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    A

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    This book is DUE on the last date stan---'^ '-^low

    sour icrt,UNiVERShV m UALIFORNIA,LIBRARY,O-DS ANGELES, CALIF.

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    THE

    riiiLipricsOF

    DEMOSTHENES.Mit!) Introbiutions ant) ^otcs.

    FOR THE USE OF COLLEGES.

    By ^Y. S. TYLEE,WILLISTON PROFESSOR OF GREEK IN AMHERST COLLEGE.

    o -1 *3 ,' J " > '1 . ^

    \ > ' ,1 1. 1

    ALLYN AND BACONIBostou nnD Cl)irago

    5068G

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    Copyright, 1875.Bv JOHN ALLTM.

    PAB

    .* fl

    yorluooU 53rfS3 :Berwick ji Smitli, Nurwood, Mass., U.S.A.

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    oP PREFACE.

    ^ This edition of the Philippics -wns intended to be therr ^

    sequel and companion of the Olynthiacs, already published,and to be bound with that or in a separate volume, at theoption of those who nse it. Little, therefore, need now be^ added by way of pretace. With comparatively few ex-ceptions, sufficiently explained in the notes, it follows thesame text, namely, that of Bekker in Tauchnitz's stereo-

    t ty^d edition ; and the introductions and notes have beenprepared for the same purpose, on the same general plan,and with substantially the same German and English edi-

    'C tions before me for i-eference and comparison. The Amer-ican edition of Dr. J. M. Smead has also been frequentlyconsulted, and has never failed to impress me with a highrespect for the faithful labors and the thorough scholarshipof the editor. I take pleasure also in acknowledging myobligations, in common with all the teachers and studentsof Greek in our American colleges, to Dr. Champlin as thepioneer American editor of so many of the oratious of De-mosthenes.My chief aim has been, not so much to trace out names

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    IV PREFACE.and dates and obscure facts, and settle disputed questionsin geography, history, archaeology, or higher criticism, asto help the student follow the argument, catch the spirit,imbibe the sentiments, take on the style, enter into thelife and labors, of the great Athenian orator. It is hopedthat the general and special introductions, the analysisof the argument, and the summary prefixed to each para-graph or division, will conduce not a little to this end. Inshort, the design of the book is not criticism, but educa-tion, and that not to teach the teacher, but to guide andinspire the pupil. I never read these orations, especiallysince our late war, without a new and vivid impression oftheir adaptation to warn and instruct us in our countryand our age, of their educational value to all countries andall ages, of their fitness and their power to teach the youngespecially, not only rhetorical and intellectual, but politicaland moral lessons of unspeakable value. And if the youngmen who read this edition of the Philippics may thus notonly be imbued with something of the eloquence of Demos-thenes, but also inspired with his detestation of bribery,corruption, oppression, and all wrong, and his supreme de-votion to liberty, duty, honor, and right, my object willhave been accomplished, and I shall not have labored invain.Amhebst College, August, 1875.

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    INTRODUCTION,Although the Olynthiacs stand first in the manuscriptsand printed editions of the entire works of Demosthenes,

    the first Philippic preceded them some two or three yearsin the delivery, and is acknowledged to have been theearliest of his orations wliich have distinct reference toPhilip of Macedun. 8ome twelve years had now elapsedsince, on coming to his majority, he had prosecuted hisguardians for maladministration, and, by his speechesagainst Aphobus in the dicastery, had not only won theverdict of the court, but, what was of more value, gainedsome confidence in himself and developed that hatred againstwrong which ever after burned as a fire in his bones. Ow-ing to his defective articulation and disagreeable delivery,he had ignominiously failed in his first appearance beforethe people ; but instructed by the comic actor, Satyrus, andencouraged by others of his audience, who saw in him thegerms of an eloquence not inferior to that of Pericles, hewithdrew, and, after several years of the most painstakingand persevering self-culture, returned to win -a splendidtriumph and chain victory to his car.

    Three years before the first Philippic (b. c. 355) he haddelivered his oration against Leptines, which, although ajudicial oration, involved a public question of much inter-

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    VI INTRODUCTION.est, namely, that of the Lituryits, or charges for the publicentertainments, and which was followed by the repeal ofthe law introduced by Leptines and opposed by Demos-thenes. Two years before (b. c. 354) he had delivered hisfirst parliamentary or popidar harangue before the assembledpeople, the Oration De Symmoriis, in which, wdiile heearnestly dissuades the Athenians from an aggressive, need-less, and inexpedient war against the Persians, to which theyw-ere inclined, at the same time, with the insight and fore-sight of a true statec^mau, he urges them to the adoption ofsuch a plan of classijicatluii and contribution to the j)iMicservice as would prepare them for any and every publicemergency, thus perhaps already intending (as Dionysiusof lialicarnassus says, Ehet., VIII. 7), although he was toowise to make a premature disclosure of tins chief end, tohusband and rally the resources of his country for thegreat struggle witii a nearer and more dangerous enemy,Philip of Macedon. This earliest of the popular orationsof Demosthenes, though he was then a young man attlie most of thirty-three years, according to Grote andCurtius only thirty years of age,* thus shows muchof the same practical wisdom and discernment of menand things w'hicli mai"k his whole career ; and from thistime his history becomes identihed with the history ofAthens, and inseparably connected with that of all theother Grecian states. Curtius's admirable chapters on"Athens and King Philip" and the "Last Struggles forIndependence" (Vol. V., Chap. III. and IV) are all strung,

    * Auiliorities differ about the date of Demosthenes's birth by a periodof four years, from b. C. 385 to 381. See (besides coninientaries, lives ofDemosthenes, and dictionaries of biography) Thirlwall's History of Greece,Chap.

    XLIII. ; Grote, Vol. XI., Chap. LXXXVII. ; and Curtius, Vol.v., Chap. III.

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    INIUODUCTIOX. Vll

    like heads on a tliread, on tlio life of Demosthenes; andthe .same is suhstantially time ol' Tliirlwall, Grute, and all thehest authorities on this i)ortion of fJrecian history. Thenext year (n. c. 353) he imuh; liis s]i(M'ch Pro Megalopo-liluiiis, ill whii-h he stems in like iiiiuiiicr the pupiilar cur-rent of hatred against the Thehans, and advises the Athe-nians to maintain the existing status at Megalopolis and inthe Peloponnesus, thus consciously or unconsciously reserv-ing the united strength of Athens and Thehes, and so far aspossible of all Greece, for the hnal conilict with their com-mon enemy.

    Philip had already heeii on the throne of Macedon sevenor eight years, and during six of these years he had beensteadily encroaching on the possessions or allies of Athensin Northern Greece. Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidisa,

    andMethone had all fallen into his hands; Pherse, Pagasaj,all Thessaly, was virtually in his possession ; and theAthenians were in a perpetual cj^uarrel with him, if notat open war. Yet in all this time we find no direct andexplicit mention of him in the extant orations of Demos-thenes. The Athenians were slow to believe that a kingof Macedon, the disputed sovereign of a nation of Northernbarbarians who had hitherto been no match for the Olyn-thians and their immediate neighbors, and were scarcelyallowed access to the sea at any point, could be formi-dable to the military power of Athens or dangerous tothe liberties of Greece.* But Greece, weakened by divis-ions, distracted by mutual jealousies, and almost exhaustedby civil wars, was no longer th.e Greece that hurled backthe millions of Persia, baflled and rained. The Pelopon-nesian "War (b. c. 431 - 404) had impaired the Hellenicspirit and used up the resources of both the leading Gre-cian states. The Theban ^^'ar, ending with the death

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    VIU INTRODUCTION.of Epaminondas, b. c. 3G2, had weakened and luindjledSparta. The Social "War, between the Athenians and theirallies, had stripped Athens of no small portion of its wealthand power. The Sacred or Phocian War, which was ragingat this time, was still more fatal in its consequences, rous-ing almost all Greece to arms and opening the way forthe direct and authorized interference of Philip in Grecianaffairs. Strong in hiinself, in his person, his native genius,and his accidental training in the school of Epaminondas,strong in his autocratic power, his brave and disciplinedarmy, and his growing navy, Philip was still stronger in theweakness and divisions of those whom he meant to subju^gate. Athens, where he most feared resistance to his am-bitious projects, was no longer the Athens that Miltiades,Themistocles, and Aristides animated to heroic sacrifice?and led to glorious victories over the Persians. Arms hadgiven place to arts. The Acropolis glittered witli temple?and tlieatres which excited the envy and tempted the cupid-ity of tlieir neighbors, while the people were engrossed witha succession of spectacles and festivals. The military fundwas alienated to the maiutenancte of magnificent shows, andit was made a crime even to propose its restoration. Thepoor clung tenaciously to the show-money which they drewfrom the public treasury, and the rich contributed reluc-tantly to the public service. Mercenary troops had beentheir reliance in war till they had almost forgotten thatcitizens ever went in person to the field of battle. Fromsuch a people Philip had little to fear, unless some masterspirit of patriotism and eloquence could rouse them fromtheir lethargy. He early saw and remarked that the battlewas not with the Athenians, but with Demosthenes. Ifnot the earliest to discover the danger, Demosthenes wasthe first to proclaim it openly and boldly to his sleeping

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    INTRODUCTION. IX

    countrymen. The first great occasion of immediate alarmfor the liberty of Greece and their own sa ety was theattempted march of Philip now acting ostensibly as therepresentative of the Amphictyonic Council and the aven-ger of the god at Delphi in the Sacred War through thepass of Thermopylae for the subjugation or exterminationof the sacrilegious Phocians. This was prevented by theAthenians, who, awakened from their lethargy, despatched anarmament of such formidable strength, and so fortified andguarded the pass, that Philip did not attempt to furce hisway through it. But he went on strengthening his infantryand cavalry, building up a navy, and extending his con-quests in Thrace till his attack on the 'Hpaiov Tei^os, a for-tress so near the Chersonese that the Athenian possessionsand colonists there were thus threatened, again arousedtheir fears. Then they voted to equip a fleet of forty tri-remes, to man it with Athenian citizens, all persons up tothe age of forty-five being liable to serve in the expedition,and to raise an extraordinary tax of sixty talents. Butwhile the armament was in preparation, news came toAthens that Philip was sick, and then that he was dead ;and then they gave up the expedition (01., III. 4, 5). Itwas under these circumstances* (b. c. 352, 351) thatDemosthenes ascended the bema and delivered his firstPhilippic, in which he urged the Athenians to necessitatethe return of Philip to his own country and keep himthere by sending a fleet to hover along the coast, and also* Grote and apparently Curtius suppose the oration to have been deliv-

    ered in the interval between the magnificent vote and the almost farcicalexecution of it, early in B. C. 351. Thirlwall places it prior to the vote(352). But he is obliged to suppose the reports of Philip's sickness ordeath alluded to in this oration ( 10) to be different and at a differenttime from those mentioned in the third Olyntliiac ( 5), which seemshardly probable. See further, in Introduction to

    First Philippic.1*

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    X INTRODUCTION.to raise another and larger armament and have it in con-stant readiness to sail at a moment's Avarning to the placeof danger. From tlii.s time opposition to Philip's designsagainst the liberties of his country becomes the ruling ideaof Demosthenes's life. This was the hrst of twelve ora-tions, delivered in the course of about as many years (b. c.352 - 340), all of which Dionysius calls Philippics, andwhich, whatever may have been their special subjects oroccasions, were all in reality directed against the designs ofPhilip. The genius of Demosthenes has invested the nameof this ambitious sovereign with an added interest, and thewoi'd "Philippic" has a place and a meaning in all thelanguages of the civilized world. The Oration De 8ym-moriis, as interpreted by Dionysius (Pihet., VJII. 7) andCurtius (V. p. 259, Amer. ed.), Avas a Philippic in disgui-se.The three Olynthiacs are expressly callrd Philippics byDionysius (De Adui. Vi Die. in Demos. 21-43), and areas fierce in their denunciation of the Macedonian as any ofhis orations. The Sj)eech on the Chersonese is scarcely lessbitter and severe against Philip than the third Philippicwhich was spoken about the same time. Franke classifiesthe De Chersoneso, the De Pace, and the Olynthiacs withthe Philippics commonly so called in his edition of the " NinePhilippic Orations of Demosthenes." Only four orations,however, are usually called Philippics ; and one of these(the fourth) is so manifestly made up of portions of otherorations of Demosthenes, strung together by another hand,that it is almost universally pronounced to be spurious, andwe have not thought it worth Avhile to include it in thisedition.

    If any one should infer from the title that the Philip-pics, whether those universally so (-ailed or those sometimesclassified with them, are nothing Ijut denunciation and in-

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    INTKiiDUCTION. XI

    recti vo a;^faiiist Pliilip, if wniild l)o as great a mistake asaiidlluT wliirli is iiuid- cxli'iisivoly prevalent, iianicly, tliatI)enn)stlR'!ii's is always liarpiiiLj uii the ancestral glories ofAtlu'iis. The tact is, thai there is an almost intinite varietyin these as there is in liis nilier orations, a variety in thecont(Mits and sulyect-matter, not only in ililferent orationssuited to the occasinn and eii'cnrastances, hut in tl:e same;oratiiin, passing from the nmst vehement invective nr IIkvmost glorious ])aiiegyrie to the simplest facts and the (h'iestdetails of luisiness, and a corresponding variety iii styleso that ancient critics were accustomecl to ascrilie to thestyle of Demosthenes the characteristic excellences tif allthe other masters in oratory, history, ami philoso])hy, the nervous conciseness of Thucydides, the graceful narra-tive of Plato, the rhythmical flow and cadence of Is icrates,the simplicity and clearness of Lysias, the dignity andstrength of Isaeus, each in its proper })lace, together witha logical force and a patriotic and moral earnestness all hisown.

    If we ini[Tnre wliat were the secrets of Demosthenes'spower as an orator, the main points may perhaps he .brieflyenumerated under the following heads :

    1. He was not a mere orator : he was also a statesman." I did not speak thus," he says in the just pride andsplendid egotism of his Oration on the Crown, ' and thennot move a resolution ; and I did not move a resolution, andthen not serve on the embassy ; and I did not serve on theembassy, and then not convince the Thebans : but from thebeginning all through to the end I devoted myself abso-lutely to the clangers which encomjiassed the state." "Whilethis was his boast, it was also his strength. His oratorywas the exact expression of the orator himself ; and theorator himself was the impersonation of the best elements

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    Xll INTRODUCTION.of his age and country, the guardian of the liberties ofGreece, the representative of the fame and glory of Athens.He may perhaps be considered a man of one idea, but thatidea was the very soul and almost the substance of thebest periods of Grecian history. If he had but one object,that object was the oidy one worthy of Athens and ofGreece. And he strove to accomplisli that chief end of hisown life and his country's history by means as various asthe circumstances under which he spoke, by c

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    INTKODUCTION. XIU

    iras of prudence and sentiments of morality of universalapplication, arguments of eveiy kind drawn from everypossible source, infoi'Uied and enforced by the very logic ofcommon-sense and marshalled as Nesttjr advised Agamem-non to arrange his troops, all these march iu solid pha-lanx upon a single point and juess upon it with over-Avhelming force. Substance rather tlian show, breadthand depth rather than superticial polish, characterize theorations of Demosthenes. Hence wdien, in the zenith ofhis glory, our orator was asked which he thought to be thebetter, his own orations or those of Callistratus, his answerAvas that those of Callistratus were tlie better if they wereto be heard, but his own if they were to be read ; thusshowing that wdiile he set a high value on deliver}', heclaimed the superiority in a more solid and enduring excel-lence. Time has confirmed the truth and justice of thatclaim ; the orations of (.'allistratus are all lost, but those ofDemosthenes live and will live through all ages.

    3. Passing noAV from the matter to the manner, we ob-serve that the style of Demosthenes is chiefly remarkablefor its adaptation to the subject-matter and occasion ; inother words, its perfect fitness to express his thoughtsand accomplish his object. This implies variety, flexibil-ity, simplicity, clearness, transparency, the highest excel-lences of style. His style is highly artistic, but the artis concealed. As compared with most of our modern popu-lar orators, it is barren of tropes and bare of ornament.Beautiful figures of every kind are found in his orations ;but he never uses them merely for embellishment : he usesthem to illustrate and enforce his itleas ; in other words,because the figure spontaneously suggests itself as the mostobvious, natural, and forcible expression for the thought.Simple things in simple ways ; plain thoughts in plain

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    XIV INTRODUCTIUN.

    words; burning emotions in buniin;^- Linguage ; thunderonly when tlirre is liglitning, and when there is no tem-pest, and no occasion for any, the tranquil liquid atmos-phere and the clear blue sky, in short, ht words in htplaces is the one universal law in the style of Demosthenes.Simple narrative rises into sublime declamation, and thatagain subsides into sin^ple narrative. Vehement bursts ofpassion are soon followed by a resumption of the cliainof argument out of which they hashed like the sparkfrom an electric communication momentarily interrupted.After prostrating liis adversaries by his fiery logic, as liobertHall happily says, ' by his abrupt and terrible interroga-tions he tramples them in the mire." His sentences areseldom very long; and when they are longest, tliey are com-pact, condensed, with all the clauses duly co-ordinated orsubordinated according to the Greek idea of a period, an

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    IN ri;oiiii-ni)N. xvand actiiji:. Ili.s earnestness was partly, perluips, profes-sional and personal : In iii'c liis greatest oration, like thegreatest specili of Daniel Webster, was one in wliicli hisown repntation was involved with the honor of his coun-try. But it was chietly that earnestness which springs fromgreat ideas and a noble object. It was patriotic, heroic,martyr-like. Deraostlienes was the embodiment of morethan Athenian character and history. lie was the imiier-sonation of those ideas of undying power and universalinfluence, the ideas of duty, liljerty, and glory. Tobreathe these ideas into his countrymen was the object ofhis orations, the aim and end of his life. And while theylistened to him, for the time being, alas, that it was onlyfor the time being, he often succeeded in animating themv.ith his own spirit. And the most valuable lesson whichthe yonng orator and scholar may learn from the orationsand the history of Demosthenes is that eloquence consists notin hne words and beantiful figures, l)ut in truth and ear-nestness, and the chief end of life is not success, but dutyand self-sacriticing devotion to some worthy end.

    5. The delivery of Demosthenes was just that thought-ful, soul-full, sublime, godlike "action'''' Avhich he himselfdeclared to be the first, second, and third thing in oratory,and by which he meant, not gesticulation or elocution, l)utvTTOKpio-t? (that was the orator's word), that is, the exactrepresentation or full and perfect expression of the thoughts,emotions, wishes, and aspirations of the speaker. It wasthose low undertones so expressive of depth and earnest-ness, and that compressed lip full and more than full ofdetermination and intensity, and the brow furrowed withthought and care, and the eye moistened with tears, andthe form bent forward as if in eager pursuit, and theclinched hands giving a tei'rible emphasis to the utterance

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    XVI INTRODUCTION.of his impassioned sentences, it was all these cured ofdefects, freed from impediments, and made flexible, supple,and expressive by those long years of study and practice,and then informed I)y wise plans, illumined by patrioticsentiments, and inspired by heroic purposes, in a word,it was the whole spirit and soul and body of the patriotorator and statesman speaking to the whole body and souland spirit of his audience. It is rpiite unnecessary to re-mark, how worthy such an orator is to be the study of tlienoble youth in our colleges and universities.

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    AHMOSeENOTSRATA ^lAinnOT A.

    El fiev Trepl xaivov rn^o? Trpdj/iaTO'i 7rpovTi0eTo, 1w avSpe^: ^A6r]valoi, Xejeiv, 7ria^(t)v av eco? oiTrXetCTTOt iwv eicotfoTwv 'yvwixrjv aiT(pi]vavTO, et fxevr^peaKe il ^lot iwv vtto jovra>v prjdevTcov, 7](Tv^iav aurjyou, el 8e fii']^ tot av auTo^ eTrecpw/jLrjv a jtyvcoaKw 5\eyeiP' eTreiSr] Se virep 6)u TioXXa/ct? eipi^Kaaiv ovtoiTrpoTcpov avfjL^aivet kuo i'vih aKOTrew, i]

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    2 AHMO^OEyOY^ [4. 3aAA.oji' uKOVovai kul toc

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    -C] RATA ^lAinnOT A, 3avBpC'i

    ' A6r)vaioi, rovro Ka\o)q eKeluo

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    4 AHMOIQENOTX [4. 8Tot? fter eKeivoL) ')(pij vofxiQeLV evetvai. KardTtrri'^efievTOC iravra ravra vvv, ovk e'^ouz ti7TO(npocf)i]VSen Ti]V vfxerepav ^paSvTijra kui padvfiiav, rjv airo-

    9 OecrOai (f)r]/j,i Secv ^^Stj. opare y^p, fo ai'Spe? A6i]-5 valoi, TO Trpajfxa, ol TrpoeXrjXvOev uae\yei,a, o) av-

    Spe^ AdrjimtoL, irore a Xprj Ttpa^ere ; eTret8av rt,yevrjTai ; eTreiSai' vr] At avajfcj] fj. . vvv he ri -^prjTil jiyvofMeva /jyeiauaL ; eyco fxev yap OLOfiai roa

    15 eXv0epoi irpay- ^pLUTWv atcT'yyvrjv elvat.^ r) /SovXeade, eiire /uo

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    -15.] KATA 'PIAinnOT A. 5Kat TOUT e^epyacraLTo, tad on TrXijaiov fiev ovt /aTraaiv av to(v Trpnyfxaai TeTapaj/mevofi eTTtcTTar'Te?OTTOJ? (SovXeath BcoLKijaaiade, &) 70)1' Kaipwp A/j,(j)t7ro\iv Be^aadat BvvaiaOav, a7rt]pTT]fMei'0t, kul Tatv irapaaKevac^ kul laa 5jvai/jLai';.

    /2? /xey oui' Beo ja TrpoarjKovTa Troietv edeXovTa^ 11vnapyeiv aTraurwi ejoi/j.(o

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    6 AHMOSSENOTS [4. 16]6 TIpwTov fxev TOivui>, 0) av8p6

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    -22.] RATA ^lAiniJOT A. 7TrXe/ou? Kau tou Beli'a kclv ovtlvovv '^eLporovi]crr)TarpaTTjyov,

    tovtco TreiaeTcu Kai uKoXovdrjaet. kul iOTpocpiju TUUTT). iroptaai KeKevco. earuL o avcrj Tt?7] hvva[xi>i Koi iroar], kui iroOep tijv jpojxp) e^et, KacTTO)? TcivT edeXr'}oei, iroLetv ; j(o (ppaaco, icaO eva- 5(TTOv TovTcov Sit^KOv '^(opi'i. ^evovi ixev \ej(o Kol oTTco'i fxi] TTOit'jcreTe o 7roX\aKt

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    8 AHMO^&ENOTS [1. 23^ 11 ToaavTu^v fxeu, w avSpe

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    -29.] KATA i kui (pvAap^ovi Kai nnrap'^ov'i ovo ;Tt OVli OVTUL TTOLOVGLV ; TTKtjV ei'0

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    10 AHMOXQENOTX [4. 29p(Tiov Tois aTpaTevo/u,vot

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    -34.] RATA ^lAinnOT A. 11hvvdfxei Ar'jfxvo) koi Qaaw kul Xxiudw kul TaL

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    12 JHMOS0ENOT^ [4. 34TeXevTaia et? MapaOwva (irre^rj Kat rijv lepiiv (ittoTT/? ^(itpa'i f'J^CT e^wu Tpnipr], ufxetf 6 ovie ravrar]hvvaade KOiXveiv out et^ rou aei rov Kaur]KovTO^ ^povouyiyveaOiii, av re Seiiwt Xii^waiv av le lSicotui oiroVTWV evaTepwv eTrifieAov/xevoc, et? a roaavj civa-KiaKerai ypif/xaTa oaa ouo et? eua tmv tnroaToKwv ^

    lo Kat ToaovToi' o)^Koi' Kat TrapacTKeutjv oai]v ouk otot 71 TMi> aTTdinwv e^^ff, rov; o airoaroA,ov

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    40.] RATA ^lAinnOT A. 13Kucpoc 01) fxevouai t)]v Tjfjbeiepav ^paZvrrjia kuc etpw-fetav. a? he top [xera^v ^povov hvvaixet

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    14 AHMOX&ENOTX [1. 407]/jLepav 7 cou ata-^vin]v /cat avavoptav Kai rravra ra aLa-^iaiaS ^ co

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    -46.] KATA ^lAinnOT A. 15Tou fxtj Trauetv KaK(o

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    16 AHMOSeENOTS [1. 47uKovarrjTe b rt av ru^rjTe yjrriipi^rjaOe, Ti Kai -^pijirpoahoKav ;

    47 /7a;? ovu ravra Travaerat ; orav Vfj,e28pep.r], Tr]v reprj/jbiav twv KcoXvaovTcou opcoina Kai roiq TreTTpay-

    25 p,evoi

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    51.J RATA

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    18 AHMO^GENOTS [{>. 1

    RATA ^lAinnOT B.1 Otuv, 0) auBpe

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    -7.] RATA eaii vvv^ 7rai'Te\w? apycoq eyeje.ovfj-^aii/fi 8ii irpajfia (ivajKatov, ulfMOi, Kal tcr&)9 4eiKO'i' ev 0L>i eKUTepGi BLarpi/Sere koI Tvepi a airov-Ba^ere, javr afX6ipoi> eKUTepoi^; ,e%et, eveiPM pikv atirpai^eL'^^ vj^iv o oi kwyoi. et fiev ovr Kat vvu At- 5yei.v SiKULOTepa vjjliv e^apicel, paScOi'. Kal ttoVo?ovoei'i irpoaean jco Trpayixari' et t- , 7a 3irapovT eiTavopd(ti9i]aerai hel OKOirelv, Kau jj.t)irpoeKonvTa en TroppcoTepo) Xtjaei TravTa

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    20 ARMOXeENOTX [6. 7TTct)? TOfTOt? e)(^pi\caTO ; a &r}/3aiot'i av/j.(f)tpeL Kaiov^ a ijj TToXei, irpaTjeiv irpoetXeTo. ii S// iroie;ori 7r/30? irXeove^iav, oifiai, kul to iravO v(f) eavio)TTOLrjaaaOat rovi Xoycapou^ e^eTci^cov, kul ov 7rpoevyoi>Te'i, kulnavv a iTpo

    fl 1 7ro\efj,ovi)re

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    -13.] RATA ^lAinnOT B. 21a\\a KUi T(/ irpo tovtwv XoyiQnjuerni;. evpiaKeiWydp, 01/j.ai, Kai ciKOvet rovi /j.ei' vfiejepov^ Trpojo-vov

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    22 AHMOSOENerS [6. 13TavT eirpa^eu, (iWa tco BiKaiorepa tou? 07;/3rf/ou?7) v[xa

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    -20.J KATA 'PIAinnOT B. 23TToA-eco? auvTUTTOOv. Kac TOUT e^ uvajKrj'i Tpuirov 17TLV avTQ) I'vu ye Si] crv^jBaiveL. Xoyi^eoOe ynp.ap'^eiv /3ou\6Tat, toutov S avTa'ywvicnd'i /joioviV7rei\'t](f)ei> v/j,a^. (ihiKeu ttoXvv ySij ^popov. KairovTo avTO

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    24 AHMO^SENOTX [li. 20eSlSov T0U9 Adrjvauov airoiKOVi K/3d\.aiu, Kai Tr]v/u,ev e~^upav n^v irpo'i ly/xa? avTO; '^.e'yot'To? av t/,i^o?

    U TTiaTeuaai oceade ; aXX oyuw?, ecfyrju eyd), jJLiKpov6 ypovov T)]i> aWoTptav KapTrcoaafMevot ttoXvu Tr]

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    28.1 KATA ^lAinnOT B. 25irXilueat tt/jo? tou? Tvpavvov

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    26 AHMOXSENOTX [6. 2829 e7ret(T^7;Te TToiijaaaOaL tijv eLpi]vrjv. KaXeiv ovTeyap auT09 av Trore I'Tre/xetra Trpea^eveip, out avv/jLi

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    28 AHMOSeENOTS [6. 360VT yap vavoL Stjirou Kpari]aa

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    t). 2.J KATA ^lAinnOT T. 29

    RATA ^lAinnoT r.TToXXwi', 0) ci.vSpe'i ^Adrjvaloi, Xoyoov yiyvo/xevwv 1

    oXiyov Sell' KaO e/cuaTi}i> exKXijaiav irtpi d)i> $t-XiTTTTO?, (/(/)' ov Tiju eipjjvijv eTroLrjcTaTO, OV fMOUOVvjjbct'i aXXa kul tou? aWov kuI TTparieiv ottw? e/cetfo? Trauaerai rrj

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    30 AHMO^QENOTX [9. 2Xijy^erai Kai irepi, tout earai^ ^cXiTrira) B e^earai

    3 Kai \eyeiv kul irpaTTeiv o it /SouXejai,. at SeToiavTUL TToXiTelai crvviideL'i /xeu eiaiu u/xiv, acTtaiSe Tcoi^ KaKcop. u^LO) B , fo> av8pe

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    8.] KATA ^lAinnOT T. 31evet, kirel toi, el irdvd a irpoarjice irparjovTwv ovrco8ceK6iTO, ouS' av eK.irl'i qv avra

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    32 AHMO^eENOTi: [9. 8Tov TToXefiou ^pr]raL, tl Xoittou a\\o Tr\i]v auvie-aduL ; (paoKeiv Be eipi]vr]v wyeiv ei /BovXeaOe, warrep

    ^ eKclvos, ov Bta(f)epofxat.. et Se Tt? javiTju eipiiVrjuV7roXa/x(3avei e^ i)^ eKeovo^ iruvTa TuXXa Xa/Bayv e(fj

    5 J/fta? rjgL, irpojrov /xev fMaiverai, eirena eKeii'O) Trapvpicoi), ov^ vfxiv Trap eKLvov ti]v eipi^vrjv Xeyet''^ovro o ecJTLu o tcov avaXccrKOfievcou '^prjp.nTwvTTuvTcov 9iXnnroepa^ TrpcprfV

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    -IG.j RATA 'PLiinnOY F. o3nei^ai. kut evvoiav TTvvaaveauaL 'yap avrovi a)S'voaovoi K Tol

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    34 AHMOXBENOTX [9. 167] fiTjBeu v/jlIv avTQ)v e/xeXev, aWo'i hi' ecrj Xoyoii0VT0

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    36 AHMOXOENOTX [9. 2321 KUiTOL irpocnaraL fiev i^/txet? e/38o/jb7]KOVTa errj kuc

    Tpia Tcov E\\.i]i>cov eyeveade, TrpoaraTai he rpca-Kovra euo'^ heovTa AaKehaLjJiovioi' La-^vaav he riKat Orj^atot rovTOvai tov

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    -29.] KATA ^lAinnOT F. ' 37Bij Kal Medwurjv kul A-noWwviav Kat Bvo Kat rpta-KovTa TToXei'; eiri cfpaKT/'i eco, a? uTraaa^; ovrw

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    38 ^ AHMOXSEISIOTX [9. 29efxot SoKel, ov^ ottco? awOjjoeTat la rwv EXXjj"VWV aKOTTCOV 0V06 irpaTTWt', eTTL OTL

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    -35. J KATA ^lAinnOT P. 39ecTTL, Kai (ppoupaL'i kol ^ei>oi^ tous" tottou? 70UT0V

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    40 AHMOS&ENOTS [9. 36an rri' '9 I v V < \30 it ovv atrtov tovtwvi ; ou 'yap aveu \oyov kui

    8tKaia

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    -45.J KATA

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    42 AHMOXeENUTl [9. 45pm? at/TOi? 7ri/jtXr)rov etvai' ov jap av auTotte/j.e\ei' a rts" ei' TIe\o7Tovvr]aa) Tivd'i oivarai kul8ta(f)deipet, /xij lovd vnoXuix^iivovaLV eKoXa^ov BovTQ) Kai eri/jLcopovi'To uvs atoOoivio coare Kai ott]-

    5 \L7a, KOt OvheV 0/U.Ol(Ol> OVTWV TWVvvv Tot? TTpoTepov, ovSev riyovfiai irXeov ?/ tu tov

    48 TToXepov KeKivrjaQai, kul eiri.BeScofcevni. irpwrov jxev20 jiip (iKovco AaKeoai/xoi'Lovi Tore kqc Tritfra? tou?aXXov^ Teirapa^ /xy]i'ai; i) TrevTe, rijv wpaiav avrT]v,efxpaXovra^; av kql KaKo)cravTa

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    48 AUMOXeENOTX [9. 6868 av OTiovv f), Seii^ov TreiaeaOac. Kai ^i^v kukivo

    1 I rl I 5 1^/ ^ -A ' ' /JaicT'^pov, vciepov ttot ecTT^iv rt? / daXuTTU vTrepa^^i], /Liarato? 7]

    70 (TTTOvSr]. Kat ijpef> toivvv, m avSpe-i Adtivatoi,eo)? eafjuev owoi, voXtv fie'yicfTrjv e^ovre^, a(f)op/jLav KutfrjTac. eyoi vi]At epco, KUi ypa-yjro} 8e, codTe av l3ovXr)a6e yeipo-Tovr](TeTe. avTOi TrpcoTov (i/uLuuo/j.6voi Kat irapa-(TKeva^ofjtevot, Tptrjpeat Kat ^^prjfjtaat Kat aTpaTico-

    2o Tat^ /Veytt) (:at yap av cnravTe^ Bj]7rou BovXevetvauy^ci}pr]CTQ}atv at aXXot, tj/jtlv y virep t?}? eXevOe-

    71 pia

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    -75.J KATA ^lAinnOT R 49eiretSi) yap ecrrt Trpo? avhpa kui ov^t avveaTcoarj^; 72TToX-eeo? Icr-^vv o TroXe/i-o?, ovhe tout a^^prjarov, ovBat irepvat irpea^e'iai Trepi tijv UeXoirovvrjaov eKU-i^at /cat KaTTjyopiai, a? e'ytw "at lloKueuKTO'i ope\.TLcrTo

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    50 JHMOS0ENOTS [9. 75, 76aov7a

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    52 FIRST PHILIPPIC.of money from them, and finally bore away the sacred triremefrom Marathon on the coast of Attica over against Athens." And all this," the orator says, " you were unable to prevent,neither could you despatch succors at the times when you pro-posed to send them." It was not till Philip, after his successesin Tliessaly, marched into Thrace, ejecting some of the kingsthere, and setting up others as he chose {01., I. 13), and com-menced the siege of Herseon Teichos (cf. PltiL, I. 10, 11, 41 with01., III. 4, 5 and Grote, XI. p. 429, note), that the Athenians,alarmed for the safety of their possessions in that quarter, votedto raise an army adequate to oppose any effectual resistance tohis encroachments. And when, on the report of Philip's death,or, at any rate, that he was sick, this expedition lingered anddwindled till it finally turned out a miserable abortion (01., III.5, and note there), Demosthenes, then only about thirty yearsof age, and not yet one of the accepted, still less one of the pop-ular advisers of the Athenian demus, broke silence, and, givingthem the counsel which should rather have come from theirolder and more admired political orators, delivered his firstPhilippic oration.

    In the Argument which is prefixed to this oration in manyeditions, Libanius says : " The Athenians, unsuccessful in theirwar with Philip [the war about Amphipolis, so called, whichcommenced soon after Philip's capture of the city, and formallyended only with the Peace of Philocrates, b. c. 346], have con-vened in asseml)ly in a state of discouragement. The oratoraccordingly endeavors, in the first place, to remove this discour-agement l;iy telling them it is no wonder that they have beendefeated, they have been so slothful and negligent of theirduty ; and, in the second place, he instructs them how they canbest carry on the war. He moves them to arm and equip twoforces, one larger, consisting of citizens, which shall remain athome and be ready I'or the exigencies which arise i'rom time totime ; the other smaller, consisting partly of citizens and partlyof mercenaries, to hover along the coast of Macedonia, and caiT}'on the war incessantly, and thus put an end to Philip's pri-vateering and conquering expeditions."

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    INTRODUCTION. 53The orator apologizes for tlie smalluess of the force, which he

    recommends, by an explicit acknowledgment ( 23) that it wasimpossible for the Athenians now to furnish a force that couldmeet Pliilip on the fiehl of battle ; liciice it was necessary, atpresent, to adopt this guerilla warfan;. Knowing his country-men, as he also knew Philip, only too well, he adapts his adviceto their character and the present necessity, and, like a wisecounsellor and far-seeing statesman as well as zealous patriot, heat once alarms and encourages them ; he points out at once thecauses of their present weakness and the sources of their possiblefuture strength. He proposes a definite, a feasible, and, it wouldseem, a wise plan which he might well hope they would notonly vote, but execute, and, by executing, gain courage andstrength for greater undertakings. Yet his advice was not fol-lowed ; neither of the two measures which he recommended wascarried into effect ; the working armament was not sent out, norwas the home-force ever got ready. It was not until the follow-ing month of September (the oration being delivered some timein the first half of 351 B. c.*) that any actual force was sentagainst Philip ; and even then nothing more was done than tosend the mercenary chief Charidemus to the Chersonese, withten triremes and five talents in money, but no soldiers. TheAthenians were invincibly averse to any efforts and sacrificeswhich were not indispensably necessary ; the older orators ofthe peace party, Eubulus and Demades, with the support ofPhocion, had the popular ear, and were not anxious to yield itto a young and dangerous rival ; and there were already parti-sans of Philip ( 18) who were as ready to influence the popularmind in his favor as they were to report to their Macedonianmaster all that was done at Athens.

    But the oration is, for all this, none the less worthy of ouradmiration and study. " It is," as Grote justly remarks (XL440), " not merely a splendid piece of oratory, emphatic and for-cible in its appeal to the emotions, bringing the audience by

    * So Grote (XI. 443), with the essential concurrence of Curtius (V. 274) andWhiston (I. 78). Thirhvall (II. 104) accepts the more commonly received date,352.

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    54 FIRST PHILIPPIC.many different roads to the main conviction which the oratoiwishes to impress, profoundly animated with

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    INTRODUCTION. 55circumstances, but the scene, tlie time, tlie ]i]aco, the audience,and tlie orator

    ;for they were all (juite extraordinary.'I'he time was extraordinary. It was a decisive moment in

    the history of Athens and of Greece. Nay, more, it was a greatcrisis in the liistory of the worhl. A power was rising' in theNorth and rapidly advancing southward, which threatened, first,to subvert the liberties of Greece, and then to bestride Euroj^e,Asia, and Africa like a colossus, obliterating old empires, chan-ging the fate of nations, and introducing a new epoch in humanhistory. It was the same power which rose up in propheticvision before the eyes of Hebrew seers in the form now of awinged leopard, and now of a he-goat, coming from the west,overrunning the East, traversing the face of the whole earthwithout touching the ground, and casting down and tranqilingunder foot whatever came in its way. At the time when thisoration was delivered, as we have seen, city after city, whichwere but lately the possessions or the allies of Athens, hadalready fallen into the hands of the king of Macedon ; and nowto name them was to mark the successive steps of his progress,now they were so many magazines and batteiies for new assaults,so many fniTfix^a^iara, as the Greeks would call them, for fur-ther conquests. He had indeed met with a temporary check atThermopylae, and was now in Thrace. But he was still extend-ing his acquisitions, and threatening the possessions of Athensin that cjuarter ; and the Athenians, disheartened, but by nomeans awake to the extent of their danger, were just now inthat strange state of mingled anxiety and apathy from whichonly a prophet's foresight and eloquence could arouse them, andonly

    the wisdom and guidance of a faithful and trusted states-man could deliver them.The place was extraordinary. It was Athens, the watch-tower

    of old Hellas ; but, alas ! her most trusted watchmen were nowasleep, if some of them were not even in sympathy and alliancewith the enemy, Athens, immortalized at Marathon and Plata;aand Artemisium and Salamis as the defender of the lil)erties ofGreece, luit now, alas! degenerate, if some of the leading menwere not even false to the principles and spirit of their illus-

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    56 FIRST PHILIPPIC.trious ancestors. The particular spot which was tlie scene ofthis oration, and the centre of political influence in Athens, wastlie Pnyx. And this was no ordinary senate-house, no parlia-ment-house, or congressional chamber, or other common hall ofassembly. The Pnyx was one of the four hills on and aroundwhich Athens was built, and not less famous or sacred in itsway than the Areopagus or the Acropolis itself, being the repre-sentative of the politics and government of Athens as thoseother world-renowned hills were the representatives severally ofits law and its religion. The Pnyx proper was a laige semi-circular area, partly hewn out of the solid rock and partly builtup on a massive Pelasgic wall upon the abrupt face of this hill,where all the citizens of Athens and Attica were wont to assem-ble, beneath no roof but the clear Ijlue sky, and within no wallsbut the distant, lofty, bold and purple-tinted mountains, there,not by their representatives, but in person, not in a councilconsisting at most of a few hundreds, but in an assembly ofthousands, to deliberate on public affairs and transact the busi-ness of the state. The rostra or bema from which the oratorspoke, and to which he ascended by eight or ten steps, hewn outof the rock, was a square i^latform, a dozen or fifteen feet high,itself also hewn out of the solid rock, in the middle of the chordof that semicircle, to speak mathematically, or, speaking moreexactly and popularly, occupying the same position in referenceto the area of the Pnyx and the seats of the assembly which thehand and eye of the archer do when he takes hold of the stringand begins to draw it back and round out the bow, and takessight along the arrow before he lets it fly. That l3ema lookeddirectly down upon the Pnyx, and more remotely upon theagora and the whole city. It looked over to the Areopagus withits venerable council and court, and to the Acropolis, crownedwith temjiles and statues of the gods. It looked around uponAthens and Attica, upon Hymettus and Pentelicus, just behindwhich was the plain of Marathon ; upon Parnes and Cithaeron,beyond Avhich were Plataea aiid Artemisium and Thermopyla' ;upon Pirteus and Salamis and Eleusis and Megara and Corinthand Argolis and all the cities and islands and harbors and prom-

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    58 FIKST PHILIPPIC.Demosthenes as read to them l)y liis rival, "You shouM haveheard the monster himself!

    "In like manner Dionysius of Hali-carnassus says : "When I read one of the speeches of Isocrates,

    I am disposed to serene and tran(|nil thought, like those wholisten to spondaic measures or Dorian or Lydian melodies ;but when I take uj) an oration of Demosthenes, I am inspiredlike the Corybants at the Mysteries of Cybele, and I am bornehither and thither with anxiety, fear, contempt, hatred, l^ity,anger, good-will, and all the varied passions of the orator."This matchless orator was now a young man, at the very com-mencement of his remarkaljle public life. From early child-hood to mature manhood he has had to contend with difficultieswhich would have discouraged and overwhelmed any ordinarycharacter. Orphanage, dishonest guardians, imperfect educa-tion, constitutional delects and impediments, jealous rivals andbitter personal enemies, everything has been against him.He has conc|uered all these difficulties, baffied his enemies,mastered himself, triumphed over nature and adverse circum-stances, turned failure and opposition into helps and meansof victory. But now he is to enter upon the great battle of hislife. Now he has to contend not only with Philip and his con-([uering legions. The ablest generals, the most eloquent orators,the oldest and most experienced statesmen, the most admiredand trusted counsellors of Athens, are for the most part againsthim. The Athenians themselves, in their character and habits,are against him. The spirit of the people, all the tendencies ofthe age, not only at Athens but in all Greece, are against him.In order to succeed he must work a miracle ; he must breathelife into the ribs of death itself. He knows this, he feels it inhis inmost soul. Yet he does not despair, he does not evenhesitate. The people have gathered in ciowds from the city andthe country and filled the Pnyx. The Kijpv^ cries, " Who wishesto speak ? " Without waiting for any of the older orators andusual leaders of the people, Demosthenes rises from his seat,comes forward, ascends the bema, and delivers the oration Avhichwe are about to read. We know it was not successful ; theorator failed to accomplish his object. We know that he was

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    INTRODUCTION. 59destined to fail in his licinir struggle I'nr I lie liberties of \i\^country. But he fell as herue.s fall, he

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    NOTES.A. Exordium : Apology for speaking first (1). 1. If the subject under discussion had been a new one,

    I would have waited fok your usual advisers to speakFIRST. But since they have often given their advice onthis very sub.ject, and that not satisfactory, else therewould be no need of your present consultation, I may rea-sonably EXPECT TO BE PARDONED FOR OPENING THE DEBATE.

    1. Page 1, line 1. Both in thought and in language this introduc-tory sentence is a good illustration of the art which is so perfect that itconceals the art. Under cover of a modest and harmless apology forhimself and a graceful compliment to his audience, the orator, in hisvery first sentence, lets fly a poli.shed shaft at the policy of theirfavoiite counsellors. At the same time, while the sentence seemsto be perfectly simple and natural, the words are selected with ex-quisite taste, the clauses are measured as it were with square andcompass, and the whole period is constructed with consummate skill.In the first place, the whole sentence is divided into two antitheticand Avell-balanced members distinguished by ei fiiv and eVetS;; M(C. 685 c ; Cu. 628 ; H. 862). Then the first member is dividedinto a protasis and an apodosis ; and the apodosis, beginningwith iwiax'^v dv, contains two subordinate alternative conditions,distinguished by ei /xev and ei S^ /j.7}, and followed by two corre-sponding alternative conclusions {...av ifyof, and clv eTreipdjfJLTjv...),each of which is marked by the particle &v. iwiaxi^v dv is equiv-alent to eiriaxov dv Kai (C. 658 a; Cu. 595; G. 211; H. 803),*

    * The gi-ammars of Crosby, Cuitius, Goodwin, and Hadley are thus referredto, a.s in the Notes on the Olynthiacs and the Ue Corona.

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    Phil. 1. l.J NOTES. 61only tilt' iiartii;ijiK' eiricrx'^'' ^'^ distinctly prrliiiiinnnj to tiie verb?)yov. The past tenses of the indieative witli tl in the protasis andav u\ the apodosis express a supposition contrary to the fact (C. 633, b ;(u. 537 ; G. 222 ; H. 746). The u.se of the inip(>rfect (in.stead of thepluperfect or aorist) throughout the jirota.sis and the apodosis (vpou-ridero, ijpfcrKe, rjyoi', iiriLpujfj.riv) expresses a continued action or stateinstead of a completed or nionientary one. The prytanes or proedri,or whoever brought, forward the subject or laid the question beforethe people, gave an opiwrtunity to speak not only at the momentwhen the luiald cried, t'l's dyope^etv ^ovKeraL, but during the wholetime that the subject was under consideration. See Saujipe ad loc. El. ..irpovTiGeTO, if it were some new subject, gentlemen of yithenx,which was laid (and is still lying) before usfor discussion, I shouldhave waited until the most of those who are accustomed to do so Juxdexpressed their opinion, and then, if, etc. It was the especial prerog-ative of the prytanes and particularly of the proedri to bring mat-ters before the ecclesia for their consideration and action. Die. ofAntiq. art. jiovKrj. Cf. Isoc, VIII. 15 : Trepi iJov oi irpvTdi'ds irpoTL-diaai. But the state, and the people, and even private individuals,are sometimes said in a more general sense irpoTiOevai \6yov. AftereiuiOoTiiiv supply yvu)p.r]v diro(p7)vacT0aL from yvJifxriv dwecprivai'TO. Thereference is to Eubulus and Phocion and other leaders of the peace-party, who weie older than Demosthenes, and had been accustomedto guide the Athenian populace (Curtius, V. 142, 444; Grote, XI.443). Demosthenes was now only thirty, and might well apologizefor proposing a plan of his own without waiting for or even consult-ing orators who had so long swayed the people, and who were advo-cates of a more popular policy. According to the law of Solon, per-sons of over fifty years of age were called upon to speak first in theassemblies of the people. iEsch. con. Ctes. 4. This had becomeobsolete. Aristoph. Acharn. 43. Still, for the sake of good orderand good feeling, the older .statesmen would usually speak first. Wehave in De Cor., 170 a graphic description of the herald calling againand again rts dyopeveLP ^ovXerai, and when all the orators and all thegenerals were speechless, Demosthenes comes forward not only firstInit alone to give his advice in the perilous emergency. 5. fl. yiyvi!i-aKo) =; yvwp.Tji', my sentiments. 6. eireiSi) 8* introduces the secondmember of the antithesis, and sets over against the supposition andconclusion of the first member a similarly balanced fact and infeience

    &

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    62 NOTES. [PiiiL. I. 1-2,IVom it. vnlp tov, al. Trepl wv. The I'oiuicr has llii' preference as themore difficult or improbable reading, besides being found in the bestMSS. and editions. The dilference is not essential, and the pieposi-tions are useil almost interchangeably. Properly nepi is ciboiit, hencein regard to, and inrep is over, hence in behalf of : hut, since it so hap-pens that we are now cmisidering interests in behalf of whieh these menh'lve spoken many times before, I am led to believe that though I haverisen first I may reasonably expect to meet with indulgence. Foravaards, the participle expressing condition, see C. 635 ; Cu. 583 ;(r. 226; H. 751. For Kal = even though, C. 674, f; Cu. 537, 5;H. 795, f. 9. tK...xpo>'o' strictly /row past time, having referenceto the beginning of the time ; but in usage in or during.

    B. Encouragement and exhortation to united and vigorous action(2-12).2-12. you should duaw encouragement from the very

    witetctledness of your statk ; for it is all the result ofviiur inaction, and therefore can be remedied by action,likmember how nobly and successfully y'ou resisted theLacedemonians at the height of their power. See howPhilip has won his conquests, and recover your lost pos-sessions AND allies BY SIMILAR ENERGY. ThEY INCLINE TO YOURATHER than TO HIM. GiVE THEM A CHANCE, AND THEY WILLSOON SLIP AWAY FRO.M HIM. HeLP Y'OURSELVES, AND GODS ANDMEN WILL HELP YOU. WlIEN WILL YOU DO Y'OUR DUTY" IF NOTNOW ? To FREE MEN THERE IS NO NECESSITY .SO DIRE AS DISHONOR,AND NO DISHONOR LIKE BEING SUBJECT TO A MAN OF MaCEDON.

    2. 11. npciJTov \i.iv, correlative to ^ireira, 3. Take courage, /r.9

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    2-3.] NOTES. 63tlie orator extracts encouragement from the most formidable of Philip'sresources by a similar argiinient. 15. tC.toCto. Tlie superiorvivacity and force of this rhetorical question (wliiili tlu; oiat(jr askshimself or supjioscs his hearers to ask) over the logical yap, wliichmight have connected the two clauses, is observed by tlreek rhetori-cians. JJemosthenes is fond of this figure. 8ti ovSev, k. t. \., it isthat your affairs are in a bad condition, because tjou do (lit. while youare doing) nothing that ought to be done. \1 . itn'i toi, k. t. \.,Jhrverily, if, ivhile you were jjerforming your whole duly, thry wre thus,there would be no hope oj their becoming better. 3. 19. ?irtTa,K.T. \.,in the second place, you ought to consider both you who hear it froTiiothers and you who know it from jjcrsonal remembrayice, i. e. both theyounger and the older nienibers of the assembly. vfiiv is understoodas the agent of (i>Ovfx.T,Tfoi>. C. 4.58, 682 ; Cu. 434 ; G. 281 ; H. 600. dva|xi,|ivT|o-KO|j.'vois denotes the manner and means of knowing.C. 674 ; Cu. 581 ; G. 277 ; H. 789.

    P. 2, 1. 2. f|\KTiv...ws, lit. irhen the LncrdcKmoniaiis once were inpossession of how much jmirer, hoir nobly and becomingly, etc. Theuse of the double relative or interrogative in a single clause is notunfrequent in Greek. We make two clauses, and use a verb insteadof the pai'ticiple : hoio much power the Lacedcemonians once possessedand yet hoiv nobly and becomingly, etc. .3. ki, oti ..ttoXus, not longsince, a kind of adverbial clause, hence the verb eVrt is u-sually omitted,but not always, as Heslop affirms. See Franke in loc. The historicalreference is perhaps to the repulse of Agesilaus, king of Sparta, by thecombined forces of the Athenians and Thebans under Chabrias andGorgidas. " These events would doubtless be in the recollection ofmany of the hearers of Demosthenes, when twenty-seven yeai's afterhe delivered his first Philippic." Whiston. cos irpoo-rjKovTws, i. e.how beftfing them as the professed and acknowledged eliampions of therights and liberties of the Greeks. 5. uirep tuv 8iKaiwv, i)i behalfof the rights. 'EWtjvikQv is of course understood, but need not beexpressed. It is found in 01., II. 24, and is added here in someMSS. and editions, but not the most or the best. tKeCvovs, moreemphatic than avrovs, THEM, powerful as they were. 6. l8fiT...Kal 0a,o-T)(r0, thot you may knoiv and see clearly, as it were with theclearness of ocular vision. Demosthenes was so fond of such pnirsof kindred words, that Greek critics censured and ridiculed him for it.Cf. Rehdantz in loc. See also De Cor., 4, and note there. It is a

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    64 NOTES. [Phil. I. 3-4,species of ihetorical amplification and emphasis which suited the inten-sity of the orator's mind and the earnestness of his spirit. The inter-position of di avdpfs 'Ad-rjva'ioi between the two words is also frequent, asWhiston suggests, and adds to the emphasis. 7. ovSiv o{Jt...o

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    5-7.] NOTES. 65in 01., I. 23, wliciv see tlie same words and the same argument. 5. 23. 'i

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    66 NOTES. [Phil. I. 7-9,ditioiiiil clause, because the force of the conditional particle {dv) isintended to fall chiefly on the next clause, while this clause states afiicf while each one hopes to do nothing himself. 20. Kal...K0|i.iei(r9e, you will both secure your own 2iosscssiuns, if God will, and(jii back again what has been thrown away by sheer neglect. Vur ko/ju-e^ade, cf. 01., II. 28, where it is said of securing or receiving backAmphipolis. On cii> debs OeX-Q, see 01., II. 20 and note there. Heslopreads edi\y) here, but the editions generall}' have diXy, and the edi-tors generally agree that the shorter form of this verb is used of thegods even after a word ending with a consonant. Cf. Sauppe andDindorf in loc. Several commentators call attention to the contrastbetween the /card in Kareppadv/jirj/xeva and the dvd. in dfaXTjifeade andthe pleonasm in TrdXii' with the avd. The two clauses of the apodosisare not tautology, but an emphatic reduijlication of kindred ideas,resembling the pairs of kindred words which our author is so fond ofusing. 8. 24. dGavaxa, proleptic : that his present poiuer is securedto him as to a god in everlasting i^ossession. Heslop.

    dXXd Kal|xio-i Tis, nay, many a one even of those who seem to be very friendlyto him both hates and fears and envies him. tis, our many a one, asoften in Homer, e. g. //., III. 297. The reference is to the Illyrians,Pieonians, and other allies of Philip. Cf. 01, I. 23; II. 15.26. airavO' 8ora irsp take their true meaning and interpretation fromthe /xayelv, dediev, and (pdovd which precede : all the hates and fearsand envies and jealousies, all the feelings, passions, and motives,ALL the elements of human nature, whatever they may be, whichexist in other men. The omission of the substantive makes the lan-guage more comprehensive and emphatic without making it obscurein its connection. The fact that the orator felt under the necessity(if making such remarks as this, and that which immediately precedes,shows the almost superstitious awe and dread which Philip had in-spired at Athens.

    P. 4, 1. 1. KaT'irTT]x^ jie'vToi, now, however, all these are coweddoicn, having no place of refuge. Observe the emphatic position ofKaTfiTT-iix^- It is especially applied to timid animals crouching intheir lair. See Whiston in loc. i^ST], emphatic in position as wellas in signification, forthwith. Heslop renders at once; Whistonimmediately. 9. 5. aa-iKydo.^ here insolence. Partitive gen. de-noting degree. C. 416; Cu. 412; G. 168 ; H. 559 c. avepwiros,tlie man, bitter with a mi.xture of hatred and contempt. 6. os ovi8',

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    9, 10.] NOTES. 67ivlio docs not even. 7. &yt^v T)o-D\iav, almost exactly our idiom :keep quiet. 8. ois a u'henever there is a necessity, forsooth. vi\Ala is ironical. Heslop and Kennedy render it, I suppose. vvv Bi.vw qualifies yiyi'o,ueva especially, but influences also the whole ques-tion by its emphatic position at the beginning : but now what oughttoe to think of things that are now taking place. 14. e-yw p,v, I formy part, whatever may be the opinion of others. L. & S. Lex. fxlv, 7. 16. i/\, interrogative, involves the antithesis to the preceding fiei^:or if you do not think so, do you icish? See explanation and exam-ples in Lex. ^ interrogative, 2. elire like ^ye and (pipe is used irre-spective of the number of persons addressed. C. 656. H- brings thequestion home to each hearer. 17. aiirwv is gen. of source after ttw-ddveaOai, and is used instead of aXXvyXaji/, as it often is. So in Eng-lish we can say, inquire among yourselves, or inquire of one another.Longinus (18) quotes the passage, doubtless from memory, with dXX^-\u}v instead of oi/rcDc. Soine editions (Bekker, Dindorf, Whiston, but

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    68 NOTES. [Phil. I. 10-12,ill liiackets) read Kara tyjv ayopdv after irwddveadai: do you wish togo about and inquire of one another in the agora. Xe^erat ti Kai-vov, is there any news ? yevoiro Yap, yes, indeed, for could there beany greater news? He.slop renders yap by ivhy, exj^ressive of sur-piise and impatience. The author of the Acts of the Apostles showshis acquaintance witli the character and habits of the Atheiuanswlien he represents them as spending their time in nothing else thantelling and hearing ti Kaivbrepov (Acts xvii. 21). 18. MaKcSwvdvT|p, contemptuous, like dvdptjjtros above, 9, and perhaps tovtou,3. See 01., TIL 16; Phil., III. 31, and general Introduction,p. vii. -19. KaTttTToXefiuiv = Lat. dehellans. Virgil: debellare super-bos. Kehdantz. 20. Sioikwv, managing, lit. as if it were his owrihousaand property. 11. 20. dXX' do-Gcvet is jirinted as a questionby Heslop and some others. But in most editions it is an answer tothe preceding question. "Is Philip dead T' asks some one of theidle, but curious Athenians in the agora. "No, indeed, but he issick," answers another and would-be wiser citizen. "But what isthe difference to you?" adds Demosthenes, ridiculing and censuringboth. 21. Kal ydp.'n-dOT), for even should anything haj)pen to thisPhilip, you will immediately create another, if you attend to your af-fairs in this way. &v ti ird9T|,like the Latin si quid humani acciderit,is an euphemism for should he die. 24. o\ih\ yo-ft ovtos irapd, foreven this man has not been exalted so much through, etc. ovhi is anemphatic negative. irapd = through. Arnold, in his note on Thuc,I. 141, irapa Tr)v avroO dp-eXcLav, says, " This is exactly expressed invulgar English, 'all along of his own neglect.'" See Heslop andWhiston in loc. Franke compares the Latin propter and juxta, andsays, it is as if the growth of Philip's power ran parallel to the negli-gence of the Athenians. 25. Kairoi Kal tovto, and yet this also isto be considered. 12. 26. 5! ti irdOoi instead of av n wddri, as above,because here the supposition is to be stated more generally and lessvividly, with a more indefinite and less positive result (G. 220, b) ; or,as Whi-ston states the diff'erence, av n TrdBy expresses the not improb-able contingency of death as tlie consequence of illness, whereas ei tiirddoi expresses the more remote and improbable contingency of thesame event, indejxndent of any proximate or anticipated cause. C.631, c ; Cu. 545 ; H. 747. 26. Kal Ta ti^s Tv\y\

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    12, 13.] NOTES. G9fti?., the deatli of Philip, to crown her other favors. Heslop. Cf.(>!., 11. 2, and note there.

    1'. 5, 1. 1. i!o-6', lor 'Care, be assured that, being close at hand, yoamight step in ichen all things irerc in confusion (lit. upon all thingsin confusion) and manage them just as you please. 3. ovSt S.Sovtwv,7iot even if circumstances offered you Amjjhijoolis. C. 635 ; (_'u. oSo ;G. 226 ; H. 751. So dcres above implies a condition. Demostheneshere, perhaps, alludes to Philip's surrender of Amphipolis on his ac-cession to the throne, and the neglect of his countrymen to availthemselves of the opportunity. Grote, XI. 305. Whiston. 5. dTrT|pTr|(ievou is here the opposite of ir\-Qi:SIDES, GET IN READINESS A SMALLFORCE, SUCH AS YOU CAN NOT ONLY VOTE BUT ACTUALLY RAISE, SAYTWO THOUSAND INFANTRY AND TWO HUNDRED CAVALRY, ONE FOURTHOF WHOM AT LEAST SHALL BE ATHENIANS, WITH TRANSPORTS ANDTEN SWIFT TRIREMES, TO HARASS THE ENEMY CONTINUALLY', ANDCARRY ON A CONSTANT W^ARFARE WITH HIM.

    13. 7. 'lis |A^v oOv, K. T. X. The Greek order is so expressive andartistic here that it may well be preserved even at some expense toour English idiom : That you ought then to be entirely willing to doyour duty all of you prom2)tly, ptrcsuming that you are convinced and,persuaded of it, I cease to urge. lOeXovras inrctpxei-v is stronger thanediXeiv. See Kehdantz in loc. Heslop renders : there ought to exista readiness. s.. ""e'Tei-o-fievwv. (is subjective = presuming that.C. 680 ; Cu. 588 ; G. 280, N. 4 ; H. 795 e ; Madv. 182. 10. d-rraX-Xa^ai &.V, loould deliver, sc. if voted and raised. C. 658 a ; Cu. 575 :G. 211 ; H. 783. diraXXdlai . oio|iai is to be understood with TrXrfio^

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    70 NOTES. [Phil. I. 13-15,bcTov and iropovs ovanuas in the same wa\' as with Tpbirov ffv : the kindof armament and thr number of men and the supplies of money whichI think irould deliver %isfrom such a state, caul hoiv the other requisitesmixjht, as it seems to me, he best and most ex2)cditiously provided, Ivill now also (or e.vc7i now, i. e. at once, Heslop ; Franke, statim) en-deavor to tell. 14. 1.5. KplvaT (aor.) denotes a momentary, wpo-\aixfidveTe (pres. ) a continued action : form your judgment irhcn yonhan: heard all I have to say : dont be prejudging as T go on. Madv.141. IIe>li)ji. Some co2>ii*s insert Kai l)elore /xri. irporepov, sc. be-f'uie you have heard, dehnes as well as emphasizes the irpo-. IC. |jit)8*...\'yiv, nor if I seem to any one to be recommending anentirely ncic force. k% o-PX^?) ^it. from the beginning = entirely.The novelty of the proposed force consisted in its being made up ofcitizens instead of mercenaries, and being constantly maintained in-stead of being raised anew for every new emergency It^ wv'i ^orjOeig..)It miglit take longer to raise such a force and jirovide for its subsist-ence, hence some might charge him with the very delay (dva^aWeiv)which he deprecated. But it would prove the most expeditious inthe end; for, he proceeds to say, it is not those v:ho cried "Quick .'"and " To-day !" that speak most to the jni-ViMsc. ol tlirovTes is past ;those who have spoken on former occasions, and raxi' and Tr^ixtpovwere the very words which they spoke. 19. oil Yoip dv, k. t. K.,forice could not prevent irhat has already happened by present succor, sc.if we should render it ever so immediately (implied protasis, C. 658 a ;Cu. 575 ; G. 211 ; H. 78-3). The maxim is so obvious as to be almostcommon-place in itself ; but it is so well put, and in such a con-nection as to form (sit venia verbo) a kyiock-down argument. 15. 21. dW 8s dv, but he speaks m/)st to the purjmse v:ho can show.Tis...ir6

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    16, 17.] NOTKS. 71folldwiiif,' tlir inf.

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    72 NOTES. [I'liiL. 1. 17-19,nant signification of mcake and start off: that you muy perhaps awakefrom this your excessive U2}athy, and start off, just as you did to Eii-hmx. After ibairep understand Copix-qaare. 11. els EiiPoiav. Thisexpedition was sent to aid the Eubceans against the Thebans, B. u.358, and was successful in compelling tlie latter to evacuate theisland. It was a frequent subject of glorification with the Athenians.Demosthenes himself was one of the trierarchs {De Cor., 99), and Grotesuggests (XI. 307) that he doubtless heard the appeal of Timotheus,whose eloquence moved the Athenians to undertake the expedition,and whose generalship conducted it to so successful an issue. 12. els 'AXtapTov. This hap}>i'ned B. c. 395, before the birth ofDemosthenes ; hence irpbrepov -wori (paaiv. The Athenians underThrasybulus marched to assist the Thebans against the Spartans, andarrived just in season to turn the scale and compel the Spartans towithdraw fronj Boeotia. This ex]K=dition is also mentioned, De Cor.,96. 12. ra TiKiVTaia, Jiiii(//y, as the last instance. 13. irpu)T)v,recently. It was two or tliree years pievious to this oration, B. c.353-2. 18. 13. ovTOi iravTeXtos, k. t. X., a7id even if you shouldnot achieve this as I say you ought, it (the pi-eparation which I recom-mend) is by 110 means a, thing to be despised in order that either throughthe fear which it would cause, etc 17. lo-l...l(rtv, cf. ttot ...Trore, 10, and note there. e^a^yyeWovres denotes a customary action,1/7(0 are in the habit of rejMrting, carrying abroad intelligence, ef-. 18. -irXeiovs toO Se'ovTos, more than there should be; in eo numero fue-runt Philocrates, Phryno, Ari.stodemus, Neoptolemus, Ctesiphon, alii.Sauppe. 19. |XT]Sev6S) not ovdevos, on account of IW, says Franke ;but better with Rehdantz, because it is an implied condition ; ifthere wei'e nothing to 2Jre.ve7it you sailing against his country, as therewould not be, if you raise a permanent force and take advantage of thewinds and the situation (cf. 31) as I recommend. 20. dv evSwKaipov, should he (Philip) give you an opportunity. 19. 21. xavra(Ae'v..."rrpbs Be, cf. note, 17, above. 8e86x6ai...Kal irapeo-Kevdo-Gai,immediately voted and at once provided. C. 599 ; Cu. 506 ; (i. 202, 2 ;H. 715. -irpbs TovTois, besides this (Bekker, Dindorf, Heslop, Whis-ton, etc.), al. wpo toi^tcoi^, before this (Franke, Sauppe, Relidantz, etc.).Tlie former reading, found in good MSS., accords better with thesentence immediately preceding, and is confirmed by nptii tovtols, 22. 23. npo\n.pi(ra

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    19, 20.] NOTES. 73narie.1. The ace. ami iht ih']>rui\ on Xeyrire or some surh verb im-iilied in firj. 26. eirio-ToX-iiialovs, on paprr, defined by ev rots\l/r)fpi(riJ.a

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    74 NOTES. [Phil. I. 20-22,iis) even the smallest. V\'. note, 01., III. 15. 10. dX\a...

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    23, 24.] NOTES. 75CAUSE IT IS IMPr.ACTICABI.E FOR US NOW TO PROVinE AN ARMY THATCAN mi;i:t Piiilii-'s army on tiik field of hattle. And I urgeTHAT A CONSlliERABLE PART OF THE FORCE CONSIST OF ATHENIANS,BECAUSE IT IS NO NEW TIIINO FOR (TIIZENS To SERVE IN YOURARMIES, AND BECAUSE, SINCE MERCENARY SOLDIERS, OFFICERED,TOO, MORE OR LESS, BY FOREIGNERS, HAVE CARRIED ON YOUR WAKS,THEY CONQUER YOUR FRIENDS, AND FIGHT THEIR OWN BATTLES FORTIIKII: OWN INTEREST, WHILE YOU AND YOUR GENERALS ARE KN-CIIOSSEU WITH SPORTS AND FESTIVALS.23. P. 8, 1. 1. To

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    76 NOTES. [Phil. I. 24-26, 14. viKo., they are conti'tuinlJii ennqnerivff your fhiends, vhilcyour ENEMIES, etc. 16. irapaKiiixj/avTa, ((ftcr a jMssinrf glance. 17. irpbs 'Aprdpa^ov. See Ol., II. "28, where tlie orator asks wliyall their generals run away from the .service on whicli they are sentand seek out wars of their own. The allusion there and here isprobably to Chares, who, in the Social War, having no money topay his troops, lent them to the Persian satrap Artabazus, who wasthen in rebellion against the king. He gained a victory for thesatrap, and was well paid for the service, but came very near involv-ing the Athenians in a war with the king of Persia. Diod., XVI.22; Grote, XI. 324. 17. fxciWov, rt(ther than to top ttjs TroXewsjroXefiof. 18. t'lKOTtos, of course, followed by yap, which assignsthe reason in the form of a gnome or apothegm. 19. |it) SiSovra,conditional negative = if he does not find them jKiy. 25. 21. iropl-

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    26 28. J NOTES. 77r. !), 1. 4. uxrinp ^ap, for you elect your taxiarcJts and your

    /j/ti/lardisnot

    /orthe lair, but for the cujora, just like those who

    iitudcl generals in lilaster, that i.s, you iiiakt! your military officersmere .statuettes, puppets, and figure-heads for your sliows and cere-monies. These would of eourse he //(. AwAj'or the injora. 27. 7. ovyap XP^^>/'"' ought not tuxiarchs to have been Fi;oM among your-selves, Atja^areA ffiom AMOXG YOURSELVES, officers O/ YOUR OWN(Athenian citizens), in order that the army might have been really at/lie disposal of the slate? Observe the emphatic repetition. 9. WI'jV. iva with a past tense of the ind. to denote the unattaiued end..I an unfulfilled condition. G. 216, 3 ; V. 624, d ; H. 742 ; .Madv.lil 1), 'd. a.\\',nay. Kennedy renders it or. 10. els Afjiivov.I'rom a lately discovered fragment of Hyperides we leain thai one ofthe two hipparchs was sent every year to Lenino.s, for the purpose,as we may conclude from this passage, of taking part in some pioees-sion 'of the Cleruchs (Athenian settlers), or other sacred solemnity,rather than for the discharge of military duty. He.slop. 12. twv8' virip...lir'jrapxtv, while Mcnelaus (a foreigner) is hipparch of thoseirho are contending for the ijossessions of the state (Athens). Of this.\[enelaus nothing is knoivn except that he was not an Athenian ;tlie statement of Harpocration that he was half-brother of Philip issearcely pi'obable. 13. dXX*...K6XipoTovt][Xvov, bat this man, u:hat-ivcr his character may be, ought to Iiaicc been elected by you, i. e. heought to have been an Atlienian, for a I'oreiguer might be hired, butcould not be truly and properly elected. See Schaefer in loc.

    E. Ways and Means (28-30).28-30. I RECOMMEND TH.Vr YOU RAISE NINETY-TWO TALENTS AS

    MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE FOR THE ARMY AND NAVY. ThE REST THl",ARMY ITSELF WILL SUPPLY FROM THE WAR. FrOM WHAT SOrR(i:sTHIS SUM CAN BE RAISED WILL APPEAR FRO.M THE SCHEDULE HERE-WITH SUBMITTED.

    28. 16. TavTa \i4v, sc. the kind of armament and the number oftroops ; the first and second topics suggested 13 ; to 5e tCov xp''?."^'''''"',the third part of his exposition, which he there calls iropovs oiiffriva^Xpy)iJ-a.TU}v. 18. irepauvco, pres. iud. = Iproceed to despatch. XP^"(iara Toivvv, .s- to supplies, then, the (cost of) subsistence, ration-hioneumill/ for this force, is ninety talents and a little over. The items sumu[) ninety-two talents, it will be seen. With this adverbial use ofTrpos compare our too, which is only an emphatic to. 22. tov )jit|vos

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    78 NOTES. [Phil. ]. 28, 29,tKcio-Tov. The calculation is for tlie year of twelve niontlis. for it isto be a permanent I'orce. 23. Too-aiiG' 'inpa, us much more, .sc. fortytalents. The biubjct (for these e-btimatcs mhiuhI us of the yearly budgetlaid before the British Parliament, and tlie Athenian orator's office atthis time was scarcely less complex tlian that of the British Minister,who is the leader in the House of Commons) is made up as follows:For the ships, 10 sliips x 2r) iiiiiice x 12 iiioiitlis = 2,400 iiiiiue . = 40 talentsFor the foot-solUiers, 2,00u foot x 10 dnu hinas x 12 months= 240,000 draelniias =40 "For the horse, 200 horseiaeii x 3U ilrachnias x 12 iiitli!>. = Tii.OiiU ilr. = 12 "

    Sum total for the year 92 talentsA talent was nominally a little less than .$1,000, and a drachmasomewhat less than a Massachusetts sliilliiig (-^ of .1). The studentmay aid his memory by keeping in mind this .standard of comjiari.son,and for i)ractical purposes generali}' it will be sufficiently accurate.It should be remembered, however, that the value of money, as esti-mated in the corn or other means of subsistence it would liny, wasmany times its present value. Bockh, Pub. Econ. B. I., passim ;Die. Antiq., Talentum. Demosthenes's allowance, therefore (of 30drachmas a month, a shilling a day), for the subsistence of tlie horse-man with his horse, and a third of that sum (less than 6 cents a day)for the foot-soldier, is not so scanty as with the present value ofmoney it would seem to be. 2a. oio-iv, being, i. c. numhcrhig. 26. XanPavTi, pres. sul)j. receive slatcdhj, from month to month. 29. 27. a.op|iTiv is literally a .starting-point. He.slop renders it'Start here ; Whiston, provision : but if any one thinks it to be a smalloutfit that rntiou-moncy onhi be furnished to begin u:ith, he is mis-taken. For ^i^viio-Kaj in the sense of tliink, or judge, see 1 andnote there.

    P. 10, 1. 3. TTpoo-iropLei, icill provide ichat else (irpos-) is requiredfrom the war (i. e. not for itself, which would require the middle,but so that j'ou will not have to provide it, cf. iropiauaiv, 01., II. 16).Bockh remarks on this pas.sage in his Pub. Eccm., B. II., Ch. 22, " thisproposal is worthy of remark as having no paiallel in any Grecianauthor ; it is the outline of a plan for embodying a military force tomaintain itself at free quarters and at the same time to form a per-manent standing army, though its continuance was iiidei'd limited tothe duration of the war." He.slop. - ITOPOY AIIOAEIHIS.Exi'osiS OF Way.s and Means. A schedule of resources available

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    29-31.] KOTKS. 79for the piirposp, fiiniishcil by the proper official, or with liis help(hence perhaps the rj/jteh of 30), is here read by that officer or byDemosthenes himself, or perhaps by the clerk, which was not incor-porated in the written oration, and so is not preserved. Com[>aretlie doriinients, or [ilaces for them, in De Corona.- 30. 10. "A ]i.ivT|(jiis...o-Tt. Dionysius {Epis. ad Amimm., I. 10) quotes these wordsas the beginning of the sidh I'liilipiiir. Hence some have inferredthat in our present coj)ies of the first Philippic we have two sepa-rate orations brought together. But the internal evidence is suffi-cient to demonstrate its unity. Moreover, no oration could everhave ended with tovt' rjdrj Xe^w ; and none could ever have begunwith a fi(v rjiJLfls, K. T. \. And there are many other reasons for be-lieving that Dionysius must have blundered here, as he did in refer-ence to the order of the Olynthiacs. See especially Whiston in loc,and Grote, XI. 431. 11. 7ri\ipoTovfjT must here mean, not ap-prove, sanction by vote as usual, but simply vote upon. ras ^vtijias,the resolutions, sententias, sc. that have been proposed whether bymyself or other.s, cf. 15. 12. XipoTovT|e situatim, with reference especially to the windsand seasons, as explained in the following context. 18. v0v|j.ii-0ti^T, con.'iider v:ell ; Xo-yto-aicrO*,

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    80 NOTES. [Phil. I. 31, 32,in the ^gean during that season." Leake's Northern Greece, iiuotedby Whiston. 21. tivik' dv i]\t.ti^ h-t) SwaineOa is subjective, givingthe view of Philip : T/i^tra Tj/xeis ov ovi'dfj.eda would be objective, stat-ing the fact as accepted by tiie speaker and generally understood.The latter would mean, when loe cannot ; the former may be ren-dered, when he thinks we ainnot, or, more exactly, vjhcnever in hisopinion ive should not he able. C. 643 e, 686 n ; L. & S. Lex. Thisform also expresses a repeated condition negatively, answering to thecustomary action expressed l\v iwixetpei. 32. 23. vi(rTpiovfiv, forive shall be too late for evcri/thing, as, e. g. in the cases of Methone,Pagasae, and Potidsea, mentioned below, 3.5. 25. viirdpxei 8' -uixiv,and you are at liberty (licet, Franke) to use as a lointer station for theforce Lemnos, etc. The islands here named, together with Scopelus,Halonesus, Peparethus, etc., were at this time subject to Athens.

    P. 11, 1. 3. inrapxei, are in readiness ; ivTrapx"" is understood withXpv- TT)v 8' aipav, and during (ace.) the season of the year when itis both easy to land (c(jme to the land and remain there, dat.)

    and theicinds are safe. 5. to twv irveviidTtov, st rictly the matter of the winds,is a more general expression for the winds themselves. Cf. ra t?hTi'xv^, 12, and to twv OiGiv, and rb ttjs tvxv^, 45. 5. irpos avrfj,K. T. X., tJiey tvill easily take their station near his country and at theentrances of his ports, sc. to land troops to carry out the system ofXriffTsia recommended in 23 and to interfere with commerce.

    G. The probable results of this course, in contrast with the wretchedstate of things now existing at Athens (33-46).33-46. Provide the money and enlist the army for thk

    WAR, AS I recommend, AND YOU WILL CEASE TO BE ALWAYS DELIB-ERATING, AND ACCOMPLI.SHING NOTHING. YoU WILL ALSO TAKEAWAY FROM PhILIP HLS CHIEF RESOURCES, FOR HE SUPPORTS HISARMY BY PLUNDERING YOU AND YOUR ALLIES. AnD YOU WILL NOLONGER BE ALWAYS TOO LATE. WhY IS IT THAT YOUR FESTIVALSALWAYS COME OFF AT THE APPOINTED TIME, WHILE YOUR MILITARYEXPEDITIONS ARE ALWAYS BEHIND THE TIME? BECAUSE IN THEFORMER EVERYTHING IS FIXED BY LAW, WHEREAS IN THE LATTERTHERE IS NOTHING SETTLED. YOU SHOULD NOT FOLLOW EVENTS,BUT LEAD THEM, AS YOU EXPECT YOUR GENERALS TO LEAD YOURARMIES. But you fight just as BARBARIANS BOX, ALAVAYS COV-ERING THE PLACE AFTER YOU ARE HIT, AND FOLLOWING PhILIPHITHER AND THITHER AS IF HE WERE THE COMMANDER OF YOUR

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    33, 34.] NOTES. 81ARMIES. Do YOU ASK WIIEnE \VK SlIdUM) ATTACK HIM? HAVEYOUR FORCE IN THE FIELD, AND YOU VVIIX SOON FIND HIS WEAKPOINTS. Send out even a smali, force of Athenian citizens,AND the favor OF THE GODS AND OF FORTUNE WILL 00 WITHTHEM.

    33. P. 11, 1. 7. "A = Hoiv, iulvcihial accusative. C. 483, 1); Cu.201 ; G. 160 ; H. 552. irapd, alonysiilc of, lifiice cd the litnc of and(irrofding to. It might be leiuleicil /rom or thruugh, as in 11. Kvpios ifi jiivil. after KaTacrrds. Render : How, therefore, and when heshall use the force, the general who is put in command of this matterwill decide lift orcas-ion ma if arise. 10. y7pa4>a, sc. in my motion. 12. irapao-Ktvao-avTes. . .KaTaKXti

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    82 NOTES. [Piiiu I. 35, 36,tus was a promontory and town in the South of Eubffa. It was aconvenient point for corn-ships and other vessels to touch at on theirway from the Levant to Attica. Grote, X. 176.

    P. 12, 1. 1. TT|v Upoiv. .TpiT|pT], probably the Paralus. There wasalso another sacred vessel called the Salaniinia, and indeed stillothers of less distinction in the time of Demosthenes. Besides goingon the .sacred embassies (dewplai) to Dclos and elsewhere, these ves-sels carried despatches, embassadors, and other officers of state. Seeait. Salaminia, Die. Antiq. 3. Ti8\)va

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    36-38.] NOTES. 83urraiKjcd, unrcguUihd, aadrjinrd, so tliat nobodij knows belbrcliiiuilwho is to coniuiaud, who is to serve, what he is to receive, or whatlie is to do. '2U. a|Aa...Kal = siinul ac, as soon as we have heardof any eniergeney we ajipoint trierarclis. It was the diit}' of the trie-rarulis {Pub. Econ.), who were ajjpointed from among the rieli men,to fiirrish the triremes. Compare tlie choragiis and the gymnasiarehabove, and on tlie tricrarcliic system sec Bockh., Pub. Ecoii., B. IV.c. 11. 21. dvTiSoo-tis, cirhidiyes uf pivpcrtt/, sufficiently explainedin the Lexicon, ;iiiil more fully in Die. Aiitiq. This liberty of ex-change was a fruitful source of delay. 23. fiToiKovs. The foreignresidents were a numerous and imjiortant class, who did much of thebusiness at Athens, and bore many of the burdens of the state. Theirrelations were so |)eculiar that tlie name {metics) has been transferiedby Grote and some other writers of Greek history. Die. Antiq. sub. v. ^So^e, gnomic aor. = it is resolved, placitum est. tovs X'^P^SoiKOvvras, the frecdiiicn who lire crpart fruui their old iiiiistern. SeeBockh., B. II. cli. "2], on this passage, the freedmen and the metics. 24. lT'...dvT(x|3ipdl^i.v, then ni/ain to embark ourselves instead,lit. to make ourselves go on board. The expression is as strange inthe Greek as in the English, and various amendments have been sug-gested to correct it. Westermann and Franke read etr avroi/s wdXiv,elr ajTe/x/St/Sdjetc, Dindorf encloses Avrefx^i^ia^etv in brackets, under-standing ifi^aiveiv with avrovs TrdXiv, and ^^'histon would prefer thisreading if avTeix^iL^d^av were not in all tlie MSS. Perhaps the oratormeans to satirize the absurdity of their conduct by the strangeness ofthe language. 37. 2">. iW kv 8orated with the text, are saidby the Scholiast to have been chiefly a warning or advice to the Eu-boeans not to build any hopes on their alliance with the Athenians, wliowere not able to help them. 38. 8. rd iroXXd, the most. C. 523 f;

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    84 NOTES. [Phil. I. 38-41,Cm. 374; G. 142, N. 3 ; H. 528 n. ws ouk ^Sei = unhnpinlij. Wliis-toii. ov [iTjv dXX' I'o-ws ovx,, aUhoiifjh, perha2}s, not at all. 9. clHV...8T](iT|-yopiv, (/ iitdccd all that we may jmss over in speaking to(I mill giriiig offence would jmss over as matters of fact, we ought tospade so as to please you. to, irpdYfiaTa is the subject of vwep^rjae-Tai, lit. the things (as well as the words) vjill 2}ass oirr. So Wester-liianii, Whiston, Ilehdaiitz. Others, as Fianke and Heslop, makeTis the subject, and give vTrep^rja-eTai a causative sense, if he couldthereby cause the things to pass over. 11. cl 8' t|, k. t. X., bat if gra-ciousness of speech wlien it is ill-timed becomes a damage in action, itis a shame, etc. It is difficult to express our orator's favorite con-trast of X670J and ^pyov oi- Trpdypia in good English. 39. 15. (it]8^TovTo, K. T. X., and not be able to learn so much as this even, thatthey icho would carry on war successfully must not follow in theicake of events, but must themselves march in advance of events. 20. Twv Trpa-yp-aTtov depends on riyeladai to be supplied from the pre-vious clause : so also must they who sit in council (consult for the]>ublic good) take the lead of events (guide circum.stances). to. o-v|i-pdvTa...8iwKiv is only a stronger expression for a.KoXovdeii' tois Trpdy-fiaaiv, lit. to be continually pursuing what has huppcned, and so isalready past and gone. 40. 24. dirdvTwv, of all the Greek states.Cf. 24, 216 : rpnfjpeis ocras ovde/xia iroXti 'EWrjvh KeKTrirai, k. t. \.On the Mil. and Nav. Force of Athen.s, .see Bockh. Pub. Econ., B. II.c. 21, and the Eevpnue, B. III. 25. |AXpi...T||Xpas, to this very day.

    P. 14, I. 1. ov8v 8' a-KoKdireTi, and you fail in no particular(lit. you leave off nothing) to carry on ivar with Philip just as thebarbarians box. Al. ovSevb's airoXeiireaBe, which Schaefer and Whis-ton render, and yet there is nothing in which you do not interfere, andother editors in other ways. But most editors have adopted thereading of our text, and justify the reading and con.struction by ref-erence to Plato's Phwdo, 69 B. Barbarians, of course, represent un-skilful boxers as compared with the practised Greeks. Instead ofTToXepLe'iv, Schaefer and Whiston read TroXe/ielTe. 4. ti]s irXTi-yfj?^X^Tai, always feels for the bloir, lays hold of it as it were. So Heslop,Kennedy, and Whiston. Or wXyjyris may mean the wound, the partstruck : when stricken, he alicays lays hold of the part struck. lK6io-...Xipts, lit- tlii'.her arc his hands, with a singular mixture ofmotion and rest in the expression, viliich is doubtless intended toheighten the burlescpie. 41. 6. Kal viAtts, so you. Cf. Kal irepl tQjv

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    41-45.] NOTES. 85irpay/jLCLTUf, 01., I. 11, and note there. 9. o-TpaTT^-yeio-et, //" arecoiinntindcdbtj hiin,i\ii it' lie were your general. 11. 7rp6...'n-poopdT...TTptv, triple emphasis, well rendered by He.slop: nor hrj'ure events takeplace do i/du foresee anytliing till you, hear that soviethiiuj has happenediir is hdjipnuiuj. 42. 14. 8oki, personal for impersonal. ' f'f. note,t)/., I. 10, where also there is an etiually distinitt recognition of tin-pinvidiMice of the gods. 16. Tols 7i-YV0|XV0is, dat. alter alax'H'Jt'-f-vos, of. Toh irpdyfMaa-Lv, 2 and note there. 19. aTroxpTJv, / thinksome of you would be satisfied with a slate of things in cotisrquence oftvhich ive should as a state have incurred dishonor and the reproach ofcowardice and the ikepest disgrace of every kind. The snliject ofawoxMv is ((intained in the relative clause (^ Siv, k. t. X. C. 571, f. i'7rp,..a'ire-yvi

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    86 NOTES. [Phil. I. 44-47,emphatic denial is well expiesised by Heslop : there is no chance of ourever having anything done that should

    be done. 45. 13. [xepos rtTTjs TToXews = ixepn TiVL OTpaTnoTuiv oUdwi', 1. ), above. 14. (rvva-TTOcTTaXfj, sent abroad irith the rest of the arinj'. Kai Tb...o-vva-yw-vil^erai, the good-Kill of thr gods and of Fortune loo aids us in tJiestruggle. Cf. 01., I. 1 ; II. 'J, ami notes llieie. Kennedy and He.slopmake evixeves the predicate of to tCjv deQv. Better with Whiston tomake to ei'/xeves refer to tP/s tvxv'^ as well as tQi/ dtCiv, and the sub-ject of (niuayoivl'^eTai.. 16. x)/f|(}>Kr(ia k(v6v, an emptij resolution.Cf. 19, 30 and notes there. 18. ol \i.iv ixOpoi, k. t. X., i/our enemieslaugh at them ichile your friends are frig/dentd to death at (or standin mortal dread of) such expeditions. diroo-ToXous is the object ofKCLTayeKQiaiu as well as of redrdcn raj deei /xdXa dtdiaai, or iVep^o-/SoiWat. 46. 20. 'iva 6Lv8fa is