Contact S Rana between 7-8.30 AM

DSES-07-11-2002 04:00 GMT

1010101010 CITY 8 - 14 NOVEMBER 2002 NEPALI TIMES

KATHMANDU VALLEY

Fri Sat Sun Mon Tue

23-10 22-10 22-09 24-10 23-10

by NGAMINDRA DAHALNEPALI WEATHER

For insertions ring NT Marketing at 543333-36.

CLASSIFIED

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○○

○

and 5.30-8 PM Tel: 521128/546857

Nagarkot Special at Naked Chef Bed andbreakfast, three-course gourmet dinner, Rs 800 perperson. Room Rs 300 only. For Nepalis andexpatriates. 680006, 969107153

Visit Ground Zero Fine wines, designer candles,cards, exclusive Nepali paper products, silverjewellery, wooden items, perfumes and more.Darbar Marg, opposite Hotel de l’Annapurna

Terrace flat available on short-term lease.One bedroom, one living room, spacious kitchen,toilet/ bathroom, hot water on tap and a wide beerterrace. Lots of greenery, great view of sunset,good price and some chill people around. Call ManiRai 424877 or Dinesh 425677.

A charismatic (and tattooed) extreme sportsperformance artists-of-sorts (he videotapeshimself pulling dangerous and sometimes illegalstunts, then sells them on the black market),Xander Cage (the new heartthrob Vin Diesel) is aJames Bond-like hero with the personality of arock star. Cage is recruited by a governmentagent, Gibbons (Jackson) to infiltrate a Russiancrime ring, Anarchy 99, led by a mysteriousfigure called Yorgi (Csokas), which plans onunleashing a lethal substance in the rivers ofEurope, which sends him racing through a seriesof adventures. Also noteworthy are Samuel LJackson and the smoking Asia Argento.

XXX

%%

on FM 102.4

/]l8of] ;u/dfyf

Radio SagarmathaP.O. Box 6958, Bakhundole, Lalitpur, Nepal

Tel: ++977-1-545680, 545681Fax: ++ 977-1- 530227

E-mail: radio@radiosagarmatha.orgwww.radiosagarmatha.org

Mon-Fri 0615-0645 BBC World TodaySat 0615-0645 BBC Reporting ReligionSun 0615-0645 BBC AgendaDaily 2045-2115 BBC g]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jf

Daily 2245-2300 BBC g]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jfg]kfnL ;]jf

Sun-Fri 0740- 0800 ltg6f s '/fltg6f s '/fltg6f s '/fltg6f s '/fltg6f s '/f

Daily 0800-0830 8jn L8jn L8jn L8jn L8jn L

Daily 2000-2030 cfhsf s '/fcfhsf s '/fcfhsf s '/fcfhsf s '/fcfhsf s '/f

The first westerlies of the season are here. Thissatellite picture on Thursday morning shows the fistwisps of cirrus already over central Nepal. But theseclouds have been wrung dry as they travel all the wayfrom the Mediterranean over the middle east to thesubcontinent. So not much rain there. But there areothers where this one came from, and the next frontalsystem is already over Iran. These are fast-movingsystems so they will not linger. The winter haze fromthe Indo-Gangetic plains will stick around because thewinds are still from the southwest.

12 noon, 3PM, 6PMTelephone booking: 442220Online bookingwww.jainepal.com

%

JAI NEPAL CINEMA