CHAPTER ONE

Non-Cooperation Movement in Bihar, 1920-22: An Overview

In September 1920, the Indian National Congress launched a strong

political campaign against the British administration of India. Under the

direction of Mahatma Gandhi, the Congress denounced as inadequate the

British constitutional concessions granted under the Montague-Chelmsford

Reforms, and demanded that India be given swaraj or self rule. The Congress

decided to force Britain to grant freedom to India by mobilizing Indians to

refuse to cooperate , with the alien rule. Gandhi believed that British rule

depended on the active collaboration of some Indians and the acquiescence of

the rest, and, if Indian cooperation ceased, the British Empire would collapse.

The programme of Non-Cooperation was designed to ensure this collapse

through the boycott of forthcoming elections to the provincial and central

legislatures, the gradual boycott of government schools, colleges and courts,

abandonment of titles, resignation of honorary offices, giving up of government

jobs, and the boycott of foreign goods. Later, the programme also called for the

boycott of liquor. The movement was to culminate in active civil disobedience:

the refusal to pay cesses, taxes and land revenue and complete Non-

Cooperation with the authorities in order to paralyze the administration.1

In this chapter, an attempt has been made to present an overview of the

Non-Cooperation Movement in Bihar in its different phases. The chapter will

B.N.Pande, (General Editor), A Centenary History of the Indian National Congress, 3 Vols., New Delhi, 1985; B.Pattabhi Sitaramayya, The History of the Indian National Congress (1885-1935), Madras, 1935; Bisheshwar Prasad, Changing Modes of Indian National Movement, New Delhi, 1966.

also have a look at the various issues - national and local - taken up by the

movement as it intensified. The impact of the movement in different areas and

the government's response to the movement is also critically assessed.

In Bihar,. the pressure for the launching of Non-Cooperation Movement

had been building up much before it was officially decided by the Indian

National Congress at the Nagpur session in December 1920. The BPCC

approved of the pr_inciple of Non-Cooperation for the redressal of national

wrongs and decided to support the Khilafat Movement at its meeting held on

the 31 July 1920 in the Searchlight (a local newspaper of Bihar) office in

Patna.2 Many senior members of the BPCC such as Sachidanand Sinha and

Syed Hasan Imam, who were strong believers in the constitutional methods of

struggle, opposed the resolution expressing their strong doubt and apprehension

about the strategy oflaunching such a movement. The resolution could only be

passed with the support of students and other members and that too only when

these senior members withdrew from the meeting in "disgust".3

This resolution was again taken up in the last week of August 1920 at a

Provincial Political Conference meeting held at Bhagalpur.4 Rajendra Prasad,

who presided over this Conference, strongly pleaded for the approval of the

Non-Cooperation Movement. In this Conference too, some of the senior leaders

opposed the resolution. Despite their opposition, the resolution on Non-

Cooperation Movement was passed. For the first time, delegates other th~m

those from professional classes attended this Conference. It is important to note

Searchlight, 4 August 1920. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of August 1920, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 111/1920, NAI; AICC Papers, File no. 1920, Part II. Searchlight, 3 September 1920.

45

that a large number of peasants participated and it was their support that was

crucial for the passing of the Non-Cooperation resolution.5 The peasants, who

had been agitating against zamindars in some areas under the leadership of

Swami Vidyanand, got associated with the Congress for some time. They

participated in large numbers in meetings of the Congress as they looked upon it

as a viable platform for the redressal of their own grievances. The peasant leader

Swami Vidyanand was a strong supporter of the Non-Cooperation Movement

and had already begun touring the province preaching Non-Cooperation.6

A committee, comprising of Rajendra Prasad, Mazharul Haq and Shah

Muhammad Zubair, was also formed to formulate a practicable scheme, suited

to the conditions of this province, to give effect to the principle of Non-

Cooperation7•

At the special session of the Congress held in Calcutta, in September

1920, Non-Cooperation was carried by 1885 votes against 873. The delegates

from Bihar supported the resolution on Non-Cooperation. The peasants'

support was again significant for the resolution on Non-Cooperation.8 Even

6

before the Congress met at Nagpur to ratify the resolution on Non-Cooperation,

local leaders in Bihar had already started touring different parts of the province,

holding meetings to advocate Non-Cooperation.9 Thus, a strong pressure was

Ibid.

Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of September 1920, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 84/1920, NAI. Searchlight, 15 October 1920.

Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 143/1920, "Copy of a special Branch Officer's Report dated I 0 September 1920"; Judith Brown, Gandhi's Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915-1922, London, 1972, p. 260.

9 K.K.Datta, History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar, pp. 306-309; Searchlight of October and November 1920.

46

building up in Bihar for the approval of Non-Cooperation Movement much

before the passing of the official resolution at Nagpur. This pressure from

outside the professional classes came primarily from students and peasants. The

base of the Congress· began to expand beyond the educated sections. As the

movement spread, the base would further expand.

Election Boycott

The boycott of Council elections to be held in December 1920 was an

important aspect of the Non-Cooperation Movement. Even before the

resolution on Non-Cooperation was ratified by the Congress at Nagpur, the

nationalist leaders were faced with the forthcoming elections to be held under

the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms. The BPCC asked all the candidates

standing for the election to withdraw their names. It also gave a call to the

electorate to boycott the elections by refraining from voting. 10 Rajendra Prasad

and many other leaders toured different parts of the province holding meetings

to build up the election-boycott campaign.'' College and school students were

also mobilized and bands of volunteers were organized from amongst them to

help in the campaign. In Monghyr, two batches of volunteers, one consisting of

Hindus and the other of Muslims, with captains and lieutenants duly appointed,

were formed. 12 The non-cooperators distributed printed forms to collect

signatures from the electorate pledging themselves to abstain from voting. 13

10

II

12

13

Rajendra Prasad, Autobiography, Bombay, 1957, p. 120. Ibid. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no.346/1920, "Copy of a Special Branch Officer's report dated the 28 January, 1921". Ibid

47

The non-cooperators succeeded to a great extent in dissuading the voters

from voting. 14 Only 27.3 percent of the Hindu and 12 percent of the Muslim

electorates in the urban areas cast their votes. In comparison to urban areas, the

percent of votes in rural areas was much higher. 41.8 percent of the Hindu and

28.3 percent of the Muslim electorate voted in rural areas. 15 The extent of the

Non-Cooperation campaign at that time is evident from the voting pattern. The

Non-Cooperation campaign was initially active in the urban areas and had not

yet picked up in the rural areas. 16 The campaign was very intensive in the Tirhut

Division where the tum out of electors was the lowest with only 13 percent of

them casting their votes. Tirhut Division also had a strong tradition of agrarian

protest. In Chotanagpur, where the Non-Cooperation campaign had not yet

started, the tum out of electors was highest. 17

The non-cooperators did not meet with the same kind of success in

dissuading candidates from withdrawing their nominations. A large number of

candidates filed their nominations from all the constituencies, despite the

Congress conveying to the people that it did not want representatives either in

the Provincial or Imperial Legislative Assembly or in the Council of State. The

Congress also strongly conveyed to the candidates that if they got elected, the

Congress would not consider them to be their representatives. 18 The limited

14

IS

16

17

18

Searchlight, 10; 12, 17 December 1920. Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for February 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File nos. 35/Feb/1921 and 77/Feb/1921. Searchlight, 19 December 1920. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half December 1920, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 77 /I 921, NAI. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of October 1920, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political), File no. 59/1920, NAI; Rajendra Prasad, Autobiography, p. 120.

48

success of the Congress on this front was recognized by Rajendra Prasad and

other leaders of the Congress. 19

The failure of the Congress to successfully dissuade candidates from

contesting can be partially explained by looking at the social base of the

candidates. Most of the candidates in the election came from bigger landlord

background, who maintained close links with the government and were

oppqsed to the movement. The returning officer classified most of the

candidates as moderates, some of them as zamindars and a large number as

having no politics at all.20

However, in this election Swami Vidyanand and some other peasant

leaders stood for election from Bhagalpur and north Darbhanga districts,

despite their own claim to be strong supporters of Gandhi. They believed that

their entrance to the Provincial Council would help the peasants' cause.21 The

election in these areas mainly revolved around the question of the landlord-

tenant relationship and brought into focus some of the issues over which the

peasants had been fighting. 22 All the four peasant candidates succeeded in

winning the election. The success of the peasant candidates in this election was

very significant because until then zamindars had wielded their monopoly in

the Council. These candidates succeeded in winning the election because they

had built up a strong base amongst the peasants. They had been taking up

19

20

21

22

Ibid, pp. 120-121. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of November 1920, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 74/1920, NAI. Stephen Henningham, Peasat Movements in Colonial India, p. 40. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 375/1920, "Note on the effect of Non-Cooperation propaganda in rural areas".

49

peasants' gnevances and fighting for their cause against the zamindars. 23

Besides, many people m rural areas were till then not familiar with the

Congress as the Congress campaign had not yet gained much visibility in rural

areas. 24 There was a strong rift between the Congress and these peasant

candidates because of the latter not following the Congress call for election-

boycott, and Gandhi even disclaimed these peasant leaders. But what is

significant is that these peasant candidates, despite the Congress_ disassociation

from them, proclaimed themselves disciples of Gandhi and strong advocates of

the Non-Cooperation Movement.25

The election-boycott campaign broke the political lull to some extent.

Many districts, where the non-cooperators were active in organizing political

meetings, could successfully stir the popular feelings against the British rule

and create a wider social base for political movements in the immediate future.

This election was held under the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms that had

widened the base of the rural electorate. Landholding peasantry were brought

into the fold of the rural electorate. The campaign against the election was

primarily taken up amongst them.

Gandhi's Visit: Stimulus to the Movement

Even though the election boycott had initiated the Non-Cooperation

campaign and local nationalist leaders had already started touring different parts

of the province preaching Non-Cooperation, the movement initially made very

23

24

25

Ibid. Ibid. Arvind N. Das, "Peasants and Peasant Organisations: The Kisan Sabha in Bihar", in Arvind N. Das (ed.), Agrarian Movements in India: Studies on 2oth Century Bihar, p. 53.

50

\

limited progress in Bihar.26 As far as the programme of boycott of courts by the

lawyers was concerned, very few lawyers resigned to join the movement.27 Very

few people even surrendered their titles. The boycott of foreign goods, swadeshi

and raising of volunteers made modest gains. The leaders pinned their hopes on

Gandhi's visit to Bihar in December 1920 to generate enthusiasm amongst the

people for the movement.28 Gandhi's visit did create considerable excitement

amongst the people. In the wake of his visit, a number of meetings, which were

largely attended, were· held in different places. The government got worried by

this large attendance and warned the nationalists that if such "objectionable

meetings" continued even after Gandhi left Bihar, it would be forced to extend

the Seditious Meeting Act to certain areas?9

Gandhi was accompanied by Maulana Shaukat Ali and Maulana Abul

Kalam Azad. 30 Besides addressing many public meetings, Gandhi also met a

large number of students in special gatherings.31 In his programme of triple

b.oycott - boycott of foreign goods, boycott of law courts and boycott of

government controlled colleges and schools - he was now laying maximum

emphasis on the last.32 His visit gave stimulus to the establishment of many

national schools. Many government schools repudiated their affiliation to the

University, which was under government control, and became national. These

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa of October and November 1920, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political), File nos. 59/1920, 6611920, 74/1920 and 33/l920, NAI. The various boycotts in Bihar has been discussed in detail in the next chapter. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of November 1920, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 33/1920, NAI. Searchlight, 8 December 1920. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa of the first half of December 1920, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political), File no. 35/1921, NAI. Searchlight, 10, 15, 17, 19 December 1920. Ibid, 10, 15, 17, 19 December 1920.

51

schools refused to accept grants-in-aid from the government.33 It was Gandhi's

visit to Bhagalpur that had launched the anti-liquor movement in that district

and in the Santhal Pargana sub-division. 34

Thus, Gandhi's visit to Bihar generated enthusiasm and expectations

amongst the people and proved valuable for the movement. It served to

stimulate the Congress workers and kindled new hopes among the urban

intelligentsia. Gandhi was emerging as an important phenomenon. The aura of ..

divinity surrounding him also helped in the mobilization process. A large

number of rumours were also getting associated with him. The development of

the movement, as discussed in the later sections of this chapter and subsequent

chapters, would indicate how Gandhi had been emerging as an alternative

centre of power. The following report of the District Officer of Madhubani sub-

division, which vividly highlights the impact of Gandhi's visit to Madhubani in

Darbhanga. a district which was to later emerge as one of the strong centres of

the Non-Cooperation Movement, in December 1920 throws light on some of

these aspects:

33

34

The people of this subdivision were not at the outset so zealous over the movement and did not take a leading part in it. In spite of the ceaseless preachings and exortations of two of the prominent leaders of Darbhanga Bar viz: Babu Brajakishore Prasad and Babu Dharnidhar, who were most active workers in the movement. These two persons toured all round the Division to enlist men. They established a branch at Madhubani and put it in charge of a man of Patna, named Dhanraj Sharma. They could not find a single. man to undertake charge of the office. Their attempts to persuade the lawyers to give up practice proved to be a signal failure. There was a perfect lull for some time and elections passed off successfully. Soon after came in Mr.Gandhi at Darbhanga where he delivered a

Ibid, 8 December 1920; Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half December 1920, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 35/1921, NAI. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of December 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political), File no. 35/Feb/1921, NAI.

52

Non-Cooperation speech. At that time, rumours were set afloat that Mr. Gandhi was not an ordinary human being. They all depicted him as an avtar, a superhuman being deputed by the almighty to relieve the sufferings of mankind. By a strange coincidence of circumstances, it so happened that his visit was followed by a reduction in the prices of cotton, sugar, salt and other articles of daily consumption. The illiterate masses were made to believe that the fall in prices was due to the influence of Mr. Gandhi. This incident infused a new spirit among the Gandhi-ites. They organised a band of volunteers, who began to roam all round with printed leaflets singing songs in praise of Mr. Gandhi as a divine being,

, exhorting people in the name of Gandhi to wear khaddar and to disassociate themselves from government institutions.35

Movement picks up late in Rural Areas

Till December 1920, the movement had not made much impact in rural

areas.36 Only certain villages, which lay in the northern belt of Champaran,

Bhagalpur and Monghyr districts, were affected by the Congress propaganda.

These were the areas with strong traditions of anti-planter and agrarian protest.

Non-cooperators were also active in these areas. Many local leaders emerged in

these areas who played an important role in the Non-Cooperation campaign.

Despite such campaign, the District Officer of Champaran reported that in the

villages of north Champaran a distinct sign of hostility against the government

had not built up till December 1920. But the officer simultaneously expressed

concern over the development of an independent attitude amongst the villagers.

He found that in these villages swaraj was openly talked about. People began

saying that as swaraj was coming, the lesser connection people had with the

government, the better it was for them. In one place at Champaran, the villagers

JS

36

Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 43411922, "Small note to Chief Secretary of my experience of the movement when posted as S.D.O Gopalganj, 15 August 1920".

Ibid, File no. 375/1920, "Note on the effects of Non-Cooperation propaganda in rural areas­D.I.G., 20.12.20". This para and the following three paras are based on this source.

53

expressed their hostility against the British by wiping off census numbers of

many of the houses. In some villages of north Champaran like Shikarpur,

Harinagar and Rarnnagar committees comprising of 16 men, who called

themselves "raiyat volunteers", were formed. These volunteers settled disputes

amongst the villagers and also played an important role in the spread of the

Non-Cooperation Movement. In north Bhagalpur, Swami Vidyanand was very

active. The villages of Patna district had been least affected by the movement.

But sometimes in these villages too, Non-Cooperation propaganda made some

impact. In Hilsa, after one Non-Cooperation meeting, Kurmis and Koeris of

Karai Parsurai and adjoining villages of Diawan decided to boycott foreign

cloth and start growing cotton. In Chotanagpur, the movement had not made

any inroad. The Non-Cooperation campaign had not yet been taken up in this

belt.

Thus, on the whole, the movement had not yet made much impact in

rural areas. Only those agitators, like Swami Vidyanand, who were the leaders

of peasant agitation, succeeded in building a base among the people. Swami

Vidyanand while campaigning for the Non-Cooperation Movement linked up

peasant issues with it. The Congress leaders had yet to build up their base as the

Congress was still a new force in rural areas.

The government asked its different district officers to find out how far

the Non-Cooperation Movement had succeeded in making a dent in rural areas.

The general impression that officers gave was that the Non-Cooperation

propaganda had not yet succeeded in "engendering any feeling of hostility or

bitterness against the government"; but officers simultaneously expressed

54

anxiety that continuation of anti-government propaganda in the rural areas was

leading to a certain amount of "uneasiness, doubt, insecurity and loss of

confidence amongst the people as it was difficult for ignorant villagers to

follow the change in the government policy which allowed people of no

consequence to rave against and abuse the highest officials of government."

The officers apprehended that "such propaganda, coupled with the prevailing

high prices for which the government would be blamed by the non-cooperators,

would stir up feelings of hostility against the government and prepare the way

for Gandhi's propaganda of Non-Cooperation as being the best means of

attaining swaraj, when, it was claimed, all difficulties would be removed".

The First Phase of the Movement: Its Spread in Different Districts

By January 1921, the movement began to register considerable success

m both urban and rural areas. In addition to gaining support among the

professionals, students and the urban poor in the towns, the movement rallied

support among a broad spectrum of society in many parts of the countryside.

The boycott of educational institutions made some progress but the call to

withdraw from government schools received greater response once alternative

national educational institutions were set up. The other programmes of the

Congress, that is, the call for the surrendering of titles and resignation from

honorary positions and posts of lawyers, teachers and government servants got

only a meagre response. The boycott of government courts met with greater

success. Panchayats were formed in a number of places.37 One programme that

37 Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for January 1921, Home Department (Political) File Nos. 41/1921 and 42/1921; Bihar and Orissa Annual Administration Report, 1921, pp. 147-148.

55

acquired great popularity, even though it was not a part of the original

programme of the Congress, was the anti-liquor movement. By January .1921, it

was in full swing in most districts throughout the province.38 Unrest also began

to be manifested amongst the lower rungs of the police force. They threatened

to go on strike unless their pay was increased.39

Nationalist leaders undertook extensive tours of the province. A large

number of meetings were held which were largely attended 40 Betw(;!en 25

January and 5 February 1921 no less than 56 meetings were held in

Muzaffarpur district alone.41 Many a times these meetings were held at haats,

bazaars and fairs where large number of people gathered for business.42 Most

often before the meetings prayers were offered in different temples and

mosques. Meetings were often held at river banks, temples and madrasas. These

places had sacred significance and provided sanctity to the meetings.43 In

Chapra, even a festival like Chhath, where a large number of women gathered

at the pond to offer prayers to the Sun god, was used by local leaders like Rahul

Sankrityayan and Nagnarayan to spread the message of Non-Cooperation.44 In

the nights, meetings of women were held.45 Traditional elements associated

with nationalist meetings served to add to the enthusiasm. Biguls in earlier

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

4\

Ibid. Searchlight, 20 February, 11 March 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. I 0211921, "Note by DIG showing the extent to which unrest among the police has been kept up by non-cooperators". Searchlight, January and February 1921. Bhartiya Rashtriya Congress Ka ltihas, (District Muzaffarpur, Bihar), Congress Shatabdi Samaroh Samiti, Muzaffarpur, 1985, pp. 22-23; K.K.Datta, History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar. p. 329. . Searchlight, 23 November 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 153/1921. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File nos. 50/1921, 15311921; Searchlight of January 1921. Kamala Sankrityayan, (ed.), Rahul Vanmay, Jeevan Yatra, Vol. I, N.De1hi, 1994, pp. 259-260.

Ibid.

56

times, signals of war, were sounded to indicate the place of a meeting. Drums

were used more widely for publicizing nationalist news of all kinds. Leaders

often addressed these meetings in local dialect. Meetings began mostly with the

singing of national songs. Alas and dolas, bhajans and ghazals, all traditional

forms of vocal music, became an integral part of public meetings. Through

these songs, they tried to explain the adverse impact of foreign rule on India.46

The impact of the Bri!ish rule was most often illustrated on the lantern slides.

British rule was showh as impoverishing the country and leading to a huge

drain of wealth.47 The following song, "Firangia", which became very popular

and sung in most meetings, highlighted this drain of wealth:

46

47

The land of Bharat was good and fair but now, o Firanghees, it has become a cremation ground. Food-grain, wealth, men, strength, and wisdom have all been destroyed and there is no trace left of any of them, 0 Firangia. At that very place where lacs of maunds of com and paddy used to be produced the farmers, resting their hands against their head, are weeping bitter tears, 0 Fimagia. Due to what sin of yours, 0 God, have we been reduced to such a condition? Seven hundred lacs of men starve both morning and evening and famine always occurs, 0 Firangia. And whatever remains you put into the ship and take across the seas, 0 Firangia. What is the way of the world that while people starve at home, wheat is taken to foreign countries, 0 Firangia. In land where people lived in satisfaction and were exceedingly rich, cast your eyes anywhere you will find men exceedingly poor, 0 Firangia. No trade and commerce has survived; all have been destroyed. Even for trifles alas: 0 Firangia, we have to look up to the foreigners. We keep on honour by wearing cloth, only when it comes from foreign countries, and, 0 Firangia, if cloth supply from outside is stopped we will go naked. 0 Firangia you take cotton from us at cheap rates which you weave into cloth and sell to us. In this and similar ways you rob the wealth of India and take it to foreign countries. Forty crores of rupees of India goes to others every year, 0 Firangia. Wealth, strength, wisdom and learning are all gone and we have become extremely poor. Though the country has become poor in every way, you have increased the burden of taxes, 0

This comes out from the various meetings addressed by non-cooperators. To give one example, Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 44/1921. Ibid, File no. 286/1923.

57

Firangia. There is tax on salt, tax on cooly and there is tax imposed upon every thing, 0 Firangia.48

The nationalists in the meetings often referred to the country as mother

and said how under the British rule mother had to undergo different kinds of

torture.49 British rule was said to be based on falsehood, treachery and evil

passions. "Devil, demon, oppressive, dishonest, shameless, destructive and

unjust" were some of the common epithets frequently used by the nationalists

for the British.50 The nationalists in the propaganda not only highlighted the

adverse impact of British rule on Indian economy but also highlighted its

adverse impact on Indian society. They said that India, which had a glorious

civilisation, under the impact of British rule was becoming devoid of its

spirituality, individuality, manliness and strength. They said that under British

rule Hindu and Muslim religion had come under threat. So the nationalist

struggle was projected by the nationalists as not only a political battle but also

an encounter for the saviour oflndia's glorious civilisation. It was a call to save

the religion, honour and the spirituality of the nation. 51 Joining the agitation

was sharing a religious mission. It was a "deshpuja". Country was elevated to

the status of a mother god, demanding highest sacrifice from all. Over and over

again speakers at the public meetings stressed that dharma was involved in the

struggles to redress the Punjab and Khilafat wrongs and to bring an end to

colonial rule. The nationalists said that on one side were gods and the other

48

49

50

5 I

Bihar Special Branch, 132L/1921, Proscribed song "Firangia", CID Record Room, Patna. Ibid, 132L/1921, Proscribed Song" Sri Gandhi Updesh Bhajanwali", CID Record Room, Patna. Ibid, 163L/1921, Proscribed songs, "Gandhi Suyash Gazal" and" Swaraj Ke Faede", CID Record Room, Patna. Ibid, 132L/1921, Proscribed Song, "Sri Gandhi Updesh Bhajanwali", CID Record Room, Patna.

58

demons and devils. 52 The nationalists often drew metaphor from mythologies,

particularly from the great Hindu epics Ramayan and Mahabharata. British

government was defined as a modern Ravana while terming non-cooperators as

avtars of Ram. The nationalist struggle was also paralleled as a war between

Kauravas and Pandavas, the two arch opponents of the Mahabharata, implicitly

associating the British with the former and the nationalists with the iater.53

Mythological me~aphor contributed to drawing the lines between right and

wrong in contemporary struggle in particularly stark terms. They provided

those ready to make sacrifices for the nation with a sense of involvement in a

privileged and sacred moment on a historical scale that reached back into

mythological time. These kinds of arguments also attempted to eliminate the

possibility of aloofness from the Congress cause. Such propaganda, thus, had a

strong impact.

By January 1921, the movement made deep inroads in Tirhut Division 54

and in the northern belt of Bhagalpur and Monghyr districts. 55 In Tirhut

Division, the movement drew strength from a whole network of organizations.

Sabhas and seva samitis were set up in many places in Champaran,

Muzaffarpur and Darbhanga districts. 56 The sabhas were also known as peasant

sabhas because most of the members of these sabhas in the villages were

peasants. These sabhas indicate the spread of the movement amongst the

peasants. The village was the unit of the sabha, and the panch was appointed

52

53 Ibid, 169L/1921 and 155L/1921, Proscribed song "Dharma KiTer" CID Record Room, Patna. Ibid.

54 Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 49/1921. 55 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 400/1921. 56 Searchlight, 4 February 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 1211921. The rest of

the para is based on Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 1211921.

59

from amongst the sabhas. In some parts of the Tirhut Division, circles

consisting of a number of villages were formed, with Head Panches and

Treasurers. These organizations played a significant role in the spread of the

movement in the villages. The sabhas organized weekly meetings to discuss

Non-Cooperation, to settle disputes amongst the villagers and to collect funds.

There were panchayats to assist these sabhas. Any dispute among villagers

over land, loans and grazing was settled by these panchayats. The panchayats ..

frequently resorted to social boycott to enforce their order. The sabhas were

also assisted in their functioning by seva samiti volunteers, who were

generally referred to as peons by the peasants. The volunteers collected funds to

meet the recurring expenses of the Congress organization. The main form of

fund raising at that time was muthia, a system whereby a handful of grain was

set apart every day by a householder and this was collected once a week by the

volunteers. The expenses of the organization were met through this system till

it was augmented later by the Congress membership of four annas. This also

shows how the tradition of giving alms to the Brah..rnan assumed a modem form

of fund raising in the movement. The sabhas attained a considerable degree of

organization in the villages of Motihari, Madhuban, Lauriya and Segauli m

Champaran district.

The movement in Tirhut Division was now mainly carried out by the

peasant sabhas and not by open meetings. As a result, the government could not

use the Seditious Meeting Act to suppress the movement. 57 Even the zamindars

'57 Freedom Movement Papers, SCRO 53, BSA; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no.

14411921, "From Chief Secretary, Bihar and Orissa, to The District Officer, 31 January 1921".

60

apprehended the development of sabhas and the holding of panchayats for

settling differences amongst the peasants. They perceived such development as

a threat to their power and authority and also an erosion of their hegemony

amongst the peasants. The zamindars had not yet recovered from the peasant

agitations that had preceded the Non-Cooperation Movement, the fear of which

still haunted them. 58

The Non-Cooperation Movement in Tirhut Division drew strength from

social tensions and racial feelings that had crystallized during the anti-indigo

agitation and peasant protest preceding the Non-Cooperation Movement.59 The

movement saw the active participation of the peasants. In the Madhubani sub-

division of Darbhanga district, peasants who were previously engaged in

protest against the Darbhanga Raj, actively participated in the Non-Cooperation

Movement.60 The movement aroused the expectations of peasants, whose

desires and aspirations got linked up with the demand for swaraj. The anti-

planter struggles sharpened once again during the movement and relations

between the planters and peasants became very strained. Many factory

managers faced problems from their labourers and servants.61 Even the

Europeans, who had settled in large numbers in Muzaffarpur district, faced

resistance from their servants.62 A certain amount of agrarian tension also built

up against the Indian zamindars. The tenants of Ramnagar Raj resisted the

58

59

60

61

62

Ibid, File no. 12/1921, "District Magistrate's letter to Commissioner, Tirhut Division, I 0 January 1921". Ibid, File no. 529/1921. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File nos. 12/1921. Searchlight, 28 January 192i; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File nos. 40/1921 and 12/1921.

Ibid, File nos. 40/1921 and 12/1921.

61

claim of the Raj over grazing and wood cutting in the forest. The tenants also

disputed the payment of rent and certain other claims of the zamindars. These

areas had earlier witnessed agrarian agitations against the Bettiah Raj,

Ramnagar Raj and other zamindars.63 Although agrarian tensions also built up

against the Indian zamindars, but the Non-Cooperation campaign was more

vigorously pursued against the European planters.64

There were many cases of haat looting in Muzaffarpur and Darbhanga

districts. Between 10 and 14 January 1921, ten cases of haat looting were

reported from Muzaffarpur district. In Darbhanga, there were three cases of

haat looting. The shops were looted to the accompaniment of the slogan

"Gandhiji ki jai".65 An official comment on the question of haat looting stated:

The evidence in the possession of the Government leaves no doubt that the haat-looting was directly connected with the state of excitement and unrest produced by the Non-Cooperation agitation. The persons, who started the loot first of all, asked the price of rice, or cloth or vegetables or whatever the particular article might be, and when the price was mentioned, alleged that Gandhi had given the order that the price should be so much, usually a quarter of the current market rate. When the shopkeepers refused to sell at lower prices, they were abused and beaten and their shops were looted.66

The Provincial Congress leaders were very critical of these incidents,

especially as they tended to alienate the small shop-keepers from the movement.

Many of them immediately rushed to those areas and distributed a large number

of leaflets and handbills condemning these activities and requesting the people

6J

64

6S

66

Ibid, File no. 1211921. Ibid, File no. 40/1921. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of February 1921, Govt of India, Home Department (Political), File no. 43/1921, NAI; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no.l2/1921, "Tirhut Division Commissioner's letter to Chief Secretary, dated 17 January 1921 ".

Ibid.

62

to remain non-violent, which was considered by them to be very crucial for the

success of the movement.67 According to Tirhut Division Commissioner, the

incidents like haat looting intensified because of "the growing currency amongst

the masses of the belief that the forces of law and order were weakening and that

. . . t" 68 swaraJ was tmmmen .

Apart from Tirhut Division, other areas where the movement developed

strongholds by January 1921 were Monghyr and Bhagalpur districts.69 In

Monghyr district, northern Monghyr, Begusarai and Sadr sub-divisions, which

lay along the north of the Ganga river, were strongly affected.70 This was

another belt where there had been a strong peasant agitation against Banaili Raj

and Darbhanga Raj under the leadership of Swami Vidyanand.71 The "agitators"

spread all over the Monghyr district and organized meetings in different parts

of the district. 72 Maulavi Muhammad Zubair was one of the prominent leaders

of this district. Many school boys from Patna and Monghyr, who withdrew

from their schools, also helped in the mobilization by holding meetings in

different places. A large number of Marwaris also participated in the

movement. There was a total hartal in the city when the Governor visited

Monghyr in January 1921. Most of the shops remained closed. The anti-liquor

movement was strong and excise sales dropped rapidly. There were cases of

haat looting in certain parts of this district, too. In Kharagpur, Singheshwar

67

68

69

70

71

72

Searchlight, 28 January 1921. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no.J2/1921, "Tirhut Division Commissioner's letter to Chief Secretary, dated 17 January 1921 ". Ibid, File no. 400/1921. Ibid. Stephen Henningham, Peasant Movements in Colonial India, pp. 70-89. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 400/1921, "Fortnightly Report for the first half of January 1921, Mongyr". The rest of the para is based on this source.

63

Choudhari tried to build up the campaign against the Darbhanga Raj. The

Santhals in the hills were told by the non-cooperators to stop collecting sabai

grass for the Darbhanga Raj. The government looked with apprehension upon

the development of the movement in Monghyr because it considered this

district to be the only district in Bhagalpur Division with a "population of

sufficient virility to give trouble". This apprehension of the government was

based on a strong tradition of peasant protest in this area.

In Bhagalpur district also, the movement made strong impact, especially

in those areas which lay along the north of the Ganga.73 This was another belt

where peasant agitation had been strong.74 Nationalist meetings were frequently

held in a number of places.75 Villages got organized. The Marwaris of this

district also participated in the movement. Deep Narayan Singh, a prominent

leader of this district, made a regular tour and addressed several meetings. The

movement affected excise sales. The Santhal Pargana in Bhagalpur district was

influenced by the movement from the time of its inception. In Santhal Pargana,

the movement primarily took the form of a no-rent campaign. There were cases

of haat looting in some parts of Bhagalpur district, too. Thus, by January 1921,

the movement had become very intense in Tirhut Division and the northern belt

of Monghyr and Bhagalpur districts. In all these areas, the movement derived

strength from the strong tradition of peasant agitations.

73

74

75

Ibid, "Fortnightly Report for the first half of January 1921, Bhagalpur". Stephen Henningham, Peasant Movements in Colonial India, pp. 70-89. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 400/1921, "Fortnightly Report for the first half of January 1921, Bhagalpur". The rest of the para is based on this source.

64

In Patna Division, it was only in Shahabad district that the movement

reached the phase of intensive organization.76 The district charted a definite

programme for propaganda work. The whole district was divided into four parts

according to its sub-division for carrying out propaganda. These sub-divisions

were Arrah, Buxar, Bhabua and Sasaram. Those taking up propaganda work

were to confine themselves to (a) Arrah Town, Arrah mufassil and Piru in

Arrah sub-division, (b) Buxar and Dumraon in Buxar sub-division, (c) Bhabua

and Mohania in Bhabua sub-division and (d) Sasaram, Dehri, Kargarh and

Bikramganj in Sasaram sub-division. Each sub-division was to be under a chief

organizer called a supervisor, with volunteers attached to him for propaganda

work. These supervisors were to organize sub-committees in their areas.

Numerous Non-Cooperation meetings were held in different places.77 A large

number of teachers and students were associated with the movement.78

It was in Shahabad district, in a public meeting held at Dumraon on 13

November, boycott of liquor was advocated for the first time.79 After this, the

anti-liquor movement caught on in other parts of Bihar. This district faced

problems with the settlement of cattle pounds.80 Pounds could be settled with

76

77

78

79

80

Searchlight, 27 April 1921; K.K.Datta, History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar, pp.330-333; Sahajanand Saraswati Papers, Personal diary, 1921, NMML. K.K.Datta, History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar, pp.330-333. Ibid. Ibid, p. 308; Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first of December 1920, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 44/1920, NAI. In the villages when cattle grazed on others' field or reserved grass, they were brought and kept in a pound. The villagers could get back their cattle only after they had paid certain fines. These pounds were auctioned to the highest bidder who gave certain revenue to the government.

65

great difficulty, and that too at considerably low fees, as people amicably

settled trespass cases in the villages and did not take cattle to the pounds.81

In Purnea district and the Chotanagpur belt, the movement picked up at a

slower pace. The Congress campaign in Purnea was initiated only in late

February 1921. It was Rajendra Prasad's tour to Purnea in February which gave

momentum to the Non-Cooperation campaign.82 Many non-cooperators from

Patna and Bhagalpur tried to organize meetings in different parts of the district

to mobilize people for the movement.83 Once Rajendra Prasad and other leaders

left Purnea, many "local enthusiasts cropped up trying to spread the movement

assiduously at haats and other convenient centres".84 In this district, a large

proportion of the population consisted of Muslims, most of whom actively

participated in the movement. 85

Sadar and Araria sub-division in Pumea district were most affected by

the movement.86 In this district, the boycott of educational institutions and

resignation of lawyers did not have much impact but the liquor boycott was

very strong. Excise shops were picketed. There was a hostile atmosphere

against police and excise officers, who faced difficulty in obtaining

accommodation in the mufassil. 87 Sabhas played an active role in the

81

82

83

84

85

86

87

Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for January 1921, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File nos. 4111921 and 4211921, NAI. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of February 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political), File no. 43/1921, NAI. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of February 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political), File no. 12/1921, NAI. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 173/1921, "Copy of Personal Diary of Superintendent of Police, Pumia, for the week ending 26'h February 1921 ". Ibid. Ibid. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of February 1921 , Govt of India, Home Department (Political), File no. 43/1921, NAI; Bihar and Orissa Annual

66

movement m this district too, particularly in the Araria sub-division.88 The

boycott of cattle pounds was one of the distinctive features of the movement in

Purnea district. The ferry farmers and pound keepers in the Kishenganj sub-

division boycotted the auction settlements.89 People also opposed payment of

chaukidari taxes. There was also discontentment amongst the chaukidars and

daffadars over their l?ay.90 The relations between the planters and peasants also

got strained.91 Pumea district also had a strong tradition of anti-planter and

agrarian protest.92 On 13 and 14 February 1921, a Kisan Mahasabha meeting

was held in Madhubani. This meeting was attended by around 6 to 8 thousand

cultivators.93 Another Kisan Sabha meeting, though much smaller and of a local

character, was also held in one of the qasbas. 94 All this strengthened the forces

at work against zamindars and indigo factory owners. In some places, tenants

delayed rent payment. According to the district officer, "it seems as though

they were making time to see what would happen when the promised swaraj

comes. In some parts, the belief was that Gandhi Raj was timed to come in

chait, till which payment of rent was withheld, but when chait came and went

88

89

90

91

92

93

94

Administration Report, 1921, p. 149; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 184/1921, "Bhagalpur Division Commissioner's report to Chief Secretary, dated 1 June 1921 ". Ibid. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of February 1921, Govt of India, Home Department (Political), File no. 4311921, NAI; Bihar and Orissa Annual Administration Report, 1921, p. 149; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 184/1921, "Bhagalpur Division Commissioner's report to Chief Secretary, dated 1 June 1921 ". Ibid; Bihar and Orissa Annual Administration Report, 1921, p. 149. Bihar and Orrisa Political Special File no. 184/1921, "Bhagalpur Division Commissioner's report to Chief Secretary, dated I June 1921 ". Stephen Henningham, Peasant Movements in Colonial India, pp. 55-56, 76. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 84/1921, "Note on the Kisan Conference held at Bhagalpur on 30'h April and I" May 1921". Ibid, File no. 173/1921, "Copy of Personal Diary of Superintendent of Police, Purnea, for the week ending 26 February 1921".

67

without swaraj they began to pay".95 Thus, in this district, it was the Congress

campaign, which gave stimulus to the movement, but once the movement

gathered momentum local issues got linked up with it, providing strength to it.

The movement built up slowly in Chotanagpur too, even though efforts

were made to spread the movement from November 1920 onwards. It was only

in late January 1921 that non-cooperators succeeded in establishing contact

with the Tana Bhagats in Ranchi.96 The Tana Bhagats responded in large

numbers to the appeals made by the non-cooperators and their association with

the Non-Cooperation Movement gave fillip to their unrest. The movement

amongst the Tana Bhagats primarily brought forth their animosity against the

landlords and trading community.97 The Tana Bhagats relationship with the

Non-Cooperation Movement will be discussed in detail in the third chapter.

Later, the movement also emerged in other districts of Chotanagpur.

Motilal Nehru, Rajendra Prasad, Mazharul Haq and Swami Biswanand toured

and addressed many meetings in different parts of the Chotanagpur. 98 In

Jamshedpur, meetings were attended by a large number of industrial workers.99

The movement gained a strong foothold in Giridih. 100 Giridih was easily

' accessible to the "agitators" from outside. There were a large number of

panchayats and the volunteers were well organized. 101 The liquor boycott was

95

96

97

98

99

Ibid, File no. 184/21, "Bhagalpur Division Commissioner's Report to Chief Secretary, I June 1921". Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of January 1921, Govt of India, Home Department (Political), File no. 42/1921, NAI. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File Nos. 50/1921, 51/1921 and 219/1921. Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for March 1921, Govt of India, Home Department (Political), File nos. 65/1921 and 4511921, NAI. K.K. Datta, History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar, p. 339.

100 K.K.Datta Papers, "Statement ofBajrang Sahay-My Reminscences ofthe Freedom Movement in Bihar", Manuscript section, NMML, pp.13-14.

101 Ibid; Searchlight, 28 January 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 238/1921.

68

one of the most effective actions in Chotanagpur. The non-cooperators made

strong efforts to prevent the settlement of excise liquor shops. 102 Yet another

activity related to liquor protest that was very popular in this region was "illicit

distillation ofliquor". 103 Under the new excise policy, the government had

banned private distillation of liquor. Such protest flouted the government

policy. The sociology of protest centering around liquor will be discussed in

the next chapter.

By February 1921, educational boycott started declining and students

gradually started returning to their educational institutions. Even the surrender

of titles was having little effect. There was no political mileage left in further

calls for renunciation of honours and resignation from professional and

government posts. 104 Among the boycotts, it was the liquor boycott that

received the most momentum. 105 When the boycotts started losing enthusiasm,

the nationalists turned their attention towards the formation of organizations

like sabhas, panchayats and seva samitis It was the network of these

organizations, which had spread all across rural areas, that was giving strength

to the movement. The government also feared the development of these

organizations the most. 106

Panchayats became very popular in Bihar as people were familiar with

these institutions. Every community and caste had its own panchayat.

102 Ibid, File no. 153/1921. 103 Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for February and March 1921, Govt. of India, Home

Department (Political), File nos. 4211921, 43/1921, 65/1921 and 4511921, NAI. 104 Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of February 1921, Govt. of India,

Home Department (Political), File no. 43/1921, NAI. 105 Ibid. 106 Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for February and March 1921, Govt. of India, Home

Department (Political), File nos. 12/1921, 43/1921, 65/1921 and 4511921 ,NAI.

69

Panchayats were established in a large number of villages in Saran,

Muzaffarpur, Champaran, Darbhanga, Patna, Gaya, Shahabad, Bhagalpur,

Hazaribagh, Ranchi and Palamau districts. Saran district particularly had a

very large number of panchayats. 107 A large number of seva samitis were also

formed. tox The nationalists laid great emphasis on the recruitment of volunteers.

Volunteers emerged as the special task force for the organization of the

movement at the local level, spreading nationalist ideology, mobilizing the

masses, helping in the organization of processions, advertising political

meetings and assisting the Congress leaders in their propaganda activities. The

Congress penetrated into the villages through the organizational network of

these "pracharakas". In many villages, volunteers helped the peasant sabhas and

local arbitration courts. A large number of people in different districts offered

themselves as volunteers. Their number in March 1921 was around 6000. By

April 1921, their numbers rose to 7 ,860, and by June further rose to 10,319. A

large number of volunteers were from a lower class and lower caste

background. In Saran and Champaran, a large number of domes were enrolled

as Congress volunteers. All this brings out that the national movement had

started moving out of the confines of a few educated sections and acquired a

wider social base, which gave strength and a militant character to the

movement.

107 Searchlight, 28 January, 18 February, 16 March 1921. 108 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 65/1921, "Note on Seva Samitis and volunteer

Movement in Bihar and Orissa, period October 1920 to October 1921 ". The rest of the para is based on this source.

70

Next Phase of the Movement

From April 1921 onwards, the Non-Cooperation Movement entered

another phase. As the boycott programme of the Congress was not having

much effect, the Congress had to launch other programmes. The Congress met

at Bezwada in April to discuss the programmes around which to organize the

next phase of the movement. 109 In this meeting, the possibility of introducing

civil disobedience as part of the Congress programme also came up for

discussion. While the delegates from Bihar were strongly in favour of civil

disobedience, most of the delegates from other provinces opposed it. However,

Rajendra Prasad, the Congress leader from Bihar, was not in its favour. The

reason he gave for opposing this programme was that Bihar was not yet ready

for civil disobedience as the lawyers in Bihar had not fully accepted the

doctrine of Non-Cooperation and abandoned their practice. Unless the lawyers

did so, he said "the masses, if aroused would be without leaders" .110 Without

leaders, he feared, masses activity and temper would be directed against their

landlords, causing bloodshed and justifying government intervention, resulting

in the complete suppression of the movement. 111 Gandhi too endorsed this view

but also indicated that if in future civil disobedience was introduced, the first

experiment should be made in Bihar as the leaders of Bihar, according to him,

had shown their capability and could be trusted to engineer the movement

successfully. 112 The fear behind this objection to the introduction of civil

109 Searchlight, 6 April 1921. 110 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 178/1921, "Copy forwarded to all Superintendent

of Police from 2"d Assistant to the D.l.G. of Police, Crime and Railway, 6 April 1921 ". Ill Ibid. 112 Ibid; Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of April 1921, Govt. of India,

Home Department (Political), File No. 51/1921, NAI.

71

disobedience reflected the deep-rooted agranan tensions m Bihar. The

nationalist leaders were apprehensive that the peasants, who formed the main

base of the Non-Cooperation Movement, would translate the call for struggle

for nationalism into airing their grievances against the zamindars. Civil

disobedience movement would have sharpened their confrontations with the

zamindars.

The Congress at Bezwada sesswn, instead, decided to build up a

constructive programme. It passed a resolution asking the people to concentrate

on three items, (1) collecting one crore of rupees for the All India Tilak Swaraj

Fund, (2) enrolling one crore members for the Congress, and (3) introducing

twenty lakh charkhas in the villages and cities. All the three items were to be

completed by 30 June 1921. Each province was to contribute according to the

ratio of its population. 113 Besides this, it was decided to observe 6 April to 13

April as Satyagraha Week. 114 The resolution also stated that local boards, the

municipalities and district boards should be brought under nationalist control. 115

Hartal was to be observed on 6 April and 13 April. These two dates had

their significance. It was on 6 April that the Rowlatt Act was passed and it was

on 13 April that the Jallianwala Bagh incident took place in Punjab. During this

week, all business were to be suspended, all shops closed, roza and brata were

to be observed and prayers for attaining swaraj to be offered in temples and

mosques. It was also decided that people were to abstain from taking any sort

of "intoxicating" substances. The Congress also emphasized the collection of

113 Judith Brown, Gandhi's Rise to Power, p.313. 114 Searchlight, 1, 6 April 1921. 115 Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of April 1921, Govt. of India, Home

Department (Political), File No. 5111921, NAI.

72

money for the Tilak Swaraj Fund during this week. 116 The programme gave a

sacred aura to the Satyagraha Week. 117 In Bihar, notices for the observation of

the Satyagraha Week were printed and distributed in various places,

accompanied by the beating of drums. Processions were also taken out in

different places, with people singing national and religious songs. In many

places, meetings were held in the evemng. On the whole, the hartal was

peaceful in most places in Bihar. 118

The District Officer of Patna, who had witnessed previous hartals in Patna,

found the hartal organized on 6 April to be the most successful and peaceful. 119 In

Patna, most of the shops remained closed. Small processions marched down the

middle of the road from time to time, singing patriotic and religious songs. These

processions occasionally drew up in front of shops and explained why the hartal

was being observed and having done so continued down the road. On the same

day, in the evening at about 4 p.m., a procession started from Mahendru in Patna

with a Mahabiri Jhanda. The procession consisted of 300 men, most of whom

were students of national schools. The procession culminated in the compound of

Mazharul Haq at Bankipore, where a public meeting was held. The gathering

increased to 600 with students present in large numbers. 120

116 Searchlight, I, 6 Aprill921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 173/1921, "Satyagraha Week-Notice signed by Mazharul Haque, Chandrabansi Sahai, Jagat Narain Lal".

117 Searchlight, 6 Aprill921. 118 Searchlight, 8, I 0, 13, 17, 20, 22 April 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no.

173/1921, "Note on Hartal on the 6th April 1921 and 13th April 1921 ". 119 Searchlight, 8 April 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 173/1921, "Copy of a

Special Branch Officer's Report dated 6 April 1921, regarding a meeting held at Bankipur in connection with the Hartal observed on 6 April 1921 ".

120 Searchlight, 8 April 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 173/1921, "The Crime and Railways Branch D.I.G's letter to Chief Secretary, 8 Aprill921".

73

Hartals were observed in other places, too. 121 In Giridih, even the colliery

coolies absented themselves from work on 6 April but in Jamalpur the coolies did

not join the hartal. Even coolies at the railway station in Bhagalpur stopped their

work on 13 April to mark their protest. In Purulia, most of the pleaders and

mukhtars did not attend the court. However, the leaders of the Khilafat Committee

were not associated with the hartal. The lawyers, the elite section of the town and

big shop-keepers also kept themselves aloof from it. Speeches delivered at the

meeting dealt principally with the collection of funds and the formation of

Congress committees.

Apart from observing Satyagraha Week, another focus area of the

Congress was contesting the elections to local bodies. The Congress advocated

the boycott of election to the Council yet it was in favour of contesting elections

to local bodies. Local bodies could play a very significant role in furthering the

national movement. These bodies could widen the nationalist space because of

the power exerted at the local level. The significance of local bodies in

nationalist politics will be discussed in the sixth chapter. The Congress

performed well in the Muzaffarpur municipality election held in April 1921. 122

Most of the votes in this district went in favour of non-cooperators. In a real

sense, if there was any contest in the election, it was in Ward 1 in Muzaffarpur.

But despite strong contest, both the candidates elected from this ward were non-

cooperators. In other Wards, the other candidates who stood in opposition to the

121 Searchlight, I 0, 13, 17, 20, 22, 27 April 1921; Bihar and Orissa political Special File no. 173/1921, "Note on Hartal on the 6 and 13 April 1921 ". The rest of the para is based on Political Special File no. 173/1921, "Note on Hartal on the 6 and 13 April 1921 ".

122 Ibid, File no. 224/1921, "Extract from D.O. No 56/P dated the 28/29 April 1921 from Commissioner, Tirhut Division".

74

non-cooperators could not manage any votes unless they signed the following

pledge agreeing to the terms of non-cooperators:

I declare if I am elected in the municipality then I will carry on the work as ordered by the District Congress Committee by giving votes and will consider it my religious duty to try to attain swaraj. 123

Baijnath Prasad Singh, Sheo Bux Marwari and Shamnandan Sahai could get

elected only after they signed such a contract. Non-cooperators, who stood in

opposition to these candidates, retired in their favour after these candidates

signed the contract. Out of twelve elected members of the municipality, seven

members were "avowed non-cooperators" .124 The other three candidates also

signed the contract agreeing to the non-cooperators' terms. Of the remaining two

candidates, Gajadhar Prasad and Abdul Majid, who got elected from Ward 5,

were claimed by both the non-cooperators and the other parties to be their

sympathizers. 125 The Congress candidates also won the municipal elections in

Motihari, where four staunch non-cooperators, Gorakh Prasad, Debi Lal Sahu,

Kedar Nath Sahu and Ramdayal Prasad Sahu, were elected. 126 The non-

cooperators, who contested the election, pledged to refuse government grants for

any purpose, to convert government schools into national schools, to abolish the

water tax, and to make an-all round increase in the salaries and wages

of municipal employees. 127

123 Ibid, File no. 394/1921, "Extract of paragraph of the Hon'ble Mr. Mcpherson's note dated 5 July 1921 "; Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of April 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political), File No. 51/1921, NAI.

124 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 224/1921, "Extract from D.O. No 56/P dated the 28'h/29'h April 1921 from Commissioner, Tirhut Division".

125 Ibid. 126 Ibid. 127 Ibid.

75

While the Congress concentrated on these programmes, one visible trend

in May 1921 was demonstrations by large numbers of people outside the courts

when non-cooperators faced trial or when they were taken from the court to

jail. 128 In Giridih, for example, a serious "riot" like situation arose in this

context. There was tension when a cultivator was ordered prosecution by the

police for an alleged assault committed by him to give effect to an order of

social boycott passed by the panchayat. This order infuriated the people and

several thousands of them followed the "accused" to the Magistrate's court.

After his trial, when he was taken to jail, he was followed by thousands, who

pelted the police with stones and besieged them in the Jail Warden's quarters.

Later in the day, they brick-batted the thana and assaulted the sub-inspector of

police. When the sub-inspector attempted to disperse the people by threatening

them with a revolver, they damaged the thana. 129 There was a similar

demonstration in Gaya, though on a much smaller scale, when two non-

cooperators were tried in the Magistrate's court. A large crowd collected

outside the court to mark their protest. The officer made arrangements to take

the two non-cooperators to jail in a private vehicle but the crowd refused to

allow the prisoners to be taken in the car. The Deputy Superintendent of Police

had to escort the prisoners to the jail on foot and a crowd of around 400 persons

followed them. Amongst them, a large number belonged to lower caste. There

were also many boys and youths amongst the crowd. 130 In Bhagalpur, a large

128 Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for May 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political), File nos. 63/1921 and 46/1921, NAI.

129 Searchlight, 3, 6, 8 May 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 238/1921. ,

130 Ibid, File no. 214/1921, "Extract from a D.O. letter dated the 6 May 1921 from the Superintendent of Police, Gaya".

76

crowd followed a non-cooperator, who was convicted and taken to jail by

policemen. The police seemed powerless to prevent the demonstration. 131 In

Bettiah, when a case under Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code was

heard in the court, around 4,000 people gathered outside the court of the Sub-

Divisional Officer and behaved in a "very noisy manner". 132

Such demonstrations undermined British authority. The fear of British

institutions of authority diminished. Demonstrations eroded the power and

prestige of the legal system. The police force, which arrested the non-

cooperators, came under frequent attack. People no more looked at arrests and

trials as attempts to maintain law and order but regarded such acts of the

government as attempts to uphold the power of the Raj in a coercive manner.

People, who appeared as criminals in the eyes of the British, were regarded as

heroes by the masses, who expressed solidarity with them. Thus, the movement

began to mark the erosion of respect for British authority. In fact, it was

through its institutional and ideological authority that the British had tried to

consolidate their hegemony and it is this hegemony that was shaken under the

impact of the movement.

The Decline: Perceived as Temporary Phenomenon by the Government

The Non-Cooperation Movement started declining by May 1921. The

number of meetings declined and those held were not well attended. The

meetings were mostly organized for collecting money for the Swaraj Fund.

Panchayats and seva samitis also declined. Agitation against liquor also declined

131 Bihar and Orissa Annual Administration Report, 1921, pp. 150-151.

132 Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of May 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political), File No. 63/1921, NAI.

77

and the sale of liquor increased. National schools functioned with less success

and in places were nearly empty. 133 Response to the Tilak Swaraj Fund was not

good. 134 The movement also declined in the Tirhut Division. The European

planters lost the nervousness that had seized them some months ago. They now

faced little trouble as regards labour or rent collection. They also ceased to

worry about their personal safety or the adequacy of internal security schemes. 135

However, the government looked at this decline as only a temporary

phenomenon. The government feared that the nationalist leaders were preparing

for the revival of the movement with more vigorous and better organized

agitations. 136 The revival, according to government officials, would be easier as

the organizational network of the movement took a very strong hold. They felt

that these organizations would be ready to spring into action on receipt of fresh

mandate from Gandhi. 137 The movement, in fact, went through this decline in all

the provinces but the Government of India was not confident enough to relax its

policy vis-a-vis the movement. 138

This fear of the government that the movement might easily revive did

have some basis. 139 The Non-Cooperation Movement had become a mass

phenomenon, no more remaining confined to a few educated sections.' It was

133 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 41111921, "Sd. H. McPherson, 5.7.21-Account of his visit in Tirhut from 28 June to 3 July"; Bihar and Orissa Annual Administration Report 1921, pp. 150-151; Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for June and July 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political), File Nos. 64/1921 and 1/1921, NAI; Kamala Sankrityayan, Rahul Vanmay, Vol. I, p. 258.

ll4 Searchlight, 29 June 1921.

135 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 41111921, "Sd. H. McPherson, 5.7.21-Account of his visit in Tirhut from 28 June to 3 July 1921 ".

136 Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 56, BSA. 137 Ibid. 138 Ibid.

139 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 53/1921. This para is based on this source.

78

clear that once the masses got organized and politicized, and their desires and

aspirations got linked up with the movement, the movement would acquire its

own dynamics. It would then follow its own rhythm and momentum, often

independent of the nationalist leaders, with the masses bringing up their own

agenda to the movement. A large number of local level leaders emerged

carrying on the movement in a variety of ways, often using local idioms and

forms. Besides, the movement also removed the fear of the British authority

and built confidence amongst the people. There was a strong contempt for

authority and a general disrespect for law and order. Gandhi emerged as an

alternative centre of power. There was a strong belief that if people obeyed

Gandhi's orders, the British Raj would disappear and a golden age of prosperity

would begin. It is this widening of the movement amongst the masses and loss

of fear of British institutions of authority, which the government feared the

most.

Preparation to Revive the Movement

In July 1921, the Congress again made attempts to revive the movement.

The AICC, at its Bombay session in July 1921, discussed the issues around

which to organize the next phase of the movement. The Congress leaders now

decided to concentrate on boycott of foreign cloth. 140 However, this programme

did not have much impact in Bihar. It could only pick up by late September

1921.The districts where it made some impact were Darbhanga, Champaran

and Muzaffarpur in Tirhut Division. 141 Gandhi Kutir at Malkachak in the

140 P.C.Bamford, Histories of the Non-cooperation and Khilafat Movements, p. 32. 141 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 538/1921.

79

Dighwara Thana of the Saran district emerged as an important khadi centre. 142

This programme will be discussed in detail in the next chapter.

Civil disobedience again came up for discussion at the Bombay meeting

but the Congress leaders decided to postpone it for some time. The reason

given was that the country was not yet ready for it. The Committee,

nevertheless, asked its members to make preparations for it so that it could be

taken up in the near future. 143 A resolution was also passed by the BPCC stating

that the time for civil disobedience had not come.144 However, in Bihar, civil

disobedience kept figuring in most of the meetings. The leaders in 'these

meetings kept on stressing its possibility in the near future. Many of these

meetings were attended by a large number of people. 145 The meeting at

Mansurganj in Bhagalpur on 16 November, for instance, was attended by

around 1 ,500 people. 146

A strong pressure had been building up in Bihar for this programme. 147 A

strong campaign had already begun for non-payment of rent to zamindars and

chaukidari and municipal taxes in many places. In many places, processions

were also taken out and meetings held in contravention of the provisions of the

Police Act and Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code. Many persons

summoned under the criminal law declined to receive the summons and even

142 Young India, 12 February 1925. 143 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no.575/1921, "Extract from D.I.G's Weekly Report for

W/E-15.12.21". 144 Searchlight, 5 August 1921. 145 Ibid, II, 30 November 30, 1921; Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for November 1921,

Home Department (Political) File no. 18/Nov/1921, NAl. 146 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 57511921, "Report of a meeting held by D.N .Sinha

on 16.1 1.21". 147 Ibid, File no. 643/1921. This para is based on this source.

80

tore up the sermons. Pressure was put on the police and the chaukidars not to

go on duty as Gandhi' Raj had come.

The Congress looked upon these trends in the movement with

apprehension. The Congress was very keen to keep the movement strictly

within the confines of non-violence. At the peak of the movement, Gandhi said

that the nation must be disciplined to handle mass movements in a sober and

methodical manner. 148 When the Congress was planning to launch the civil

disobedience movement, great need was felt for maintaining the movement

within the parameters of non-violence and discipline. Need was felt not only

to mobilize the masses for civil disobedience but also to integrate them into the

specific forms of Gandhian Non-Cooperation and to maintain peace. The

necessity for well-trained volunteers for this purpose was acutely felt. 149 In

Bihar, the Congress volunteers of the early phase ofNon-Cooperation were still

modelled largely on the patriotic karmi or sewak of the pre-war period, who

had featured invariably as a controller of crowds at swadeshi meetings and at

fairs and festivals. Initially, as the movement spread, a large number of people

came forward as volunteers to spread the movement at the local level. They

were not disciplined or trained but carried on the movement in their own ways.

They frequently resorted to social boycott and intimidation. Th,ey defied

authority in every form and often prevented persons from taking their

148 Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (hereafter, CWMG), Vol. 20, p. 107. 149 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 575/1921; Bihar and Orissa Annual Administration

Report, 1921, p. 151.

81

complaints to the police or the courts. Such activities of volunteers were m I

contradiction to Congress policy .150

Gandhi thought that the volunteers were not adequately professional. He

repeatedly complained about their failure to enforce order. He pointed out that

the problem with volunteers was that they tended to merge in a crowd instead

of standing apart and disciplining it. He said "volunteers often become

demonstrators instead of remaining people's policemen". 151 Gandhi wanted to

alter the character of the Congress volunteers and turn them into professional

"handlers" of the mass movement. No "raw volunteers" were to be allowed to

work at the bigger demonstrations. All volunteers were to be reviewed prior to

a demonstration and issued with specific instruction suitable for the occasion.

Each of them had to carry a book of general instructions about their work at

railway stations, public meetings and street marches, organizing "national

cries", escorting the "heroes" through a large gathering, protecting women,

signalling messages, and so on. Volunteer corps were to be formed for the

purpose of disciplining the people and maintaining order. 152 Great stress was

laid on maintaining discipline and obedience amongst the volunteers.

Volunteers were given drill training and other exercises, in order to instill in

them a sense of discipline. Rules were to be formulated for making "people's

policemen out of Congressmen" .153

150 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 6511921, "Note on Seva Samitis and the Volunteer Movement in Bihar and Orissa, period October 1920 to October 1921 "; Govt of India, Home Department (Political), File no. A, June 1921, Nos. 248-82 and File no. 327-IV /1922, NAI.

151 CWMG, Vol. 20, p. 107. 152 Ibid, Vol. 18, p.284. 151 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 65/1921, "Note on Seva Samitis and the Volunteer

Movement in Bihar and Orissa, period October 1920 to October 1921 ".

82

At the AICC meeting held in Bombay in July 1921 under the

Presidentship of Mahatma Gandhi, it was decided to reorganize the volunteer

corps throughout the country. The Committee passed a resolution that all

volunteers should be brought under central control and named National

Volunteer Corps. The members had to take the pledge of non-violence, heartily

and industriously obey the command of superiors, and be prepared to take all

risks in the discharge of their duties. The duties of the volunteers were clearly

defined, laying special emphasis on good conduct, non-violence and social

service. 154 In Bihar, National Volunteer Corps called Qaumi Sevak Dals were

formed from amongst the seva samiti members, Khilafat workers and Congress

workers. A central board of control was also formed with its headquarters at

Muzaffarpur. 155

Revival and Intensification of the Movement

The Non-Cooperation Movement revived in September 1921 and took an

intensive form. Tirhut Division once again emerged as the strong centre of th~

movement. The movement took a very strong hold in Sitarnarhi in Muzaffarpur

district. A large number of meetings were held. There was a strong defiance of

authority. People openly defied the Magistrate's order prohibiting holding of

any meeting within 300 yards of the kachahari. 156 They broke open the office of

the munsif's court in the night of 16 October and burnt the title suit register,

154 Bihar Special Branch, Proscribed Pamphlet, Ll8711921, "Desh Ki Pukar- Kaumi Sevak Dal Ka Sangathan", Patna CID Record Room.

ISS Ibid.

156 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 538/1921, "From Chief Secretary to the Secretary to the Government oflndia, dated 10 December 1921, Subject-Extension ofthe Seditious Meetings Act to the Tirhut Division"; Searchlight 13 January 1922.

83

rent suit register, execution register, miscellaneous register, statistical register

of rent suit, etc. 157 Whenever a non-cooperator was arrested, a large crowd with

drums, trumpets and flags followed the arrested. 158 The movement also took a

very strong hold in Champaran district. Congress "national thanas, with their

sub-division of circles", were formed in many places. 159

As the movement revived in Tirhut Division, struggles against the

planters once again became acute. 160 There were tensions between tenants and

planters over grazing rights. The planters complained that the peasants grazed

cattle over their reserved grass. 161 In October, in many places the tenants

boycotted the bazaars of the planters. In their places rival bazaars were set up.

District level Congress leaders in Motihari disclaimed any responsibility for

such boycott and even tried to dissuade the people from it. 162 Chauterwa factory

(planter factory) was burnt on 2 November 1921. Several thousand people were

present on that occasion. All through, they shouted "Gandhiji ki jai". 163 In some

areas, agrarian tensions also built up against the zamindars. In the villages of

Champaran, a large number of meetings relating to agrarian issues were held.

The local non-cooperators played a key role in these campaigns. 164 The

157 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 529/1921, "Extract from the confidential diary of the Superintendent of Police, Muzaffarpur, for the week ending the 201

h October, 1921 ". 158 Searchlight, 13 January 1922; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 529/1921, "Extract

from the confidential diary of the SP, Muzaffarpur, for the week ending 20 October, 1921 ". 159 Ibid, File no. 602/1921, "From Chief Secretary, Bihar and Orissa, to All District Officers,

dated 20.12.21". 160 Ibid, File no. 538/1921, "From Chief Secretary, Bihar and Orissa, to The Secretary to the

Government of India, dated 10 December 1921, Subject: Extension. of the Seditious Meetings Act to the Tirhut Division".

161 Ibid. 162 Ibid; Searchlight, 9 November 1921. 163 Ibid, 9 November 1921; Motherland, 8, 15 November 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special

File no. 529/1921; Govt oflndia, Home Department Political File no. 357/1921, NAI; 164 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 538/1921, "From Chief Secretary, Bihar and

Orissa, to The Secretary to the Government of India, dated 10 December 1921, Subject: Extension of the Seditious Meetings Act to the Tirhut Division".

84

assessment of union taxation faced problems. The Union Committee in Bagaha

in Champaran faced protest. 165

While the movement revived and took an intensive form in some

districts of Bihar, at the national level the arrest of the Ali brothers threw up

another agenda before the movement. The Ali brothers were arrested in

September 1921 for giving a particular speech at the All India Khilafat

Conference at Karachi on 8 July. In that speech, they had declared that it was

against religious laws for Muslims to continue in the British army and insisted

that this be conveyed to every Muslim in the army. 166 Their arrest was

condemned by Gandhi, who along with some leading Congressmen, issued a

manifesto repeating whatever Muhammad Ali said and added that every

civilian and member of the armed forces should severe connections with the

repressive government. 167 The Congress Working Committee also passed a

similar resolution on 5 October in Bombay .168 At its meeting in early October,

Bihar Provincial Conference, too endorsed the Karachi resolution. 169

In Bihar, meetings were held in Patna, Muzaffarpur, Champaran,

Darbhanga, Bhagalpur, Monghyr, Manbhum and Palamau in October to mark

protest against the arrest of the Ali brothers. 170 In October and November, a

large number of meetings were held where the Karachi resolution was read out

and fatwas distributed, asking the police and army to disassociate themselves

165 Ibid. 166 P.C.Bamford, Histories of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements, p. 37. 167 Govt of India, Home Department Political File no. 303/1921, NAI. 168 P.C. Bamford, Histories of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements, pp. 36-38; 169 Searchlight, 7 October, 1921. 170 BiharandOrissaAnnua!AdministrationReport, 1921, p. 152.

85

from British service. 171 Most of these meetings were held in areas where

Khilafat Committees were strong. In Tirhut Division, a large number of

meetings were held in Madhubani in Darbhanga district, in Bettiah, Madhuban

and Motihari in Champaran district and in a number of places in Muzaffarpur

district in October 1921. Around five thousand people attended the meeting,

which was held in Motihari in Muzaffarpur district on 23 October 1921. 172

Local Non-Cooperation Committees had played a crucial role in mobilizing

people for this meeting. 173 The distribution of a large number of fatwas had a

disturbing effect on Muslim police constables. Many constables resigned

saying that it was haram to work for the govemment. 174 Unrest amongst the

police will be discussed in the fourth chapter.

The visit of the Prince of Wales to India in November also sparked off

protests in many places. The conflict over the visit of a member of the British

royal family can be seen as a contest for hegemony, a fight for prestige,

between the contending parties, nationalists and the colonial rulers. Gandhi

highlighted the fact that the presence of a royal personage in the midst of his

subjects was deeply symbolic of imperial authority. 175 But the colonial rulers

insisted that the visit was a purely non-political gesture on the part of the Prince

ofWales to keep royalty in touch with its Asian subjects. 176 Gandhi opposed the

proposal as soon as he came to know of it and campaigned vigorously against

171 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 52111921. 172 Motherland, 23 October 1921. 173 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 538/1921, "From Commissioner, Tirhut Division,

to the Chief Secretary, Bihar and Orissa, dated 9 November, 1921". 174 Ibid. 175 CWMG, Vol. 18, p.102.

176 L.F.Washbrook William, India in 1922-23, Calcutta, 1923, p.272.

86

it. He justified his opposition as a clear duty of educating the public to a truer

perception of the meaning of the proposed Royal visit. Truer because it would . .

refute the not so true claim made by the administration about the visit being

above politics. Contrary to what the British said in public, the ministers wanted

to make political capital out of the proposed visit to demonstrate to the world

that India was happy and contented. Gandhi, on the other hand, concluded that

the Prince was coming to uphold the prestige of the present government. 177

With the meaning of the visit established thus as politics calculated to

demonstrate the might and glory of the Empire, Gandhi called for counter-

demonstrations. 'Indian protest was to take the form of a hartal throughout the

land to coincide with the Prince's arrival on 17 November 1921, followed,

during the rest of his tour, by local boycotts of all ceremonies, receptions and

other activities organized to celebrate it. 178

The resolution to boycott the visit of the Prince of Wales was passed at

various meetings down from the AICC to various provincial level

committees. 179 On 17 November, the day Prince of Wales landed in Bombay,

hartal was observed throughout Bihar. 180 The hartal was most successful in

Patna. Many meetings were held in Patna, which were attended by a large

number of people. Appeals were also made to government servants to withdraw

from service, to washermen to refuse to wash the clothes of Europeans and to

ekka drivers to refuse to carry persons wearing foreign clothes. 181 In Dumka,

177 CWMG, Vol. I8, p.I02. 178 Ibid. 179 Searchlight, 3I August, II November I92l. 180 Motherland, 22 November I92I 181 Searchlight, I8 November I92l.

87

there was a total hartal. Many Congress workers were arrested. 182 In Bhagalpur,

the hartal was very successful. There was a total suspension of all business. No

conveyances passed, no shops opened and no labour did work anywhere.

Marriage party had to go without carriage and baza. The party while going also

had to shout "Gandhi ki jai". 183 When hartal was observed in Dumraon,

Maharaj used his influence to try and get the shops opened but could not

succeed. 184 At the Da4.ari fair in Balia, there was a total hartal. Not a single shop

was opened. The Deputy collector visited this fair to see how hartal was

observed. When he asked a shop-keeper to give paan, the shopkeeper refused.

When he asked a bangle seller, an old lady, to sell bangle, she snubbed him so

badly that he immediately left the place. 185 The hartal in Sonepur fair on 17

November was very successful. Alarge number of volunteers, estimated by the

government report as 1 ,800, came to the fair. According to Nirsu Narayan

Sinha, a member of Bihar and Orissa Legislative Council, who had been in

Sonepur on the day of the hartal, the shopkeepers observed hartal voluntarily

and not under any pressure. He also said the shopkeepers told him that "if other

people were making sacrifices they would also make a sacrifice by closing their

shops for a day". 186

The non-cooperators also made preparations for observing hartal, when

the Prince would visit Bihar on 22 and 23 December 1921. In Patna, hartal

placards were posted in all public places and also on the compound walls of

182 Ibid, 20 November 1921. 183 Ibid, 23 November 1921. 184 Motherland, 22 November 1921. 185 Sahajanand Saraswati, Mera Jeevan Sangharsh, Delhi, 1985, p. 121. 186 Searchlight, 23 November 1921

88

many private houses, including those of Europeans. 187 When the Prince visited

Patna, the moderates and loyalists welcomed him but the city observed a

complete hartaL The hartal was most effective in the bazaar portion of Patna

City. Every shop in the city was closed. The main thorough fares of the bazaar

were almost empty. No vehicles plied for hire and no crowd lined the streets

along which the procession passed. The hartal was on the whole peaceful. 188

Hartals were also held in Purulia, in different places in Manbhum district,

Gaya, Santhal Pargana and Dhanbad districts. 189 There was complete hartal in

Barh on 22 December. No hackney carriage or tamtam plied. Labourers and

coolies also observed hartal. Havan was held in the evening on Ganga bank. 190

The government expressed surprise that:

The unlettered masses, whom not only their traditional loyalty to the Crown, but even natural curiosity would in normal circumstances have attracted in tens of thousands to see the King Emperor's heir, were represented by a small crowd which filled not a twentieth of the space allotted to them, and though later, that day, on the polo ground and again on the day following at a garden party given by the landowners of the province, small crowds of cultivators and the poorer classes were in evidence, it is safe to say that a minority even of the population of Patna and an infinitesimal fraction of the population of the neighbouring districts took any part in the welcome which the Prince received. 191

Government Policy vis-a-vis the Non-Cooperation Movement

So far, one has been looking at the unfolding of the movement m

different phases and areas. It is equally significant to note how the government

responded to the movement. The way the movement developed was a source of

187 Bihar and Orissa Annual Administration Report, 1921, p. 156. 188 Searchlight, 25 December 1921. 189 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 3/1922, "Report for the week ending 5 January

1922, D.I.G. of Police, Crime and Railways". 190 Searchlight, 25 December 1921

191 Bihar and Orissa Annual Administration Report, 1921, p 156.

89

anxiety to the government. The government had not faced such a concerted

campaign before. The Non-Cooperation Movement was quite unprecedented,

raising defiance in many directions. Till now, the government had followed a

policy of non interference vis-a vis the Non-Cooperation Movement. The

rationale that the government gave for this non-interference was the belief that

the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms should work, progressive opinion in Britain

had to be placate~, the moderates of Indian politics had to be kept in sympathy

with the regime and law and order had to be preserved. It feared that undue

repression, as the aftermath of the Amritsar massacre had shown, would create

a politically costly backlash. In addition, it wanted the administration to appear

as an impartial arbiter. The government was also hopeful that the Congress

would in the end withdraw from the Non-Cooperation Movement. 192 But when

the movement began to intensify in January 1921, the government reconsidered

its policy towards the movement. It was worried about the potential effects of

Gandhi's campaign on the "masses of urban elements and on large bodies of

tenants". 193 However, after careful consideration the government reached the

conclusion that the time had not yet come for them to abandon their former

policy of non-interference. 194 Through further reappraisals of their policy,

during the ensuing six months, the government continued to adhere to this

policy of non-interference. But the Bihar government was not happy with this

policy of the Government of India. It could not comprehend why a movement,

192 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File nos. 111/1921 and 14411921; D.A.Low, "The Govemmment of India and the First Non-Cooperation Movement, 1920-22," in Ravinder Kumar, Essays on Gandhian Politics, pp. 301-314.

193 Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 49/I 921, NAI; 194 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. I44/I 921, "From Secretary, Government of India,

to the Chief Secretary, dated 28-30 January 192 I".

90

which was subversive in nature, was allowed to continue unhindered by the

government. 195 Local government officials in Bihar were of the opinion that this

policy of restraint had negative consequences, "allowing the Congress

campaign to gather momentum, undermining the prestige and authority of the

colonial administration and causing doubt and hesitancy amongst its servants

and loyalists" .196 They felt that this inaction of the government was leading to

the "impression amongst the ignorant masses that the government was either

careless and indifferent or else afraid to put it down, leading to further

excitement and unrest". 197 They expressed their anxiety as to how they were

losing their faith amongst the people because of this silence of the government.

They further pointed out how government's inaction was also leading to doubts

amongst the officials whether the government was seriously intending to

enforce the law. 198 The local officials suggested that government should make a

clear statement of its policy that it regarded the movement as "dangerous,

tending to lawlessness, and ultimate anarchy and that it was prepared to support

all reasonable measures taken to prevent such lawlessness". 199 Continuation of

the movement was seen by the local officials as an erosion of their authority. It

seems clear that if the Government of India had at any time during 1921 gone

over to a policy of active repression, the local government would have quickly

pursued the necessary action. Even in the Viceroy's Council some members

195 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File nos. 12/1921 and 586/1921. 196 Ibid, File no. 58611921. 197 Ibid. 198 Ibid, File no. 144/21, "From Chief Secretary to the Secretary to the Government oflndia,

Home Department, Delhi, 15 March 1921 ". 199 Ibid, File no.12/1921, "Personal Appreciation of the situation, Champaran S.P., 17 January

1921".

91

were expressing the same feeling as that of the local government. The Finance

Member, Sir Malcolm, had remarked in January 1921:

There is very little doubt that the matter has gone very much further than most of us anticipated when the movement first took a definite shape .... The obvious fact is that in a hundred directions it has stirred up feelings which sometimes take a racial tum and at others take a direction not far different from what we generally describe as Bolshevism. In an Eastern country success in administration depends quite as much on the maintenance of a general atmosphere of obedience to authority and acceptance of the existing order of society as it does on the definite enforcement of statute law or the working of the administrative machinery .... If these forces continue unimpaired, it is difficult to suppose that the numerous classes which form the backbone of our administration or who carry on our public utility services will remain unaffected .... It was obviously statesmanlike to give it (Non-Cooperation movement ) every chance of working itself to destruction, and our attitude of toleration counted for much for the improvement in the political situation. But it seems clear that toleration, to say the least, has not effected .nearly as much as we had hoped from it.200

The Government of India was again forced to reconsider its policy in

November 1921, when the movement witnessed sharpening of conflicts in

certain parts of the country. The Congress also planned to start civil

disobedience and organized opposition to the Prince's visit. On 24 November

1921, in a long letter of instruction, the Government of India informed the local

governments that "a stage has now been reached at which action on a more

drastic and comprehensive scale than has hitherto been required be taken".201

Most local governments needed little prompting. The provinces promptly

initiated action against the movement.202 The Bihar Government issued a

200 D.A.Low, "The Government of India and the First Non-Cooperation Movement, 1920-22" in Ravinder Kumar ( ed.), Essays on Gandhi an Politics-The Rowlatt Satyagraha of 1919, London, 1971, p.303.

201 Ibid.

202 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 586/1921.

92

notification under the Criminal Law Amendment Act on 1 0 December 1921

declaring various volunteer associations unlawful. 203 The Bihar government

justified the action in the following words:

For nearly two years, the Government of India and Local Governments had adopted a policy of mildness (some even called it inaction), trusting to the good sense of the educated classes for a rejection of the Non-Cooperation doctrine. So far as the tangible results achieved by that movement were concerned, this course had been justified. The resignation oftitles had been few, the effects on schools and on the legal profession had been small, Non­Cooperation courts had not attained any success and very few Government servants had resigned. But the non-cooperators had now brought forward the really dangerous items in their programme, that is, the refusal to pay taxes, rent or revenue and the reduction from their allegiance of the army and the police. In order to start this new campaign, the non-cooperators had turned from the educated classes, whom they had failed to gain over, to the masses and the chief agency they had used in their appeal consisted of the volunteer associations. So long as those confined themselves to picketing of liquor shops, cloth shops, collection of muthia, etc., no great harm was done and any actionable excesses had been dealt with as breaches of the ordinary law. But meanwhile the minds of the masses had been steadily impregnated with contempt for authority and prepared for the last stages of the campaign, that is, the civil disobedience and here lay the greatest danger of all. Even though for the moment the programme has been suspended till the Congress had met again during the X'mas holidays but the minds of the people were being steadily prepared for the movement, as could be proved from the speeches made, especially in Tirhut, during the past month, and the reorganization of volunteer associations was going ahead steadily in every district, as they were to be the instrument of the new campaign when inaugurated. In the face of the reports of increasing activity in this direction throughout the Province, Government could not afford to sit idle and see this organization perfected, merely because refuge is taken under the plea of non­violence, which must be flung aside ~hen civil disobedience really enforced, when attempts made, as threatened to march on Government buildings, call out Government officers and take their place with bands of volunteers. This plan could not be carried out without the use of force and without disorder...The aspect of the case which concerned Patna City and the threatened hartal on the occasion of the Prince's visit was subsidiary. It briefly amounted to

203 Searchlight, 11 December 1921; Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 49/1921, NAI.

93

this that Government had daily increasing evidence of attempts to establish complete closure of activities in the city on the occasion of the Prince's visit. There were to be no provisions, no ticca gharris, no coolies, no visitors from outside, no municipal services, no lights, possibly no private service. Patna City was to be reduced to a city of the dead. It was idle to contend that all this represented the spontaneous expression of the people.204

After this notification there were numerous proscriptions, arrests and

prosecutions. 205 This had a disturbing effect upon the moderates who now

openly expressed dissatisfaction with the government policy which they saw as

unduly repressive. 206 A deputation of the members of the Legislative Council of

Bihar met the Governor on 13 December and requested him to withdraw the

Act. They pointed out that the government measure was "unwarranted by the

circumstances of this province and moreover highly inopportune and

inexpedient because Non-Cooperation in Bihar had so far been characterized by

non-violent methods of work".207 The delegates also felt that "at a time when

the Province was awaiting the visit of His Royal Highness, the Prince of Wales,

on a mission of peace, good will and sympathy, it was essential that the people

should be free from any sense of panic or any feelings of bitterness due to

repression actual or apprehended".208 The delegates advised the government to

withdraw the notification temporarily or till the civil disobedience campaign

began, when it would be necessary to take action under the Criminal Law Act.

They suggested that such a step would ease the situation and prevent the friends

204 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 586/1921, "Communique, Government of Bihar and Orissa, Political Department, Special Section, dated 18 December 1921 ".

205 Searchlight, II, 14, 16, 18, 21, 25 December 1921. 206 AICC Papers, File no. 5-6/1922; D.A.Low, "The Government of India and the First Non­

Cooperation Movement, 1920-22" in Ravinder Kumar (ed.), Essays on Gandhian Politics, p. 308.

207 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 586/1921. 208 Ibid.

94

of the government from being further alienated.209 The government did not want

to alienate the moderates, and feared that its action would make the moderates

swing to the Congress side. It decided to relax its measures with the hope that

the moderates' counsel would prevail. The government was also keen to give a

warm ovation to the Prince and did not want any disturbance at that time. 210 The

Chief Secretary, therefore, sent the following circular on 18 December 1921 to

the district officers relaxing its policy :

His Excellency in Council recognizes the very grave objections which exist to any modification of the instructions issued only a week ago in corui.ection with the notification under Act X1 V of 1908. He considers, however, that the notification has already served its purpose as a warning and as justification for the house searches, which have placed local officers in possession of information regarding the volunteer organization. In particular, it is believed to have checked the decision to enter immediately upon civil disobedience. In this view, he does not think that any harm will be done if further action in the way of arrest and prosecution under the special Act be deferred till at least the X' mas week. It has been represented to the Governor that even this amount of suspension of action will have beneficial effect on the situation at Patna and His Excellency considers that it is desirable to accept the risk and even the misrepresentation involved in the modification of recent orders, if this step will contribute to the success of His Royal Highness's visit. An announcement is accordingly beirig made that instructions are being issued to officers that no action is to be taken under the Criminal Law Amendment Act without previous reference to Government.211

The government's relaxation of its policy was not received in good spirit

by the local officials. They said that the withdrawal of the Act gave the

impression that the government was not earnest in its attempt to suppress the

209 Ibid. 210 Searchlight, 21 December 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 586/1921,

"Communique, Oovernment of Bihar and Orissa, Political Department, Special Section, dated 18 December 1921".

211 Ibid.

95

Non-Cooperation Movement and the volunteer organizations. This, they felt,

emboldened the people, who came out in large numbers as volunteers and

offered themselves for arrest. The local police, in particular, found themselves

in a thoroughly false position as the people saw that the warnings were

apparently mere bluffs and that no real attempt was made to uphold authority. 212

Besides, contrary to the hopes of the government, preparations for hartal

continued, and in many places, hartals were very successful. Moreover after

this, the movement once again took a very intensive form giving a jolt to the

British apparatus.

Challenge to the British Apparatus: Erosion of Respect for British Authority

The government's issuing of measure under the Criminal Law

Amendment Act threw up another agenda before the movement. The

nationalists saw the new measures of the government as a curtailment of their

basic democratic right to freedom of speech and organization. As this issue

came to the forefront, some of the other issues of the Congress receded to the

background. To resist these laws became the foremost duty of the Congress.213

Gandhi stated that it was no more the intention of the Congress to launch

satyagraha as announced earlier but to struggle for the right of freedom of

speech and organization. This right, he said, belonged not only to Congressmen

but to all parties.214 In defiance of the Act, the BPCC gave a call to the people

to recruit themselves in large number as volunteers.215 Thus, the Act instead of

212 Ibid. 213 AICC Papers, File no. 5-6/1922 214 Rajendra Prasad, Autobiography, p.l55.

215 Searchlight, 14 December 1921.

96

dampening the spirit of the nationalists further emboldened them to mobilize

people in large numbers. Even after action to be taken under the Act was

postponed, the general drive for the recruitment of volunteers continued. 216

This brings out how the nationalists turned every situation in their

favour. When the government was a passive spectator, the situation was seen as

an erosion of its hegemony, but when action was initiated there was a big hue

and cry about the government being repressive and depriving people of even

their basic civil rights. The situation was unfavourable for the government in

both situations, for not taking action and for resorting to it.

A large number of people in different districts, many from rural areas,

started offering themselves as volunteers. The spectacle of small processions

carrying national flags and shouting "Gandhi Maharaj ki jai" was very common

in most places. The imminence of swaraj charged the atmosphere.217 This phase

of the movement was primarily directed against the British apparatus. There

was open defiance of British authority. The main symbols of British power, that

is, the courts, jails and police, came under severe attack. The fear of jail

diminished. Processions were taken out in defiance of government orders.

Pressure was being brought upon government employees to leave the service.218

In north Bihar, the movement against the planters once again intensified.219 The

British had to now openly resort to the use of armed forces to maintain their

216 Ibid, 14 December 1921; AICC Papers, File no. 5-6/1922. 217 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File nos. 643/1921 and 3/1922. 218 Ibid, File nos. 643/1921 and 3/1922. 219 Ibid, File no. 3/1922, "Report for the week ending the 5 January, 1922"; Searchlight, 18 and

29 January 1922.

97

authority. 220 An attempt has been made to give a brief sketch of the nature of

movement in this phase in December 1921 and January 1922 in different

districts.

In Bhagalpur, even before action under the Criminal Law Amendment

Act was postponed, considerable activity had been going on in the mufassil in

connection with the organization of the Qaumi Sevak Dal and formation of new

Thana Congress Committees. Government action gave a tremendous impetus to

this activity and the effort of the non-cooperators in the mufassil, in fact,

doubled and many places which were untouched before the Act were overrun

with volunteers. But in the town, the activities of the volunteers ceased

immediately after the proclamation of the Act.221

In Monghyr too, volunteers were highly organized and wielded great

influence amongst the masses. The government proclamation in Monghyr

drove "the majority of Indians who were previously sitting on the fence into the

arms of the non-cooperators".222 Pleaders and mukhtars suspended practice.

There was a bonfire of foreign cloth. 223

In Gaya, recruitment of volunteers continued, even after the notification

under the Act was withdrawn.224 Volunteers were frequently seen parading the

town and picketing the courts. When the courts opened after the vacation on 3

22° Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of January, 1922. Govt. of India, Home Department (Political), File no. 41/1921, NAI.

221 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 3/1922, "Report for the week ending the 5 January, 1922".

222 Ibid. 223 Searchlight, 11 January 1921. 224 Ibid, 14 December 1921.

98

January 1922, a large group of volunteers collected outside the court and tried

to disrupt the functioning of the court. 225

In Patna also, bands of boys began parading the streets, singing national

songs. In the Patna mufassil, the volunteers were secretly recruited.226 A large

number of members of the bar in Patna also enrolled themselves as

volunteers. 227 There was a huge public meeting in Barh. The speakers, while

addressing this meeting, challenged the government to arrest as many as it

could. They said that for one worker imprisoned hundreds of thousands of men

would offer themselves as volunteers. After the meeting, there· was a huge

bonfire of foreign cloth. All present pledged themselves to wear khaddar. A

large number of people also enrolled themselves as volunteers. 228

In Chapra, there was immense response. A large number of people

offered themselves as volunteers. 229 In the Shahabad district, there was great

disturbance in the towns ofBuxar and Sasaram.230 In Buxar, the volunteers who

were arrested on their way to the jail shouted slogans and sang national songs.

The Sub-Divisional Officer of Buxar reported that "the political prisoners in

Buxar had formed a happy family in the central jail and used to work each other

up to a high pitch of enthusiasm". In Sasaram, house searches and arrests of

some leaders under the Act gave rise to a serious situation on 17 December

1 921. On that day, when the accused were taken to jail, a large and excited

225 Ibid; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 3/1922, "Report for the week ending 5 January 1922" ..

226 Ibid. 227 Searchlight, 16 December 1921. 228 Ibid, 28 December 1921. 229 Kamala Sankrityayan, Rahul Vanmay, Vol I, N.Delhi, 1994, pp. 260-261. 230 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 3/1922, "Report for the week ending the 5 January,

1922". The rest of the para is based on this source.

99

crowd followed them. On 21 December 1921, a large procession, with the

Khilafat flag, was taken out in Sasaram in defiance of the government order.

The procession marched to the court and on the way appealed to all government

servants to resign from service. In Sasaram, it was the Khilafat Committee

which carried the movement. The movement had a strong hold on the Muslim

community. The Congress Committee was not active here.

The situation in Champaran too was very tense. A large number of

volunteers were recruited. The non-cooperators in Champaran hailed the

withdrawal of the notification as their victory.231 There was a confrontation

between the police and people in Dhanaha.232

In Purnea also, the situation took a serious turn. According to the Purnea

Superintendent of Police, "the government proclamation declaring volunteer

associations unlawful and carrying the warning that persons, who persisted in

disregarding the law would be prosecuted, having been followed by no action,

whatsoever, had produced a very bad effect. The local police particularly found

themselves in a thoroughly false position as the people saw that the warnings

apparently were mere bluffs and that no real attempt was made to uphold

authority". 233 A large number of volunteers were recruited, especially in Araria.

In F orbesganj, huge bands of volunteers went round the town shouting national

slogans and singing national songs. These volunteers told the police in the town

that they were not required to patrol the town any more. In many places in the

231 Ibid; Searchlight, 14 December 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 586/1921. 232 Searchlight, 15 January 1922.

233 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 146/1922, "Extract from the confidential diary of the Superintendent of Police, Pumea, for week ending 16 January 1922". This para and the following two paras are based on this source.

100

interior of this district, particularly in Araria, intense picketing of liquor shops

took place. The non-cooperators, in many places, pressurized the chaukidars to

give up service. The Tahsildar Panches were also pressurized in many places to

give up collecting chaukidari tax.

On 8 February 1922, around three hundred people in Dhanaha

demolished a pound and raised a swaraj flag over it shouting "swaraj ho

gay a". There were rumours throughout Purnea district that swaraj had been or

would very shortly be achieved. This resulted in "outbreaks of lawlessness".

The sub-inspector and police were openly defied by one of the parties in a land

dispute in Rupauli. The party, which assembled in large numbers, forced the

sub-inspector and the few police to leave the spot. They looted the disputed

crops shouting "Mahatma Gandhi ki jai." Large crowds collected outside the

thana and courts at the time of arrests and trials of the non-cooperators. In

Dhanaha, the police could take away the people accused for demolishing the

pound with great difficulty, amidst hostile demonstration.

In Baisee, the warrant and subsequent production of persons accused of

intimidating chaukidars was made the occasion for demonstration and slogan

shouting in the court compound. Cases against the accused were withdrawn

only when the accused gave a written assurance that in future they would not

create trouble. The non-cooperators hailed the withdrawal of cases as their

victory, and felt further encouraged. In Araria, when the policemen and

chaukidars arrested three picketeers, who had been accused of assaulting and

robbing a liquor shop customer, they were attacked by a crowd of about a

thousand people shouting the Non-Cooperation slogans. Even though the

101

nationalist leaders in Pumea asked the volunteers to refrain from "more

objectionable features of the agitation such as picketing, interfering with the

chaukidars, taking out of processions and demonstrations outside the court and

thana", their advice went unheeded.

Of all the districts in Bihar, the situation was most serious m

Muzaffarpur. In this district, the largest number of volunteers were emolled. A

large number of meetings were held, a majority of them for the purpose of

enlisting volunteers.234 The Superintendent of Police ofMuzaffarpur reported:

Large numbers of volunteers are daily being sent in from dehat. They are given a good feed at Shafees house and told that they will not be arrested as the jail is full and even if they are arrested, they will be released on the 31 of December 1921, when swaraj is obtained. They roam the streets in companies from daylight till after dark, shouting and yelling and making themselves a general nuisance. Only the ring leaders are being selected for prosecution.235

Muhammad Jalil , who resigned from the clerk's post in the Commissioner's

office, played an active role in the mobilization of volunteers in the

Muzaffarpur sub-division.236 In the Sitamarhi sub-division, 21,000 volunteers

were enlisted. In Paru, Bajrangi Singh and in Baruraj, Birjnandan and

Rajmangal Sahi played an active role in the enlistment of volunteers.237 In

Shakera, where Maulavi Magful was active, 9,000 volunteers were enlisted.238

Hirdey Narain and his younger brother enlisted volunteers in Deoria and

Motipur.239 Ali Bux and Akhtar were active in Sadar and Minapur. 400 people

234 Ibid, File no. 37/1922, "Copy of Daily Confidential Diary of the Superintendent of Police, Muzaffarpur, 30 December 1921".

235 Ibid. 236 Ibid, "Copy of a Daily Confidential diary ofthe Superintendent of Police, Muzaffarpur, 9

January 1922". The rest of the para is based on this source. 237 Ibid. 238 Ibid. 239 Ibid.

102

enlisted themselves as volunteers in Sadar and 700 in Minapur.240 In Katra,

Mahua and other thanas also, a large number of people enlisted themselves as

volunteers. 241 In Hajipur, a large number of volunteers came from the mufassil.

Batches of volunteers patrolling the streets, singing national songs and reciting

fatwas were a common feature in Hajipur.242 The maximum agitation was in

Sitamarhi in the Muzaffarpur district. In Sitamarhi, a large number of people

came forward as volunteers to get arrested. They had lost all fear of the jail,

which was looked upon as a place of pilgrimage.243 In many villages in

Muzaffarpur district also, the volunteers took out processions shouting

"Gandhiji ki jai" and other slogans.244

During this phase, campaign against the planters also intensified. The

factories of the planters were picketted. People were prevented from working

for the planters. There were frequent demonstrations and slogan shouting

outside the planter's factories. 245 Brijnandan Sahi and Rajmangal Sahi led large

procession with "elephants, flags and swords" and passed Muraripur and

Thikaha factories telling the people that "swaraj had come and they were now

going to take over from the British".246 Great tension also prevailed outside the

Deoria factory, which was located in Paru.247 There was tension also around the

Bhagwanpur factory in Shewhar.248 On 4 January 1922, the Belsand factory was

240 Ibid. 241 Ibid. 242 Ibid, File no. 3/1922, "Report for the week ending 5 January, 1922". 243 Ibid. 244 Ibid. 245 Ibid; Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of January 1922, Govt. of India,

Home Department (Political), File no. 18/Jan/1922, NAI; Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 751/1922, NAI; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 643/1921.

246 Ibid; Ibid, File no. 3/1922, "Report for the week ending 5 January, 1922". 247 Ibid. 248 Ibid.

103

surrounded by a large crowd shouting "Gandhiji ki jai".249 Bowarrah factory

also faced demonstrations and slogan shouting. Meetings were held on the

grounds of Sursand Raj, defying the order of the factory. When the manager

sent peons to turn them back, the people refused to go and jeered at the

peons.250 The factory owners felt threatened by the form that the movement

took. Many of the factory owners also shifted their family members to the

town. Europeans and even many Indians, who had been loyal to the British,

expressed strong disappointment at the government for not taking strong

measures against the movement.251

Thus, in this phase too, when the movement intensified there were a

large number of demonstrations, which were more frequent in front of the

thanas, sub-deputy magistrate's quarter, munsif s quarter and the court

compound. The accused on trial often abused the Magistrate. On 23 December

1922, when alms were distributed to eight hundred beggars in the court

compound in Hajipur, some non-cooperators, headed by ex-Head Constable,

Ramdutta Singh, ex Sub-inspector of schools, Deep Narain Singh, national

thana sub-inspector, Madanmohan Sahay and the head master of the national

school, Bulaki Sahu, arrived in court carrying a swaraj flag and told the

beggars that it was haram to take alms from the government officials. Jails got

overcrowded with non-cooperators. The under-trials openly preached defiance

and insubordination to authority to their companions in jails. They ignored and

249 Ibid; Suresh Shanna, Benipuri Granthavali, Vol. IV, Delhi, 1998, p. 217. 250 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 643/1921

251 Ibid, File no. 3711922, "From Commissioner, Tirhut Division, to the Chief Secretary, 24 January 1922".

104

openly flouted jail wardens attempt to enforce order and discipline in the jail.

When the magistrate visited the jail, volunteers, instead of getting up to show

respect to him, deliberately remained seated as a mark of protest. The

Magistrate on his jail visit was often shouted at and insulted by the non-

cooperators. The sub-jail was described by local official as being in a ''state of

mutiny". Bajrang Sahay in his memoir described how the jail had become a site

of struggle for the nationalists. To quote him:

When the Superintendent of jail used to come in his weekly round, the head warden would shout 'sarkar salam' and the persons who sat in a row were expected to get up and salute the Superintendent. We refused to respond to this shout of 'sarkar salam'. When the Superintendent came close to the prisoners, each prisoner was expected to keep his left hand lifted and with the help of his right hand to show his teeth to the Superintendent (evidently to convince him that the prisoner was not using smuggled tobacco). This practice also we refused to observe. The Superintendent had some arguments with me on this points. He asked me why were we not responding to 'sarkar salam' I hande.d overmy history ticket to him and pointed out that I was jailed for spreading disaffection and hatred against the government, how could he then expect me to show respect to him in the name of that very government? I pointed out to him that if I were inclined to do that there was no need for me to be in jail. 252

This erosion of respect for authority, especially among the lower classes,

seemed to be the major concern of the govemment.253

Police was also another major target of attack.254 On 26 December 1921,

around 200 volunteers escorted by a large and noisy mob, carrying swaraj flags,

forced their way into the Sonbarsa thana compound in Sitamarhi. The volunteers

252 K.K.Datta Papers, "Statement ofBajrang Sahay-My Reminscences of the Freedom Movement in Bihar", Manuscript Section, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (hereafter, NMML), p. 23.

253 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no.58611921.

254 Ibid, File no. 311922, "Report for the week ending 5 January, I 922". The rest of the para is based on this source.

105

told the police to resign from government service. On 23 December 1921, 1 00

sevak dal volunteers paraded in front of the Hajipur police station hurling abuses

at the police and shouting "sarkar ki nokri kama haram hai". There was also a

confrontation between the police and these sevak dais. The sevak dais were

supported by 2,000 people. In another incident, around 300 volunteers came to

the Raghupur police station and told the sub-inspector that on 1 January 1922,

they would plant the swaraj flag in the compound and take possession of the

police station. In Mahua, the police faced insults and abuses from the volunteers.

The car of Muzaffarpur Superintendent of Police was attacked in Hajipur.

The strong hostility and frequent attacks on the police tended to

demoralize the police force and greatly undermined the prestige of the

government. The following letter of Muzaffarpur District Magistrate to

Inspector General of Police brings out his concern of constant erosion of British

hegemony:

In the past, the establishment has been able to meet the requirements of the district because of its great prestige and prestige of the government behind it. At the present moment, as the result of organized agitation against the police and against the government, the prestige has temporarily greatly diminished. The police have, therefore, now to rely on a show of strength where formerly prestige alone precluded opposition. The strengthening of the armed guard is unavoidably necessary. 255

The local officials did not look favourably at the withdrawal of the

notification under the Criminal Amendment Act. They feared that their base

was getting eroded. Expressing their anxiety, they said that even "the gentry

class and the leading men of dehat, who were their supporters, were wondering

m Ibid, File no. 58611921, "Copy of a note by the Commissioner of the Tirhut Division".

106

if they had backed a wrong horse by sticking to the government and were

seriously considering whether it was not advisable to become high priests of the

charkha cult as they had several times been asked to do. The influential gentry

·of Hajipur were sitting on the fence with one leg on each side". They felt that

arrests of non-cooperators under the Act had frightened them, and that if the

same policy had continued, it would have been very beneficial to the

government. 256

To uphold their prestige and strength, the government had to now rely

openly on military and police. This further exposed the alien and

unrepresentative character of British rule. In many places, military and

additional police force were posted.257 In Sitamarhi police station, a force of 50

additional armed police was posted and mounted military police was put on

patro: in Bagaha, Dhanaha, Lauria and Jogapati in the Champaran district. The

sqnad ·on of the 11/12th Cavalry dispatched from Meerut in December 1921

was ~1 ill in the Muzaffarpur district, and a company of the 5th Northumberland

Fusilit!rs came to Muzaffarpur town for winter training. Half a. squadron of the

cavalry was then "engaged in a route march through the Sitamarhi sub-

division". 258

The nationalist leaders did not approve of direct confrontation with

authority in the form of picketing of thanas and demonstrations outside' the

courts or police stations. They felt that direct confrontation with the British

----·---------256 Ibid, File no. 538/1921, "From the Chief Secretary, Bihar and Orissa, to the Secretary to the

Government oflndia, 10 December 1921 ". 257 Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 56, BSA.

258 Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 441/1921, NAI; Motherland, 23 June 1922.

107

authority would bring about official repressiOn. They wanted to restraint

volunteers from such activities.259 They sent telegraphic orders to Gaya, Hajipur

and Sitamarhi to stop picketing outside thanas. They warned that such a

confrontational attitude with the authority would alienate the moderate

elements. 260 The nationalist leaders made determined efforts to secure the

suppott of the moderates, and to rally popular opinion to their side in defence of

freedom of speech and the right of association for political purposes. 261 The

BPCC passed a resolution on 12 January, 1922 stating:

Volunteers are strictly prohibited from saying in a court or a thana that government service is forbidden (by religion), from reading the fatwa and making any sort of noise there. Volunteers are prohibited from carrying on any sort of picketing work or making noise outside these places. They are prohibited from assembling or crying loudly near any jail.262

These instructions were sent to all volunteer associations. In addition,

nationalist leaders also made attempts to enlist as volunteers men of a "better

type", who would give the government no grounds for arresting them otherwise

than as members of proclaimed associations. A set of rules was also drawn up

for the organization of volunteers where greatest emphasis was now laid on

non-violence.263

It was at this juncture, when the movement was gomg through an

intensive phase that an incident took place at Chauri Chaura in Gorakhpur

259 Searchlight, 11 January 1922; Motherland, 9, 12 January, 1922. 260 Ibid. 261 Searchlight, 11 January 1922. 262 Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for January 1922, Govt. of India, Home Department

(Political) File no.18/Jan/1922, NAI.

263 Searchlight 25 January, 1922; Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for January 1922, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 18/Jan/1922; Annual Administration Report of Bihar and Orissa, 1922, p.5.

108

district of U.P. on 5 February 1922, where members of a Non-Cooperation

procession massacred a group of policemen. Gandhi and the AICC reacted to

the massacre by calling off Non-Cooperation on the grounds that if it continued

extensive violence would result.264 The suspension of Non-Cooperation and

heavy police repression, which followed it, brought the movement to an end.

Thus, this chapter gives an overview of the Non-Cooperation Movement.

The movement stirred up feelings in many directions. In many areas, the

movement received stimulus from the Congress campaign, but it extended its

parameter beyond those of the Congress programme and took on a very local

colour from its surrounding, as it was shaped in each locality. The nature of the

movement was fluid, taking different shapes and forms in different regions,

picking up different issues in different areas. It received impetus from social

tensions, agrarian tensions, anti-indigo protest, and it also provided a vehicle

for the expression of a variety of discontents. In many areas, it brought forth

agrarian agitations. In north Bihar, the movement built up a strong campaign

against the planters. Thus, the movement unleashed a variety of protests. In

fact, once the desires and aspirations of the masses got· linked up with the

movement, it followed its own rhythm and dynamism, from time to time

throwing up different agendas, some national and some local. Though the

movement did not achieve its declared object of forcing the British to allow

Indians to govern themselves, it gave the apparatus of British rule a severe

shaking. It built up defiance in all directions. Institutions of British authority

264 Bipan Chandra, et. a!. India's Strugglefor Independence 1857-1947, New Delhi, 1988, p.191.

109

were challenged. The fear of the British institutions began to vanish. British

symbols of power came under attacks. Police came under frequent attacks. Jail,

an institution of authority, became a site of struggle. All this led to the erosion

of British hegemony. Officials constantly echoed regret as to how in the past

the establishment was able to meet the requirements of the districts because of

its and government's great prestige. The police had now to rely on a show of

strength where formerly prestige alone precluded opposition. This chapter may

be closed with the following quote of Rambriksha Benipuri, taken from his

Granthavali, which brings out the basic impact and character of the movement:

When I recall Non-Cooperation era of 1921, the image of a storm confronts my eyes. From the time I became aware, I have witnessed numerous movements, however, I can assert that no other movement upturned the foundations of Indian society to the extent that the Non-Cooperation Movement did. From the most humble huts to the high places, from villages to cities, everywhere there was a ferment, a loud echo.265

265 Suresh Sharma, Benipuri Granthavali, Vol. IV, N.Delhi, 1998, p. 38.

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