china 1911-1939
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Yuan Shih-Kai’s Republic – China 1912-1916
1. Dictatorial policies: appointed his own followers in gov. positions to
strenghthen position against Tongmenghui.
2. Assassination of Song Jiaoren in (March 1!1" (after generalelection.
". Jul# 1!1" $ Second %evolution $ &MT armed re'ellion to depose
uan) following loan deal signed '# onl# him with the *ive +owers
(impl#ing further political in,uence. %e'els easil# defeated and &MT
dissolved. %easons for failure:
• &MT divided and penniless
• -ritishforeign help to uan (uan or chaos
• uan/s 0orthern Arm# (Divisions was stronger $ in num'ers
and arms.• +eople didn/t support &MT $ didn/t understand the re'ellion.
• entr#) wanting to protect their interests) did not lie the
re'els.3. 1!13 $ uan creates 4onstitutional 4ompact that maes him into a
dictator.5. 6n 1!1271!1") uan had ver# little control over the decentrali8ed
provinces $ laced power to appoint o9cials) received on 5 of ta;
and provincial leaders dealt directl# with foreigners) even issuing
paper mone# with no value guarantee.<. After 1!1" %evolution) gaining more control over the Souther
provinces) uan attempts centrali8ation of political power: greater
+eing control of ta;es) separation of civil and militar# duties
(reduced power to militar# leaders) reducing power of local
assem'lies and esta'lishing national currenc#.=. *ailed to crush deep7rooted power of decentrali8ed provices) onl#
controling them through his -ei#ang arm#) loans to satisf# his
generals and friendship with generals.
>. uan attempts restoration of monarch# in 1!15) under the advice ofhis American and Japanese advisers) nowing that ?urope was at
war) &MT gone and that Japan would have no pro'lem) given their
21 Demands satis@ed) also counting on the consevatism of 4hinese
societ#.!. uan/s attempt fails $ man# of the provinces declared independence
from his gov. *ailure came 'ecause: the provincial gentr# feared a
monarch# would tr# centrali8ation) the progressive intellectuals
distrusted uan) his generals were not entirel# lo#al to him (made
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use of him for power) he was unpopular in 4hina due to the 21
Demands) Japan 'ri'ed his generals) -ritain refused to pa# salt ta;.
Failure of the Republic – China 1912-1916
1. %evolutionaries considered the repu'lic the most advanced and
modern form of gov.) that could save 4hina from its 'acwardness
and foreign e;ploitation) there was no alternative) and under arepu'lic the independent provinces/ interests could 'e represented
(political condition.2. %easons for failure include uan/s dictatorial policies: he had no
intention of woring for the repu'lic) 'ut ruled lie a dictator) using
'ri'e and murder. The repu'lic 'ecame a ground for sel@sh struggle
for power.". 4hina/s lac of democratic tradition pla#ed a maor role: there was a
traditional dislie for political parties) seen as sel@shl# struggling for
power. 4hina was used to the rule of men) not the rule of law. Also)
intellectual part# leaders eno#ed little popular support) social
conservatism was strong. Democrac# had di9cult# in taring root.3. +rovincial gentr# and militarist were concerned with their own
interests and power) and had little wish to help the creation of a
strong gov. in +eing. +olitical decentrali8ation started with the
Taiping) and followed '# uan/s failed monarch#.5. Disunit# and political ine;perience of intellectuals and li'erals) who
lost man# opportunities to eep uan/s power in chec. Man# had as
a greater goal the uni@cation and centrali8ation) not the creation of
a democratic repu'lic.<. The urgent need for social and economic reforms was neglected)
and the repu'lic was wea) corrupt and divided) inviting more
foreign control and Japanese agression. 6t/s failure 'rought a'out the
warlord era and turned man# intellectuals towards radical ideas lie
4ommunism.
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The Warlor !ra – China 1916-192"
1. A great in,uence in the inception of this period was 4hina/s histor#
and geograph#. Barge) with diCerent local regions) geographical
conditions and historical developments) 4hina had in fact man# local
cultures.2. The countr# previousl# 'eing held together '# the central 4ivil
Service ?;amination which produced o9cials) and the gov7'aced
4onfucianism that emphasi8ed lo#alt# and o'edience to the d#nast#
in rule (who had the mandate of heaven) no eCective wa# of
political control was availa'le after 1!11. The traditional centralstructure (the 'ac'one of 4hina was removed.
". Administrative weaness of the ing and the decentrali8ing
concessions of the Taiping %e'ellion gave increasing power to
provincial scholar7gentr# and militar# leaders who controlled the
new armies (lie uan Shih7ai. These resisted an# form of
government and wished themselves as local leaders.3. Another factor in the inception of the warlord era was the gradual
dissapearance of the traditional dislie for the militar# profession)
'ecause: foreign imperialism demanded more militari8ation) the
ing deli'eratel# tried to increase the reputation of the arm# to save
face) the discipline of the late ing armies (compared to corruption
of old armies 'rought it good reputation) the elimination of the 44?
in 1!E5 made it impossi'le for #oungsters to compete for civil
positions.5. The failure of the repu'lic to achieve real uni@cation. 6t laced
reputation and real power) and allowed militar# leaders and
provincial scholar7gentr# the accumulation of more power.
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<. -efore his death in 1!1<) uan Shih7ai was still in power to
command his generals of the -ei#ang arm# he created. The -ei#ang
arm#) strong enough to dominate other non7-ei#ang provincial arm#
and the scholar7gentr#) Fuicl# disintegrated into warring warlords
struggling for power after uan/s death. Some unit# still e;istedwhen uan was alive) for he stimulated some degree of nationalist
feeling) which was gone once he was dead.=. The warlords acted more or less independentl#) using oppression)
murdeer) and e;cessive ta;ation to acFuire wealth. Some
su'seFuentl# retired to safet#.>. +ower in the hands of warlords was @cle. The# often allowed their
commanders to rule some territories) who 'ecame increasingl#
independent) then warlords themselves. The# had no ideolog#) and
unrelia'le soldiers) conscripted '# force and hungr#. And although a
warlord ruled over the province) individual villages were led '# the
scholar7gentr#. There was no clear militar# s#stem) so armies relied
on individual o9cers $ the murder of one could completel#
desta'ili8e an arm#.!. Garlords often fought among themselves for more territorr# and
power) alliances were made and changed. Some fought to protect
their (desira'le land) others to win it) or to win +eing to have
access to foreign loans and trade) as the +eing gov. could represent
the nation in international matters.1E. 0orthern warlords fought for +eing in the name of the
uni@cation) while the southern warlords spoe strongl# for a federal
s#stem. *rom 1!1< to 1!2>) 4hina had more than = heads of state)
another = 'rief periods of caretaer governments) and 25 ca'inets in
Fuic succession.11. 6n a'sence of a centrali8ed gov) the foreign powers could
e;pand their economic concessions) 'ut found it unsafe (due to the
disorder to eno# their e;isting rights.12. *oreign policies and activities encouraged the isunit# of
4hina) where in 1!1=71> Japan provided a large loan to the +eing
gov) and other foreign powers as well during the era. Although the
Arms ?m'argo Agreement of 1!1! prohi'ited the sale of weapons to
4hina) man foreign powers did) sometimes even choosing to support
one warlord. (Japan $ Hhang Huolin) %ussia $ *eng u;iang of
Manchuria1". $olitical e%elop&ents' After uan/s death) the warlords
were split in two groups $ uan/s generals in the north and thosewho refused to o'e# uan in the south. The# fought for territor# and
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for +eing) mem'ers of those cliFues often changing sides. 6n 1!1>)
the northern group was itself divided into two: Anhui and Hhili.13. 6n 1!23) *eng 'etra#ed Gu of Hhili and oined Anhui) starting a
militar# struggle against Hhang Huolin. ?ven Sun at7sen oined the
warlord era struggle politicall# and militaril#.15. The warlord era had negative on 4hinese econo&#) where
a(ricultural crops was destro#ed '# warfare and disorder and
much land was taen for the production of opium. Trae was put oC
'# the man# ta;es) dictatorial sei8ure of goods) handling of currenc#
and warlord control of transportation s#stems. )nustrialists were
forced to mae Idonations and as future was uncertain) few
industrialists pursued long7term economic proects.1<. Social e*ects: the common people were seriousl# e;ploited
through ta;es (< times higher and 5< #ears in advance andprovision of other services. Man# lives were lost in warlord wars. *or
safet#) peasants oined secret peasant societies (set up '#
4ommunists and growing in num'ers.17. Social changes: tranditionally, the scholar-gentry led villages
and commanded respect from peasants. During the WE, they were
allied and subservient to the warlords, losing the condence of the
people who turned more easily to communism.1!. Social disorder " brea#down of $hina%s social fabric. &uman
relationships were based less on moral bounds '$onfucianism( and
more on e)pectation of reward. *reater social and geographical
mobility meant that people moved from lower classes to upper ones
and from region to region.1+. +&on( intellectuals, there was a growth in nationalism) due
to the nationalist slogans of the warlords) and the disunit# that
caused them to stand to save 4hina in movements lie Ma# 3th.
nder the warlords there was no single national ideology, so
intellectuals had freedom to e)periment with new ideas, li#e$ommunism. -ut) 'ecause of the corruption and insta'ilit# of the
+eing gov) man# a'le #oung people didn/t choose to do politics)
and engaged themselves with impractical academic stud#. Knlie
Mao Hedong.. $olitical e*ects' it 'ecame clear to intellectuals that repu'lic
on the Gestern model was not feasi'le in 4hina) which made them
consider 4ommunism. 6t was also made clear that power stood in
the militar# and not in empt# political ideas) where the militr#
profession gained importance. Decentrali8ation that 'egan duringthe ing was made worse and even the &MT (after the nominal
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and growing) due to advancements in education and Gestern ideas
taught in schools. + class of &oern citiens 0illin( to brea
0ith traition 0as tain( shape33. The failure of political re%olution was clear in that the 1!11
Linhai revolution failed to strenghthen 4hina) leading man# toconsider necessar# a more fundamental change and an intellectual
revolution.5. The warlord period/s disorder provided an atmosphere of
intellectual freeo&) where intellectuals could e;periment with
new ideas) such as 4ommunism.<. )&&eiate causes were tied to the ersailles 4onference of 1!1!)
where the 4hinese hoped that the former 4er&an concessions of
Shantun() sei8ed '# the Japanese during the war) would 'e given
'ac to 4hina as a reward for it/s war eCort. -ut -ritain) *rance and6tal# had alread# agreet with the +eing warlord to leave it under
Japan. This angered students) and a'out 5EEE of them held a large7
scale protest.=. The protesters 'urned the house of a pro7Japanese 4hinese minister
and ased students from other parts of 4hina to organi8e protests
with these aims: arouse s#mpath# of all 4hinese) force 4hinese gov
not to sign the ersailles treat#) dissmiss pro7Japanese gov. o9cials
in +eing. Merchants oined) and there was a 'o#cott of Japanese
products.>. 6mmediate results were limited: the great powers at ersailles still
left Shantung in Japenese hands) 'ut 4hinese representatives did
withhold from signing the treat#. Demonstrations cooled down soon
and patriotic societies failed to cooperate) 'ut the# em'arrassed the
+eing warlord gov.!. Bong7term eCects (71!2" were [email protected]. )ntellectual achie%e&ents' Ma# 3th populari8ed Gestern
ideas lie democrac#) li'eralism) socialism) pragmatism and
utilitarianism. Ghile 4onfucian tradition of cutural self7su9cienc#
and superiorit# made 4hinese scholars unwilling to accept foreign
ideas) after Ma# 3th the# criticall# measured themselves against and
accepted modern) Gestern ideas. A willingness to critici8e 4hina/s
tradition and regard it as a part of world histor#. There was also a
rise in democratic spirit.11. 6ntroduction of the pai-hua 0ritin( s#ste& and reection of
traditional chinese writing increased literac# rate among
commoners.
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12. Social si(ni5cance' %ise of the modern pu'lic opinion) due
to increased literac# and popular education. Social traditions were
attaced: the old famil# s#stem) discrimination against women)
arranged marriage. Modern merchants) industrialists and cit#
worers 'ecame politicall# conscious. %ise of class7consciousnessagainst local7provincial feeling. +rogressive #oung intellectuals rose
to the leadership of pu'lic opinion) challenging power of scholar7
gentr#.1". $olitical si(ni5cance' +olitici8ed and strenghthened 4hinese
nationalism) people were more interested and activel# participating
in political matters. %ise of student movements. 6mportance of
politici8ed masses) unlie previous politics (made '# few for few.
Mao Hedong and others too advantage of this. reat concern for
4hina/s uni@cation (anti7warlord protests) helping its cause.
Democratic meaning of the anti-warlord protests: the gov.
should have the people’s condence to be legitimate (vs.
Mandate of Heaven. &MT was much less involved in Ma# 3th than
other political groups) leading to increasing conservatism on its part)
and ultimatel#) to its failure after 1!2>.13. i&itations' lac of determination) coordination and
plannning made the movement short7lived) plus ineCective for
worers who participated in riots. 6t was mainl# an ur'an movement)ignoring peasants. The intellectuals/ criticism of 4hinese tradition
were Ioversimpli@ed and shallow) failing to create a new 4hinese
culture) 'ut readil# accepting Gestern culture without consideration
of its suita'ilit# for 4hina/s conditions. Bimited practical
achievements) e;cept 'ringing down a warlord government. 0othing
reall# changed afterwards.
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Rise of Co&&unis& in China – 1911 on
13 )t 0as an attracti%e bo# of thou(ht for Chinese
intellectuals'
•
The principle of class struggle oCered a simplistice;planation of 4hina/s 2Eth centur# pro'lems. 4ompared to
Gestern democrac#) 4ommunism had &ore inclusi%e,
co&plete an co&prehensi%e ieas.
• 6t @tted well with China’s national ientit# an traition
of o0npla#in( the i&portance of &aterial (oos an
e&pasis on &orals. Nn 'ecoming 4ommunist leaders)
intellectuals could see themselves as guardians of moralit#)
given the 4ommunist advocation of self7sacri@ce and
unsel@shness. To nationalists) the class anal#sis could e;plain 4hina/s
'acwardness as a result of the shortcomings of the old
ruling class) avoiding the implication that the 4hinese as a
race were corrupt. Thus, national prie an self-respect
coul be restore3
• 4ommunism was ne0er and not #et achieved in ?urope or
America) giving the 4hinese a sense of 'eing ideologicall#
ahead of Gestern countries. +lus) 4ommunism seemedmore modern and scienti@c than capitalism) and so made
the 4hinese communists ps#cholo(icall# superior3
7!hina’s historical ego
• Benin/s emphasis on the role of colonial peoples of the
world @lled the 4hinese with a sense of &ission an
i&portance. 4hina would not accept Gestern culture) 'ut
will have a sa# in determining the manind/s future. This
suited their anti7imperialist feeling.
23 The suitabilit# an applicabilit# of Co&&unis& to China’sconitions'
• 4ommunism paid more attention to social pro'lems (more
important to the !hinese" whose main issue was
social unrest at the time.
• Bie %ussia) 4hina had man# poor peasants who formed a
good revolutionar# force.
• Traditionall# 4hinese peasants (and people in general were
used to passivel# o'e#ing the leadership of a small group of
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people (the scholar7gentr#. (!hina’s !onfucian tradition
of obedience.
• Chinese societ# 0as funa&entall# (roup-base) so
the 4ommunist principle of group unit# was agreea'le and
attractive) and was a weapon to @ght agaist the imperialistsand warlords.
• -# the earl# 1!2E/s capitalism failed to esta'lish itself @rml#
in 4hina) as a result of foreign imperialism and disincentives
that resulted from the warlord rule. All the same) the gov. in
+eing 'ecame a pla#thing 'etween warlords) losing it/s real
meaning and failing to support an# form of democrac#.
osin( faith in these Western s#ste&s) 4hinese
intellectuals turned to 4ommunism.". The First Worl War: Seeing as even ?uropean countries fought
among each other) intellectuals drew the conclusion that Gestern
democrac# has serious weanesses too and that the 4ommunist
prediction a'out the decline of capitalism was right. Moreover) the#
thought the origins of the war to 'e the Gest/s sel@sh material
culture) so looed for a modern #et moral s#stem to save 4hina. The
Shantung concessions also angered them) so the# lost con@dence in
democrac#.
3. The 8olshe%i success' %ussia was similar in 'acwardness to4hina) and 4ommunism showed e9cienc#) eCectiveness and
popularit# there. Also) the KSS% announced twice it/s wish to give up
previous imperialist privileges in 4hina) so 4hinese intellectuals
'ecame more s#mpathetic of 4ommunism5. a# T: popularie Co&&unsi&' destruction of old traditions
cleared the wa# for new ideologies) while it also produces an
atmosphere of radical spirit and intellectual curiosit# for a easier
acceptance. 6t saw the rise of new classes of politicall#7conscious
citi8ens (students) 'usinessmen) middle7class mem'ers or worerswho were later mo'ili8ed '# 4ommunism and encouraged to mae
political groupings (lie 44+. 6t also showed 4hina/s pro'lems were
urgent.<. Conclusion – raicaliation of intellectuals3 -efore) the#
thought 4hina/s pro'lems could 'e solved in an evolutionar#
manner. -# 1!1!) the# felt that onl# more revolutionar# and radical
eCorts could save 4hina.
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For&ation of the Chinese Co&&unist $art# – China
1921
1. Mar;ism was pro'a'l# introduced in 4hina starting 1!E5) 'ut was
not populari8ed until the Ma# *ourth Movement.2. Bi Da8hao) a li'rarian at the universit# of +eing) 'ecame a
communist in 1!1> and organi8ed stud# groups until 1!2E) of which
Mao Hedong was a mem'er.". The Soviet Knion) through oitins# of the 4omintern) came to 4hina
to discuss with Bi Da8ha and 4hen Du;iu the possi'ilit# of organi8ing
a uni@ed 4ommunist part# in 4hina) later founded in 1!21 in
Shanghai '# these two.3. ?arl# weaness: 'ecause the Mar;ist stud# groups came from
diCerent areas of 4hina) the 44+ was not uni@ed and centrali8ed and
often disagreed on its earliest policies. 4hen Du;iu 'elieved)
mirroring orthodo; Mar;ism) that the ur'an worers should 'ring the
4ommunist revolution) while Bi Da8hao argued for #oungintellectuals to mo'ili8e the peasants) and that those should stand
at the 'ase of the revolution. Mao carried on Bi/s ideas after his
death in 1!2= '# a warlord) 'ut from 1!21 4hen/s ideas were put
into practice) given the KSS%/s 'acing.
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The Three $rinciples of the $eople 7Sun Yat-Sen;
1. 4reated in at the 'eginning of the 1!EEs '# Sun at7Sen) the#
contained some 'raod political) social and economic programs for
sa%in( China. Their initial aim was to attract &ore people to
the anti7Manchu revolutionar# movement) as well as prepare for
re-construction of the countr# after revolutionar# success.
2. +fter 192, Sun e<pane this bo# of beliefs in great
detail) with the conviction that a more complete ideolog# which
set out goals and laid down plans to achieve them was needed
after repeated failure to reform the nation after 1!11.
/3 The Three +rinciples had their roots in Wilson’s fa&ous speech
Igov. of the people) '# the people) for the people. The# were:
=ationalis&, >e&ocrac#, Socialis&3
3. =ationalis& 7in Tsu;' After 1!11) nationalism was rede@ned
from meaning anti7Manchuism to anti7imperialism to suit the
da#/s goals. Sun also aimed to restore 4hina/s racial spirit and
pride) through a return to the ancient moralit# and learning) a
strengthening of the old clan and famil# s#stem as the smallest
'onds of national unit#) 'o#cotting of Gestern goods as refusal of
foreign economic imperialism and (incongruousl# adoption of
Gestern science and technolog#. Sho0s that Sun 0asn’t so
&uch concerne 0ith the refor&ation of China as 0ith its
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stren(hthenin( to re(ain its presti(e an place a&on(
international po0ers3
5. >e&ocrac# 7in Chuan;' 0ational right would alwa#s 'elong to
the people) 'ut the people would e&po0er a fe0 able leaers who would act in their 'ene@t. The s#stem devised '# him was
the *ive +ower 4onstitution: ?;ecutive) Begislative) Judiciar#) 4ivil
4ervice ?;amination) 4ontrol. First /, &oern (o%3 branches?
last t0o, traitional Chinese3 +olitical powers of the people:
suCrage) recall) initiative) referendum.
<. Sun/s orderl#) revolutionar# time7ta'le: a period of &ilitar#
uni5cation of the countr#) militar# rule. Then) period of part#
tutela(e) when &MT would educate the population a'outdemocrac# and appoint trained men to help in local self7rule.
Third) period of constitutional e&ocrac#.
=. Sun put nationalis& before democrac# as he 'elieved the
4hinese have had too much freedom and laced unit# and
nationalistic feelings. Oe) therefore) emphasi8ed iscipline an
or(aniation to strengthen unit#.
>. Socialis& 7in Shen(;' Sun wored out a social program notonl# to attract worers and peasants) 'ut also to satisf# some of
the more conservative &MT mem'ers $ not too conser%ati%e
but not too raical3
!. Socialis& containe' e@ualiation of lan ri(hts '#
controlled land) @;ing of prices and pseudo7economicsP
encouragement of a(riculture '# use of chemical fertili8ers and
modern machiner#P control of capital so that there won/t 'e a
class of wealth# capitalists e;ploiting the people? state-planneinustrialiation and rail0a# construction for the 'ene@t of all.
1E. Sun planned to implement these measures graduall#) through
reform. Knlie the Mar;ist socialist revolution) Sun wanted a
socialist refor&3
11. Merits:
• *inding a common enem# (imperialists) the principles werean eCective propaganda for the nationalist revolution. The
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detailed plans for 4hina/s future as a repu'lic oCered
guidelines) good ideological weapons to compete with
4ommunism.
• The ideas were simple and complete for 4hina/s ,e;i'le
pro'lems. The# were not put forward as a'solute truth andhad their origins in 'oth Gestern and 4hinese culture)
therefore gathering supporters of diCerent opinions. 4hinese
tradition 'eing one of the main pillars of The Three
+rincipals) the &MT could claim moral authorit# to represent
the 4hinese nation.
• 6t was the @rst 'od# of thought produced '# a popular
leader to aproach social and economic pro'lesms) which
increasingl# high num'ers of intellectuals paid attention to.
12. Geanesses:
• The# onl# set goals for 4hina) 'ut didn/t wor out speci@c)
practica'le and tested methods. ?.g. Kse of gov. control to
eFuali8e land rights accross 4hina was impractica'le as
eCective gov. power rarel# penetrated villages) contolled on
a local 'asis and dominated '# landlords.
• +aid little attention to countr#side) and onl# refered to the
large treat#7ports and cities) 'ecause Sun wasn/t familiarwith the countr#side. 0eglected a large portion of societ#.
• Some of Sun/s ideas (especiall# economic were not alwa#s
logical and he made little allowance for the dangers of an
unreal democrac#) where the Ifew a'le leaders chosen '#
the people would tr# to eep power for themselves and act
in their interest rather than the people/s.
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KAB)=T+=4 uner Sun Yat-sen
1. 6n 1!12) Song Jiaoren founds &uomintang) a'sor'ing some smaller partiesinto the Tongmenghui) in the conte;t of Sun/s and Osing/s inactivit# (due
their lac of politcal sills) as revolutionaries.2. Kpon uan Shih7ai/s orders) Song Jiaoren is assassinated in 1!1" and Sun
rises to the leadership of &MT. The same #ear was the setting of &MT/s
and Sun/s so7called ISecond %evoluton) an attempt to tae uan down)
following his negotiation of a loan from the foreign powers without
parliamentar# approval. 4rushed in late 1!1") it led to a 'an on &MT.". 6n 1!13) Sun forms the 4hinese %evolutionar# part# in an attempt to
continue an un@nished revolution. As he 'elieves disunit# was the main
cause of &MT/s failure) he ass all mem'ers to swear an oath of allegiance
to him and he empasi8es the Three +rinciples and his own political ideas in
the part#. To centrali8e the part#.3. Due to these measures) man# original Tongmenghui mem'ers (including
Ouang Osing refrained from oining the part#. Also) Sun/s eagerness for
foreign help) including Japanese) came to the dissatisfaction of man#
mem'ers and friends who a'andoned Sun. (Ghen Japan issued the 21
Demands) Sun/s attitude was uncertain: neigther condemning nor
supporting them. As a result) the part# was Fuite inactive. Nnl# a few
failed armed uprisings and an insigni@cant participation in the 1!1< anti7 uan movement.
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5. 6n 1!1=) Sun sets up a 0ational Militar# ov. at 4anton and proclaims
himself eneralissimo. Marches troops northward 'ut fails and wages war
on erman# to deprive the +eing warlord of the claim to represent 4hina.
Oowever) his power depends on the sel@sh uangdong warlords and the
part# is divided into factions) the rightist even preferring to 'argain withthe warlords. The part# is wea and ineCectual) the rightists a'andoning
Sun in 1!1> leading to the part# d#ing out.<. Sun was ver# much aCected '# the success of the Ncto'er 1!1=
revolution (having admired Mar;/s wors in his #outh. 6n 1!1>) he sent
Benin a telegram) e;pressing his profound admiration for the di9cult
struggle of the revolutionar# masses of %ussia. An ineradica'le impression
was made on him '# KSS%/s friedl# polic# towards 4hina) it/s renunciation
of all rights and privileges eno#ed under Tsarist %ussia and the energetic
and sel,ess aid to the revolutionar# forces of S. 4hina. Oe characteri8ed
the %ussian revolution as the 'irth of Ihumanit#/s great hope.=. 6n 1!1!) Sun re7organi8es the &MT. Oe considers the reason for past
failures as 'eing limited and divided part# mem'ership and is convinced
'# the Ma# the *ourth 6ncident that the masses need to made use of and
that the e# lies in 4hinese nationalism. Oe) therefore) sees to attract the
gentr#) worers) merchants) students and cit# middle class to his cause.>. Sun was allied with the warlord of uangdong) who had little interest for
the uni@cation of 4hina and preferred local self7rule. Disagreements with
Sun (especiall# Sun/s 1!22 attempt to form an alliance with Hhang Huolin
of Manchuria caused the warlord to drive him out of 4anton. 6n 1!2")however) Sun hired mercenar# soldiers who drove 4hen out of 4anton)
where Sun re7esta'lished his fov.!. Oowever) &MT/s grip of 4anton was still wea and Sun was dissapointed
'# warlords) diso'edient &MT mem'ers and the +eing gov. Oe reali8ed
that his revolutionar# dreams were onl# possi'le with a solid territorial
'ase) a centrali8ed part# and a strong arm#. -# 1!2") he was prepared to
consider new wa#s of revolution.1E. 4oncrete cooperation with the KSS% started 1!2" (Sun7JoCe
Manifesto) stating that the# would not impose the Soviet s#stem on 4hina
'ut fought for its uni@cation) when it sent a group of militar# specialists
headed '# +.A. +avloc) and M.M. -orodin as adviser. The# re7organi8ed the
&MT into a coalition of antifeudal and anti7imperialist forces) including the
44+.11. %ussia/s reasons for supporting a 44+7&MT alliance: &MT would help
it spread communism internationall# and 44+ grow Q a stronger 4hina
would help safeguard its 'oarders against Japanese agression (after the
%usso7Japanese Gar. 6t would help increase its in,uence in 4hina faster.12. 6n,uenced '# the ideas of the Ncto'er revolution) the national
li'eration movement) 44+/s activit# and his own e;perience) he enrichedthe Three +rinciples) giving them increasingl# Mar;ist features. 6n 1!23) he
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announced three 'asic political orientations: un'reaa'le alliance with the
KSS%) alliance with the 44+ and a (mar;ist reliance on the masses of
worers and peasants in 4hina. This colla'oration was called the *irst
Knited *ront.1". 6n 1!23) &MT founded the Ghampoa Militar# Academ# with 4hiang
&ai7she as commandant of the 0ational %evolutionar# Arm#) to train
cadets for the 0orthern ?;pedition.13. Toward the end of his life) he overcame the idea of 4hinese great7
power chauvinism) which was widespread among 4hinese 'ourgeois
nationalists. Died in 1!25 of liver cancer.15. Begac#: +ower struggle within the &MT as it included people with
profoundl# diCerent views and supporting diCerent ideologies) eventuall#
leading to the split and 4ivil Gar of 1!2=. 4ult of personalit# as Sun
'ecame a s#m'ol to which &MT mem'ers would 'ow and which was used
'# 4hiang in an attempt to attract supporters under the 'anner of nationalism and national unit#.
KAB)=T+=4 uner Chian( Kai She
13 The ieolo(ical basis of the KT under 4hiang were Sun’s three
principles) 4hiang himself giving them strong endorsement) relating
them to human emotion) law and reason and dissmissing the popular
notion that 4hina was used to the rule of &an, not the rule of la032. James Sheridan: less than 1> of provinces had esta'lished regular
political commitees '# 1!""P part# or(aniational po0er went onl#
as far as 4hiang/s 'a#onets) especiall# 0ea in the countr#sie3
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". KT’s +i&s' Knif#ing 4hina) promote nationalism) root out foreign
imperialism) moderni8e communication) industr# and transport. Q The
Three +rinciples of the +eople: 0ationalism) Democrac#) Socialism.3. 6n 1!2<) 4hiang 'egan the =orthern !<peition (thought out '# Sun
with nota'le well7trained cadets of the Ghampoa Academ#. )n less
than half a #ear) the 0ational %evolutionar# Arm# had defeated the
Hhili cliFue (Gu +eifu of the 4entral +lains and Sun 4huanfand of the
?ast 4oast. This was 'ecause the 0%A was seen as a progressive force
@ghting on 'ehalf of the people) so it (arnere &uch support fro&
orinar# citiens and peasants) its force growing from 1EE)EEE to
25E)EEE.5. )n 192.) following the 0aning 6ncidents) where foreign concession
were attaced and looted) &MT right wing and western powers were
worried of the 44+/s actions. As the Hhili 4liFue was defeated and
4ommunist Support was no longer crucial) 4hiang &ai7she 'egan thepur(e of the Co&&unists (nown as the Shanghai Massacre)
startin( the Chinese Ci%il War.
As a result) the 0%A/s forces were
in disarra# at the end of 1!2=.<. After the leftist &MT gov. at Guhan
also 'roe wiht the 4ommunists
(upon Gang/s discover# of a secret
order from Stalin to 'ring the 44+
to power at Guhan) the &MTreunite uner Chian’s
leaership at =anin(. Then) in
1!2> during the second 0orthern
?;pedition) &MT defeated Hhang
Huolin) captured +eing and
no&inall# uni5e all China
uner the KT. The onl# faction
elimnated was Hhili) the other
0arlors s0ore alle(iance tothe KT and ept power through
the "E/s when their wars continued
to claim victims) weaening &MT..3 The &MT was recogni8ed '# the
international communit#) southern 4hina and parts of 0orthern 4hina)
altough it had no control over Manchuria and did not have perfect
control over man# of ther former warlords. As a result) b# 1929, ci%il
strife broe out again as warlords maneuvered to retain their
in,uence) creating a discontent that the 44+ would later e;ploit. ittle
refor& 0as carrie out3
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>. 6n 1!2!) 4hiang held a 0ational %eorgani8ation and Demo'ili8ation
4onference) to proposing the tri&&in( of ar&ies fro& 2,DDD,DDD
to "DD,DDD in an attempt to reduce rival armies and achieve 'etter
control o%er the 0arlors. Oowever) it e;acer'ated suspicions of
4hiang and led) among others to a war 'etween him and a coalition of northern warlods.
!. T:! S!CB=> S)=B-E+$+=!S! W+R 719/. – 19;' 6gnoring the
Japanese threat in Manchuria ( Eapan in%ae anchuria in 19/1)
setting up pupet state Manchuou ) 4hiang went on to attac
communist 'ases and forced them out of Eian(<i in 19/ on the
on( arch to unnan in Shaan;i province.
• China 0as not prepare for a total 0ar) with little militar#7
industrial strength) no mechani8ed divisions and little armed
forces. 6n adition) &MT was mired in a ci%il 0ar with the 44+. Kp
until the middle 1!"E/s) 4hina had hope the ea(ue of
=ations would provide countermeasures to Japan/s aggression.
6ts strateg# of Gtrain( space for ti&eH, intentionall# causing
massive ,ooding and putting up @ghts) dela#ed the Japanese
troops.
4hiang insisted Ithe Eapanese are a isease of the sin, but
the co&&unists are a isease of the heart3’
• &idnapped in the 19/6 Ji’an )ncient) 4hiang was forced '#
rival &MT mem'ers to a'andon oCensives against the 44+ and
for& the Secon Anite front with them) in order to @ghtincreasing growing Japanese agression. The Second Knited *ront
was ne%er trul# uni5e) as each side was preparing for
showdown with the other once the Japanese were driven out.
• 4hiang reali8ed that to win support from the KS and other foreign
powers) 4hina had to prove it could @ght $ hence the three-
&oths &oraliin( battle of Shan(hai in 19/..
• )n 19/6 an into the follo0in( #ear) the situation improved
politicall# and economicall#) an authorit# even stating a Rnew
sense of opti&is& an national unit# suCused the nation/(?astman.
1E. 4orruption in the &MT: 0otwithstanding the 4ensor uan) 'ri'e and
nepotism were rife among the &MT 'ureaucrac#) leading 4hiang
himself to state that a failure to root out their own corruption will lead
to a revolution against them. 4hiang was concerned that power should
lie in his hands and those of his supporters the 44 4liFue and the
Ghampoa cliFue (-lue Shirts) secret police and others. 0either
totalitarian or democratic) 4hiang surel# had autocratic tendencies
leading to a corrupt and oppresive regime.
11. +opulation: the 0aning Decade was a period of population growth.
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12. ?conom#: the 'eginning of the 0aning decade saw serious drought
and famine) especiall# in the northwestern provinces) getting oC to a
reall# 'ad start) this could 'e seen as a result of worldwide depression
which caused man# 4hinese 'an and industries to go 'anrupt.1". ?conomic reform: however) '# 1!"57=) economic conditions
improved greatl#) with higher production of rice and wheat) readil#
availa'le credits and a rise in agriculture prices. The gov. carried out a
currenc# reform) which consisted in a'andoning the silver standard.13. ?conomic conditions during the 0aning decade: despite
considera'le improvements in communication and transportation) with
over 1EE)EEE m of highwa# '# 1!"= and growth of net product of
modern industries) the standard of living accross 4hina has remained
ver# low) especiall# for the !E living in villages. Mortalit# rate was
still the highest in the world) with peasants suCering the most. Serious
ineFualit#) povert# and landlordism were widespread pro'lems. Nn theother hand) there was de@nitel# some growth) and the persistent
povert# should not divert some credit from 4hiang/s regime.15. Struggle to achieve aims: 4hiang achieved the national uni@cation
through negotiation with the warlords and governors) whose
cooperation remained su'ect to renegotiation. 6nternal strife caused
'# the warlords/ am'itions shoo 4hiang/s 4hina for man# #ears after
1!2> and their shiphoning of ta; income to fund their own armies
deprived 4hian of important mone#) needed to implement the reforms
and moderni8ation proects the countr# desperatel# needed.1<. Despite growing Japanese aggression) worldwide depression)
internal strife and the 4ommunist challenge) the &MT did achieve some
real successes 'efore full7scale war 'roe out with Japan in 1!"=. -#
1!"=) 4hina had in place most 'ranches of 'asic industr# including the
a'ilit# to design) construct and operate its own railwa#s. The need for
imports of rice and wheat were virtuall# eliminated and a modern
'aning s#stem too shape in 4hina.1=. Japan/s interests in Manchuria: Ghat prompted Japan to act was the
fear that the uni@cation of 4hina might cause Manchuria to 'e
reintegrated into the countr#. 6t was an area considered '# man#
Japanese theirs '# right) as man# soldiers had died there during the
%uso7Japanese war. Also) with its vast territories) fertile land and
natural resources could easil# provide Japan with much needed mineral
resources) create new 'usiness opportunities for its industrialists and
help solve the ill eCects of the worldwide depression. As the &MT gov.
was 'ogged down with internal strife and the international communit#
enmesshed in the reat Depression) Japan decided to act.
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Successes an Failures of the Kuo&intan(
1. Aims:
• Knif# 4hina.
• ain complete authorit# over 4hina.
• 4ontinue the Three Stages of %evolution.
• %esist foreign in,uence) Japan and the comintern.
• +romote nationalism.
• Moderni8e communications and industr#.
2. Successes' • The uni@cation of 1!2>) even if nominal and achieved through
negotiation.7 0ationali8ation and centrali8ation (relative of 0%A.7 A'sorption of warlords through negotiation.
•Modern @nancial and 'aning s#stem $ new mone# of 1!"".7 6ntroduced new currenc#) eliminated the old silver standard as
a reaction to the eCects of the red Depression.7 0ew Bife Movement
• Agrarian technological level improved.
7 +roduction of rice) wheat and other commodities rose $
eliminating the need for imports.7 4redits for agriculture were more readil# availa'le) and
agricultural prices rose.7
• Man# (higher education institutions esta'lished.• %ecogni8ed as world power in 1!3" (4airo and after 1!35.
7 %ecogni8ed as a legitimate gov. '# the KSA (successful in
eeping control) 4hina/s autonom# and @nall# since the ing
found its place in international relations.7 6ncrease of tariC for foreign trade within 4hina) promised '#
foreign countries including KSA) erman# and -ritain.7 A place on the K0 Securit# 4ouncil.7 ?nd of imperialist +olic# of ?;traterritorialit# and KneFual
Treaties 7+ATB=BY;3
oernie transportation, inustr# an &ilitar#'+ost7Mao scholars viewed thsi more positivel#.
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7 ?ntered the Sino7erman cooperation to o'tain raw materials
and erman advisiors to supervise militar# training 77U elite
arm# that contri'uted during the Sino7Japanese Gar.7 *err# S#stem in 0aning.7 %ailwa# from >)EEE to 1")EEE (5)EEE m. Bung7Oai %ailwa#
e;tended 'oth east and west Q entire uang8hou7Oanou line
completed in 1!"<.7 +ostal and telephone services e;panded signi@cantl#) and air
routes increased.7 Oighwa# networ incresed to 115) =E" '# 1!"<7 Tim Gright: the statistical record of the modern sector up
1!"< shows su'stantial growth) 'oth of the total output and of
the 4hinese7owned sector.-KT) ?astman: onl# ")3 of 4hina/s domestic product la# in
the modern secotor of manufacturing) mining and utilities.7 Oowever) the gov. spending was de@cit spending $ lac of
funds due to ta; shiphoning '# local warlords.
The motives of the Manchurian invasion stood partl# in Japan/s fear of a uni@ed
4hina that would assimilate Manchuria. The eventualit# of the invasion rests on
the premise that these fears were legitimate) and therefore is an insight into
4hina/s situation during the 0aning Decade.
". Failures'• =E of population illiterate.
• +revalent povert# and ineFualit# accross 4hina.7 ?astman: 4hina/s death rate was among the highest in the
world.7 Bandlordism was still prevalent especiall# in the rice7growing
south: however) the 0ational Agricultural %esearch -ureau
sa#s in 1!"5 that: 33 owned their land) 2" were part7
owners) and onl# "" rented it.7 Bac of social and economic reforms.
• %ampant corruption within the &MT.7 -ri'er# and neportism were rife in the &MT gov.7 4hiang had autocratic tendencies.7 &MT tended to place right7wing mem'ers in e# positions)
leading to plotting '# left7wind mem'ers.7 Gas not at all democratic) 'ut one7part#.
• 0o parliament was ever called.7 Although democratic spirit was 'oasted through propaganda)
people had no real power and the state was run '# a one7
part# gov.
• Most peasant population was still povert#7stricen and opressed.• Boss of support of the people
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7 0ew Bife Movement promoted traditional values seen as
'acward '# the intellectuals.7 Biterature of the period tended to critici8e the gov.
• The war against the 44+7 Diverted mone# and attention from real social and economic
pro'lems.7 4aused high num'ers of civillian deaths) which led to loss of
support from population and arm#VV7 The lac of attention given to the Manchurian 4risis angered
'oth civilians and the militar# and created tensions wthin &MT
itself.
ao’s on( arch of 19/
1. 6nstead of giving up) faced with the destruction of their repu'lic) Mao and
his %ed Arm# started a 12)EEE m long march which too them in an
enormous arc to the northern Shaan;i +rovince.2. Mao Hedong claimed that the signi@cance of the Bong March la# in the fact
that it was Rthe @rst of its ind in the annals of histor#./". Ghile earl# accounts such as Dic Gilson/s glorif# Mao/s March) later
studies such as Sun/s portra# Mao as not so much interested in ideolog#
and people/s welfare as in power. These are critical of the human cost (5
of the 1EE)EEE survived the March and the lac of reward the# received
once 44+ was in government.3. Along the wa#) the# treated local people with a respect matched neither
'# the warlordds or the 0ationalist troops) and so their reception was
generall# positive.3 The 44+/s courage in the face of unimagina'le hardship and the
communists ultimate victor# despite their decimated rans pla#ed an
i&portant role in the process of le(iti&iin( the CC$ rule3<. Si(ni5cance' the long march too the 44+ to a region that provided
them the isolation the# needed to re'uild its arm# and recuperate. 6t also
gained the 44+ the support of the peasants) as on their ourne#) the %edArm# was ordered to never loot peasants/ homes and ased for permision
to 'oard at houses or tae supplies) in contrast with the &uomintang who
freFuentl# con@scated supplies) were rude and disrespectful and 'oarded
in civilian houses without permission. Small acts of indness made the
4hinese %ed Arm# a distinctive and e;ceptionall# popular force) some of
whom later oined the %ed Arm#. Accordint to historian Stephen
Ahalle#) these actions were decissive in gaining the 44+ the 4hinese
people/s support) that proved more important than the &MT/s raw
manpower once eno#ed) and ultimatel# led to the victor# of the 44+ in1!3!. (?ight +oints of Attention) ordered '# Mao
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.3 )n the 0ors of ao' GThe on( arch is a &anifesto3 )t has
proclai&e to the 0orl that the Re +r&# is an ar&# of heroes3H>. ?d Jocel#n and AndreF Mc?wan retraced the route of the Bong March)
@nding it to 'e <)EEE m instead of the 12)EEE estimated '# Mao. ao
an his follo0ers t0iste the tale of the on( arch for their o0n
ens3 aoLs role 0as &#tholo(ie to the point 0here 333 it
see&e he ha sin(le-hanel# sa%e the Re +r&# an efeate
Chian( Kai-she3!. Ase for $RB$+4+=>+' Sun Sh#u#un: I/f you nd it hard, thin# of the
0ong arch.2 The 'attle for Buding 'ridge was portra#ed as glorious and
heroic) 'ut Sun Sh#un Fuotes a witness who sa#s the enem# force was
small) ill7eFuipped and scared. Deng Lueping himself admitted to the
'attle 'eing Ia ver# eas# militar# operation) insisting that the 44+
needed to Ie;press the @ghting spirit of their forces.
1E. The m#ths of the march are di9cult to uncover) 'ecause 'eing apillar of the 4hinese 4ommunist %evolution) the gov. has allowed few
indepedednt historians to research it. Still) Gestern scholars tend to focus
on the aspects of the march rarel# portra#ed '# 4hinese propaganda)
sunc as instances of the %ed Arm# idnapping locals in desperate
attempts to recruit new soldiers) and stealing food along the wa# 7Sun
Shu#un;. These were perhaps isolated incidents) and not uniFue to the
4ivil Gar) for the &MT was nown to freFuentl# resort to such acts.
The CC$’s Win an KT’s oss13 CC$’s Win'
• 44+ was at the forefront of resistance against Japan (Document
issued in Aug 1!"5) advocating for a second united front.
Declared war @rst) s#m'olic.
• The Bong March and its proof of courage and leadership (a
s#m'ol.
• uerilla @ghting techniFues.
•
Mo'ili8ation of the peasant masses (the dominant section of 4hinese societ# num'er7wise and the most opressed
• iving a voice to the rights of women) ecouraging greater
freedom of marriage and divorce.
• Band redistri'ution polici#:7 Beaving untouched the land of the numerous middle income
peasants) 'ut taing from the rich and givng to the poor.7 -ecame the 'asis for the 44+/s 'roader rural class struggles.
• The Secon Sino-Eapanese War 719/.-19;:7 ?;panded territor#) arm# and part# mem'ership.
7 Their guerilla war 'ooststed 44+/s standing in the e#es of ordinar# 4hinese.
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23 KT’s oss'• 4hiang/s polic# of conciliation against Japan.
• +rioriti8ation of eradication of 4ommunism over @ghting the
Japanse $ maor issue for 4hinese nationalism and cause of
internal con,ict involving warlords.• Militar# weaness.
• KT’s Response to the Stru((les of the Ti&e' The 0ew Bife
Movement 'rought negative perception and student protest.7 6ntended to create an instinc for uni@ed 'ehaviour.7 Gomen/s rights were not listened to.7 4onfucianism was regarded '# man# as 'acward since Ma#
3th.
• The -lue Shirt/s show of totalitarian and autocratic 'ehaviour:7 +olitical assasinations.
7 Secret +olice7 *iercel# lo#al to 4hiang &ai7she and inspired '# fascism.7
The Rise of the CC$
1. The Shanghai and su'seFuent attacs had 'adl# weaened the 44+) with
part# mem'ership dropping from 5>)EEE to less than 1E)EEE. Their
in,unce in cities and within ur'an la'our movements had also 'een
diminished. Spurred '# Stalin) the remaining communists attempted
several failed uprisings) namel# the 0anchang Kprising and the Autumn
Oarvest Kprising (1!2=. Mao learned from the latter that no uprising
could 'e successful without the support of the peasant masses.2. 6n 1!2!) the 44+ retreated to %uiin in Jiang;i province) where the#
founded the Jiang;i Soviet. During the Jiang;i Soviet period) the 44+
e;perimented with governing and administration. The policies developed
during this period were to signi@cantl# impact 44+ future governing
theories.". The move also provided the communists with a greater ,ow of supplies)
revenues and recruits) thus their arm# growing to include =E)EEE soldiers.6t was aslo a time when the 4omintern/s in,uence over their policies
waned) as a result of harder communication and a loss of interest on the
part of the Soviets.3. 6n 1!"E) Mao conducted a stud# of a count# of Jiang;i in order to Fauntif#
the level of class tension) noting the trou'les of peasants) the plight of
women and the ind of 'usinesses prevalent in the countr#side and the
mone# the# generated. Thus) the 44+ turned peasants/ economic
discontent into class warfare.
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5. Ois policies in the Jiang;i Soviet proved ver# popular) as was the 44+/s
s#m'olic declaration of war against Japan. Oowever) Mao still faced
opposition to his Agrarian %evolution ideas within the 44+.<. *ive Suppression 4ampaigns were needed for the &MT to @nall# encircle
the Jian;i Soviet. The communists had no choice 'ut to retreat through the
weaest point and start what has 'een m#thologi8ed as the Bong March in
44+ histor#.=. The Bong March lasted for appro;. 2 #ears 'efore the 44+) still divided 'ut
with Mao emerging as the leader) set its 'ase at an/an in Shaan;i
province. The 44+/s courage in the face of unimagina'le hardship and the
communists ultimate victor# despite their decimated rans pla#ed an
important role in the process of legitimi8ing the 44+ rule.>. Nne of the most important meetings that too place during the long
march was the 1!"5 Hun#i 4onference) where the communists discussed
reasons for their failure in Jiang;i) coming to the conclusion that the#should have adopted a more oCensive) guerilla @ghting stateg#) as
advocated '# Mao. This vindication of his militar# strategies was an
important step in Mao/s rise to the leadership of the 44+. Oe was
appointed full mem'er of the ruling Standing 4ommittee of the +olit'uro)
and slowl# too over militar# leadership.!. Stalin supported an alliance with the &MT in 1!"< 'ecause of: a fears of
growing fascism across the world) ' the 'ene@t of protecting %ussia/s
,an of Japanese agression.1E. After the Li/an 6ncident) 4hiang agreed to form the Second Knited
*ront.11. 6t was during the a/nan period and the Sino7Japanese war that the
44+ developed and put into practice man# of the social policies that were
to form the cru; of their ruling philosoph# after coming to power.
)&pact of anchuria an WW))
1. The &uomintang lost support of the people due to its hated polic# of W*irst
unif# from within then resist enem# from without.W The concept of 4hinese
illing other 4hinese seemed illogical and morall# wrong) e;acer'ated '#
the situation of a foreign invasion (especiall# a Japanese one) who were
nown for their ruthlessness against 4hinese. To the pu'lic opinion it
seemed increasingl# a situation of fratricide on the &MT/s part) and of
patriotrism and nationalism on the part of the 44+ who s#m'ollicl#
declared war against Japan in 1!"3.
33&e-me4u agreement saw ve provinces given to 5apan as collonies by
the 6 gov.82. 6n the 'ene@t of the 44+:
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• Soldiers (especiall# Manchurian who wanted to @ght the
Japanese enlisted in the 44+) increasing their num'ers.
• Mutin# of Hhang Lueliang 'rought the Second Knited *ront) a
'reath of fresh air to the 44+ weaened after the Bong March.
•
Knited front meant 44+ could move freel# across 4hina and re7esta'lish contacts.
• The 44+ could conscript soldiers in the name of @ghting against
Japan.
• The# could spread propaganda) spread their in,uence and recruit
new patriots.
• Just lie the 0orthern ?;pedition made 4hiang a hero) the Gar
against Japan gave Mao a chance for eFual glor#. 0ow) 4hinag
was not the onl# via'le leader.
• The Japanese and the &MT used similar @ghting strategies) so the
war ena'led the 44+ to gain e;perience and perfect the guerilla
warface the# would later use against the &MT. Testing
administration techniFues would prove useful when the 44+ had
to later command an arm# of one million.". 6n the detriment of &MT:
• Kna'le to resist Manchurian invasion properl#) &MT started 'eing
viewed as impotent) and undeserving of the traditional IMandate
of Oeave.
• During GG66) 4hiang 'ecame the Supreme Allied 4ommander of
the 4hina theater) he 'ecame responsi'le for the defence of 6ndochina) Thailand and -urma. Sending troops there weaened
his arm# and the potential force against the su'seFuent
continuation of the 4ivil Gar.
• As Japan oined the A;is powers) colla'oration with 0a8i erman#
stopped) removing important strategic advice) militar# training
and opening to Gestern Garface. Nnl# little American aid was
left. 8AT the CC$ in’t recei%e it3
• Japan planned to win the war '# capturing 4honging and forcing
4hiang to surrender) so onl# fought the &MT) not 44+. This wascrucial) 'ecause it came towards the end of the war) when 44+
and &MT were preparing to war for the control of 4hina.
• 44+ too refrained from @ghting when it could suCer catastrophic
losses. Much of the 44+/s elite was saved for after the war) lie
4hiang/s) onl# his was critici8ed 'ecause as the gov. it had an
o'ligation to @ght oC Japan and his full7time soldiers were more
visi'le than 44+/s militia. 44+ were seen as patriotic) while
4hiang lost troops and support.
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• The Southern Anhui incident led to a loss of prestige for 4hiang.
Ghere previousl# seen as a leader and hero) he was not
portra#ed as cold) vicious) devious and scheming.
• Japan/s control of coastal areas cause the gov. to move from
0aning to 4honging) also removing important sources of income. 6ndustrial output fell too) and the &MT/s response was to
print more mone#) which caused devastating in,ation.
• Time: Ipeasant lo#alt# had 'een hollowed to nothingness)
especiall# important after GG66) where peasants misguided the
&MT with false directions) leasing to am'ushes '# the 44+.
• 4orruption of the &MT. Ghere a 4hinese division should have had
1E)EEE soldiers) it onl# conscripted 2)EEE) the rest 'eing false
names whose wages fell into the hands of the corrupt generals.
•
Ane@ual Treaties an !<terioralit#
1. After the *irst Npium Gar) the Treat# of 0aning speci@ed the following:
• +a# 21 million dollars in reparations.
• To cede control of the island of Oong &ong to -ritain.
• Npen four new cities to trade with -ritain.
• Treat -ritain as an eFual in diplomatic negotiations.• ?;clude Gesterners from prosecution under 4hinese Baw.
• *i;ed tarriC rate for trade with Gestern countries at 5.
• Most *avoured 0ation 4lause: allow -ritain to also have an# new
privilege gained '# another countr# in 4hina.2. Signi@cance:
• Npium trade continued unhindered.
• 4ause anti7imperialist sentiment among 4hinese and growth of
nationalism.
• Made it more politicall# and ps#chologicall# di9cult for 4hinese
to adopt an# aspect of Gestern culture.
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!hina was used to the rule of man" not the rule of law.