desai and kulkarni 2008

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Demography , V olume 45-Number 2, May 2008: 245–270 245 T CHANGING EDUCATIONAL INEQUALITIES IN INDIA IN THE CONTEXT OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION* SONALDE DESAI AND VEENA KULKARNI  Indian so ciety suf fers from substa ntial i nequali ties in e ducatio n, employ ment, and income ba sed on caste and ethnicity. Compensatory or positive discrimination policies reserve 15% of the seats in institutions of higher education and state and central government jobs for people of the lowest caste, the Scheduled Caste; 7.5% of the seats are reserved for the Scheduled Tribe. These programs have been strengthened by improved enforcement and increased funding in the 1990s. This positive discrimination has also generated popular backlash and on-the-ground sabotage of the programs.  This paper examines the changes in educational attainment between various social groups for a  period of nearly 20 years to see whether educati onal inequa lities have declined over time. We use data from a large national sample survey of over 100,000 households for each of the four survey  years—19 83, 1987–1988, 1993–1994, and 1999–2 000—and focus on the educati onal attain ment of children and young adults aged 6–29. Our results show a declining gap between dalits, adivasis,  and others in the odds of completing primary school. Such improvement is not seen for Muslims, a minor- ity group that does not bene   fit from af   firmative action. We   find little improvement in inequality at the college level. Further, we do not   find evidence that upper-income groups , the so-called creamy layer of dalits and adivasis, disproportionately bene   fit from the af   firmative action programs at the expense of their lower-income counterparts. he past century has been characterized by a massive worldwide educational expan- sion. Increasingly complex economies demand a better-educated workforce. Moreover, in a globalizing world culture, nation-states are increasingly expected to take over the duty of educating citizens (Meyer, Ramirez, and Soysal 1992). However, whether educational expansion is suf cient to reduce educational inequalities or whether explicit af rmative ac- tion is needed remain thorny issues facing many national governments, with little empirical evidence to guide future policies. Research on educational strati cation suggests that inequality in education between different social strata continues and sometimes even widens in spite of educational growth (Halsey, Heath, and Ridge 1980; Hauser and Featherman 1976). Results from a pathbreak- ing project comparing educational changes across 13 diverse countries shows that with two exceptions, the impact of parental socioeconomic status on children’s educational opportunity remained stable or even widened (Shavit and Blossfeld 1993). Widening socioeconomic differences are particularly evident at upper levels of education. Perhaps the most ironic nding in this line of research is that in communist societies, too, cultural capital reected in father’s educational level increased children’s chances of gaining higher education (Treiman, Ganzeboom, and Rijken 2003), and even as access to education became universal in primary school, ethnic inequalities widened in high school (Hannum 2002). The literature on why these inequalities persist or even widen in spite of the in- creases in overall educational levels remains poorly developed. However, some insights *Sonalde Desai, Department of Sociology, University of Maryland, College Park, MD 20742; E-mail: sdesai@socy .umd.edu. Veena Kulkarni, Department of Sociology, University of Maryland. A prior version of this  paper was presente d at the annual meeting of the Populat ion Association of America, May 1–3, 2003, in Minneapo- lis. We gratefully acknowledge the support provided by William and Flora Hewlett Foundation to V eena Kulkarni in the form of a predoctoral fellowship and by NICHD Grant R01HD041455.

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