chapter three non-cooperation: contours of...
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CHAPTER THREE
Non-Cooperation: Contours of Popular Protest
This chapter examines the nature of protests in the planters' and tribals'
belt, demonstrating the manner in which anti-feudal aspirations converged with
nationalism during the Non-Cooperation Movement. The peasants, along with
indigo factory employees, united to fight against the planters. In some regions of
the tribal belt also, the protest sharpened. The movement in both the planters' and
tribal areas largely witnessed agrarian conflicts. Swaraj, also known as Gandhi
Raj, came to be seen as a regime where the peasants and tribals would have to pay
no rent, tax or haat dues, and also forest resources would be their own. The study
of the protest throws light on the popular perceptions of Indian nationalism and
the manner in which peasants and tribals translated the codes of the leaders on the
basis of their own world-views and experiences.
The first section of this chapter traces the nature of protest in the planters'
belt and the following section deals with the protest in the tribal belt. Both belts
had a strong tradition of protest. An attempt has been made to give an overview of
the nature of protest that preceded the Non-Cooperation Movement in both these
belts. This would enable an understanding of some of the issues that came to the
forefront during the Non-Cooperation Movement.
The Non-Cooperation Movement in the Planters' Belt of North Bihar
Position of Planters in Society
In order to understand the strong discontentment building up against the
planters, it is necessary to look at the position of the European planters in society,
their relationship with peasants and some of the peasants' grievances. By late
nineteenth century, the planters were well entrenched inthe northern belt of
Bihar. Around 200 to 300 members of the planters community were scattered
across north Bihar. Their largest concentration was in Champaran where they
held proprietary leases over half of the land. 1 In order to make adequate profit by
legitimate means, a planter had to be active both as a landlord and as a supervisor
of indigo production. The planters assumed zamindari rights as lessees acquiring
total control over the land. They entered into agreements with the Bettiah Raj, the
Hathwa Raj and the Darbhanga Raj, to act as lessees over substantial areas with
rights of rent collection from the tenants.2
Taking advantage of their landlordship, they forced each tenant to cultivate
indigo on three kat has of their best land, out of every twenty kat has of land. This
was known as tinkathia system.3 The successful cultivation of indigo also
demanded close supervision, involving greater intervention of the planter. As a
landlord, the planter had to ensure that all arable land was under cultivation and
his rights in trees, hides, fishing and other miscellaneous items were protected.4
The planters also depended on tenants for the supply of labour and for the
provision of carts and bullocks for transportation.5
The planters were an alien elite, predominantly Europeans, with few ties
with the local population. The planters often developed strong ties with the district
level officials because of their similar ethnic backgrounds, mutual support and
Girish Mishra, "Indigo Plantation and the Agrarian Relations in Champaran during the Nineteenth Century" in Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. III, No. 4, December 1966. F.R.Frankel, "Caste, Land and Dominance in Bihar", in F.R.Frankel and M.S.A. Rao, (eds.), Dominance and State Power in Modern lnida: Decline of a Social Order, p. 59 Stephen Henningham, Peasant Movements in Coloniallndia, pp. 38-39. Ibid. Ibid.
186
common social interests. Officials and planters mixed in social gatherings at the
club and on hunting expeaitions. Planters derived many benefits because of this
affinity.6 As compared to their numbers, they held a large number of seats in the
district boards. In Muzaffarpur, they held one out of every four of the presidencies
of the chaukidari unions.7 They had charge of cattle pounds and even got the
contract for the upkeep of roads within an area.8
Their status and position thus involved both political and economic
ramifications. In course of time, the planters or Gora Sahib emerged as an
important factor in the local area. The following account given to the Champaran
Agrarian Enquiry Committee by Raj Kumar Sukul, the man who got Gandhi to
visit Champaran, reveals the pervasive hold of the planters in the district:
There are 70 factories, including their branches in the district. Almost the whole of the district is in the hands of these factories. They are situated at a distance of 2 to 5 miles from each other. ... The factory sahibs do what they like. It does not appear that there is a Raj of the British Government.9
The nature of the terms and conditions and the high costs involved in
indigo production made its cultivation very unpopular amongst the peasants. 10
They were forced to grow indigo on their best land and at a low price. Besides, the
peasants had many other grievances. High rent was imposed upon them, and
9
10
C.M.Fisher, Incfigo Plantations and Agrarian Society in North Bihar in the 19th and early 2oth Centuries, Cambridge University, D.Phil thesis, 1976, pp. 55, 232. L.S.S.O'Malley, District Gazeteer, Muzaffarpur, 1907, p. 126. Searchlight, 31 December 1920, 22 September 1922; O'Malley, District. Gazeteer, Champaran, 1907, pp.1 08-11 Quoted in Papiya Ghosh, "Peasants, Planters and Gandhi: Champaran in 1917" in K.K.Sharma, et. al., Peasant Struggles in Bihar, Spontaneity to Organisation, Patna, 1994, p.98. This para is based on these sources, Girish Mishra, "Socio-Economic Background of Gandhi's Champaran Movement", in Indian Economic and Social History Review, Volume V, No. 3, September, 1968; Stephen Henningham, "The Social Setting of the Champaran Satyagraha:
187
peasants were under various kinds of threats and subjected to forced labour, that
is, begari. They were paid meagre or often no payment at all for this labour, in
addition to forcible realization of heavy fines. They also had to pay a number of
abwabs. The planters commanded the free use of carts and ploughs from
peasants. The peasants were also subjected to many kinds of tyrannies. The ami as
appointed by the planters for managerial assistance were also oppressive to the
peasants. Peasants who refused to grow indigo, pay fines, do forced labour for the
factories and pay abwabs were framed in false cases, dispossessed of their land,
boycotted by the service-castes and their cattle prevented from grazing. All this
led to a strong resentment amongst the peasants. They became increasingly
reluctant to grow indigo. As free market relations could not ensure its cultivation,
the planters resorted to extra-economic coercion. As lessees of proprietary rights,
the planters were in a position to force the peasants to grow indigo.
A de facto alliance emerged between the government, the administration,
the indigo planters and the big Indian landlords in the northern districts of Bihar. 11
The indigo planters also founded the Bihar Planter's Association to protect their
interests. 12 Officials regarded the planters as a useful bulwark of British rule. In
fact, the planters helped in the process of colonization at the grass root level in its
initial phase. They came to be regarded as an important symbol of British
power. 13
II
12
13
The Challenge to an Alien Elite", in Indian Economic and Social History Review, Volume XIII, No. I, Jan-March 1976. F.R.Frankel, "Caste, Land and Dominance in Bihar", in F.R.Frankel and M.S.A. Rao, (eds.), Dominance and State Power in Modern Inida, p. 66. Ibid, p.59.
P. K. Shukla, Indigo and the Raj: Peasant Protests in Bihar, 1780-1917, Delhi, 1993, p. 9.
188
Tradition of Protest Preceding the Non-Cooperation Movement
Till the late nineteenth century, peasant protests against the planters were
intermittent.14lt was only during 1905-8 that widespread resistance developed in
the Motihari-Bettiah region, affecting an area of 400 square miles. After this, a
section of the peasantry continued the struggle over the next decade through
petitions, court cases and making contacts with Congress leaders and journalists.
Local lawyers, Journalists and teachers highlighted peasants' grievances through
newspapers. They voiced their deplorable conditions in the Bihar Provincial
Conference, and pressed for an official enquiry by the Bihar and Orissa
Legislative Council. In addition, the peasants themselves presented a series of
petitions for relief to the District Magistrate of Champaran and the Divisional
Commissioner ofTirhut. But all these efforts were in vain. Finally, in response to
a resolution passed at the Lucknow session of the Indian National Congress in
1916, Gandhi travelled to Patna to personally investigate the causes of agrarian
umest in north. Bihar. His visit proved to be very significant. It did not merely
remain confined to an enquiry but took the form of an agitation against the
planters.
Gandhi's arrival in Champaran raised the hopes of many and sparked off a
number of rumours. These rumours were reflective of expected solutions to the
continuing peasant-planter conflicts. One of the rumours was that Gandhi was
especially appointed by the Viceroy in supercession of local officials to redress
14 This para is based on these sources, Girish Mishra, Agrarian Problems of Permanent Settlement-A Case Study of Champaran, N.Delhi, 1974; J.Pouchepadass, "Local Leaders and the intelligentsia in the Champaran Satyagraha (1917): A Study in Peasant Mobilization", in Contributions to Indian Sociology, New Series, No. 8, November 1978.
189
peasants' gnevances against the planters. Gandhi was visualize~ as the "nay a
malik" and "ishwar ka avtar", sent to free Bharat Mata from the whites. 15 In the
context of long standing grievances against the planters, Gandhi's presence
generated visions of an early millennium. A peasant compared Gandhi to
Ramchandra and declared before the enquiry committee that "the tenant would
not fear the Rakshasa-planters now that Gandhi was there". 16 Peasants widely
I
believed that Gandhi rrmst have been a "bhagwan" to have challenged· the
administration and the planters and to have got the support of the "barka vakil
log", who till then had listened to their grievances only in return for high fees. 17
Before the coming of Gandhi, the peasants were so demoralised that they did not
dare to make any complaint to the Magistrate or give evidence against the indigo
planters. But the presence of Gandhi in Champaran heartened the peasants and
made them fearless. They turned up in large numbers to record their statements
against the planters. Around 25,000 peasants gave evidence. There was hardly a
single planter 'whose peasants did not come in hundreds before the Enquiry
Commission to give evidence. 18
The entire district was determined to disobey the planters, and peasants
believed that they had the sanction of Gandhi. 19 They said that Gandhi had
15
16
17
18
19
B.B.Mishra, (ed.), Select Documents on Mahatma Gandhi's Movement in Champaran, 1917-19, Patna, 1963, p.90. Rajiv Nain Prasad, "The Champaran Satyagraha", in P.N.Ojha, (ed.), History of the Indian National Congress in Bihar, pp.161-162. Papiya Ghosh, "Peasants, Planters and Gandhi: Champaran in 1917" in K.K.Sharma, et. al., Peasant Struggles in Bihar, Spontaneity to Organisation, p. 99. Rajiv Nain Prasad, "The Champaran Satyagraha", in P.N.Ojha, (ed.), History of the Indian National Congress in Bihar, pp. 163-164.
Papiya Ghosh, "Peasants, Planters and Gandhi: Champaran in 1917" in K.K.Sharma, et. al., Peasant Struggles in Bihar, Spontaneity to Organisation, pp. 99-102. This entire para is based on this source.
190
ordered them not to grow indigo. In many places, they withheld paying rent.
Cattle were boldly led to graze on indigo lands. Trees were cut and sold in
defiance of the proprietary rights of planters. The haat settlements of the planters
were challenged. The peasants even took possession of the wasteland by
asserting that Gandhi had ordered free grazing. There had been long standing
grievances over these wastelands, which were enclosed and cornered by the
planters for cultivation. There were even a few attacks on indigo factories and
cases of "incendiarism".
The anti-planter protest in Champaran in 1917-19 marked the high point of
a series of protests, which occurred intermittently during the preceding decades.
The Champaran agitation pressurized the British administration to intervene and
enact the Champaran Agrarian Act. This Act outlawed the tinkathid system,
reduced the rents, which was raised in lieu of indigo cultivation, and enforced the
return to peasants of money taken in exchange for their release from the
obligation to grow indigo. Though this legislation did not provide lasting
solutions, it quietened the unrest to a certain extent by giving peasants some
concessions. 20
However, the dissidence continued because many planters responded to the
legislation by seeking new means to extract income from their peasants. In doing
so, they took advantage of their status as long-term lessees of proprietary rights,
which endowed them with a wide range of rights and privileges, some of which
they had not previously bothered to exercise. One of these relatively neglected
20 Stephen Henningham, Peasant Movements in Colonial India, p. 49.
191
rights was their proprietary control over much of the wasteland, which the
peasants used for grazing. The planters also began taking advantage of the rights
they possessed as landlords to appropriate timber, hides and extra rent payment
for land on which houses were built. The peasants at times had entitlements, but
to prove this, they had to engage in lengthy and costly litigation. In addition, the
planters could levy extra-income by imposing abwabs)l Throughout 1918 and
1919, many peasants of Champaran displayed their dissatisfaction with the Act.
They delayed the payment of rents and refused to cooperate with the officials,
who were finalizing the survey and settlement operation in the district. They used
Gandhi's name to rally support. 22 In March 1919, in the Gobindganj thana, three
activists, who returned from the Congress session in Delhi, told the peasants that
Gandhi had given instructions that rent was not to be paid. They also said that
Gandhi had even promised to visit their area in the near future. 23 Thus, in the
ensuing months, anti-planter feeling continued to simmer in Champaran, and also
expressed itself in other parts of north Bihar, where the new legislation did not
apply. It was again during the Non-Cooperation Movement that the struggle
against the planters came to the forefront sharply.
Anti-Planters Protest during the Non-Cooperation Movement
The atmosphere of defiance built up by the Non-Cooperation Movement
generated hostililty against the planters, giving a fillip to the peasants' protest.
The planters in north Bihar were mainly concentrated in three districts -
Muzaffarpur, Champaran and Purnea. The local non-cooperators in these
21
22
23
Ibid, pp. 49-50; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 159/1922. Stephen Henningham, Peasant Movements in Colonial India, p. 50. Bihar and Orissa Police Abstract of Intelligence, 7 March 1919.
192
districts took a leading role in this protest. During the Non-Cooperation
campaign, the local leaders primarily addressed peasants' problems against their
planters. There was a convergence between local pressures and the national
movement. The protest assumed varied forms, adapting to the local situation and
needs. These forms ranged from the sending of petitions, organization of
demonstrations, boycott of factories, non-paymemt of rent, boycott of planters'
haats and setting up of alternative haats. Occasionally, the protest took on a
violent form, and in some cases, the villagers even resorted to "arson". This
section discusses the protest against the planters in different districts of north
Bihar.
Muzaffarpur
Most of the factories in this district faced problems. Many factory
employees and contract labourers went on strike in January 1921. They demanded
higher wages and even threatened to leave the service if their wages were not
hiked.24 The Belwa factory manager, Mr. Aman, faced labour boycott.25
The planter of Motipur factory also faced tension.26 This factory was
located in Bariarpur, which was very active in the Non-Cooperation Movement.
Raghunath Gir, a mahanth, Jhapo Rai and Kishun Rai were the local leaders of the
Non-Cooperation Movement. A Non-Cooperation Sabha was formed. Raghunath
Gir was the president of the sabha and Jhapo Rai was its secretary. Many other
24
25
26
Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 12/1921, "Fortnightly Confidential Report-To Commissioner Tirhut Division, II January 1921 ". Ibid.
This para and the following para is based on Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 462/1921, "From DIG of Police, C.I.D., Bihar and Orissa, to Chief Secretary, dated 23/2/1922-A copy of the Judgement". ·
193
villagers enlisted themselves as volunteers. Most of the villagers' sympathy had
also turned in favour of the movement. "Lecturers" and "preachers" were invited
to speak on Non-Cooperation. The local leaders, in their campaign, primarily
addressed peasants' grievances against the planters. In their campaign, they
projected swaraj as a goal where all the problems of the villagers would be solved.
Raghunath Gir promised the villagers that once swaraj was declared, he would
become the !Ieadman at Bariarpur and divide up the factory land amongst them.
He also said that villagers under swaraj would have to pay only two paisa per
bigha to the government annually. The non-cooperators dissuaded the tenants
from paying rent and providing labour or carts for factory work. Factory servants
and labourers were also dissuaded from working in the factory. Those who did not
give up factory work were threatened with social boycott. The non-cooperators
tried to pressurize the two factory tokedars, that is, factory functionaries,
Ramdhari Rai and Bahari Rai, to leave the service, but when they refused, they
were boycotted. Even washermen and barbers stopped working for them.
Raghunath Gir even joined the factory to influence these two tokedars. He
ultimately succeeded in pressurizing them to join the movement. Gradually, most
of the servants of the factory came under the influence of the movement. The
whole taluka combined forces against the factory. No carts, coolies and ploughs
were available to the factory. No labourers were available for work. The tenants
stopped paying rents. The arrears of rent amounted to Rs1200/-. A large number
of factory workers left service and joined the movement. Most of these workers
belonged to lower caste. Factory faced shortage of workers. It appointed new
peons, Ram Charan Pande and Rajdeo Rai. The appointment of these new peons
194
in the factory led to a strong conflict in August 1921. These new peons were sent
to Bariarpur Taluka to collect rent arrears from the tenants, but when they reached
pahar chak, where Mahanth Raghunath Gir had his math, they were forcibly
detained in the math. A large crowd assembled. The peons were abused and
beaten to death for serving the factory.
The Belsand factory in Muzaffarpur also faced resistance from its
tenants. 27 This factory had more then 1,000 big has of land under the tinkathia
system in Muzaffarpur district. The tenants of this factory were not happy with
the terms and conditions for growing indigo. They were paid very low rates for the
use of their carts and labour. Criminal cases were often instituted against them
when they complained against the factory. They gave a petition to the Governor
in August 1921 highlighting their problems but it was not heeded. 28
In another factory, Karnoul indigo factory, tension, which had been
brewing up for some time, erupted into violence in August 1921, when a group of
tenants, including local leaders of the Non-Cooperation Movement, assembled at
the factory and threatened to assault the factory amlas. 29
In January 1922, when the Non-Cooperation Movement was at its peak the
campaign against the planters also intensified. Most of the factories faced
hostility. Volunteers in large numbers organized demonstrations against the
factories and shouted slogans.30 On 4 January 1922, a large crowd surrounded the
27 Searchlight, 19 August 1921. 28 Ibid. 29 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 93/1921, "Tirhut FR (1), August 1921 ". 30 Ibid; Home Department (Political), File no. 75/1922, NAI.
195
Belsand factory shouting "Gandhiji Ki Jai".31 In the same month, on one evening,
around a thousand men surrounded the factory of Mia Chapra in the Patepur thana
in Muzaffarpur shouting "Gandhiji Ki Jai". The owner of the factory took refuge
with his family inside the bungalow. The crowd demonstrated for some time and
before dispersing destroyed a considerable amount of the factory's sugar crop.
"The ring leaders" of the crowd were prosecuted under sections 143 and 379
I.P.C. In retaliation against this prosecution, the villagers picketed the factory,
boycotted the factory manager and forbade his servants to work for him.32 The
Shahpur Maricha factory in Muzzafarpur also faced a boycott in January 1922.
This factory was owned by Shyamnandan Sahay and managed by Captain Harvey.
The villagers had not been paying their chaukidari taxes. Shyamnandan Sahay,
who was also the president of the chaukidari union, issued warrants against them.
In retaliation, the villagers boycotted the factory. They tried to pressurize the
factory amlas from not working in the factory and even attempted to stop the
postmen from making deliveries to the factory. 33
Thus, the intensification of Non-Cooperation Movement in Muzaffarpur
increased the militancy of the peasants. "Gandhi ki jai" became an important
rallying cry for the peasants emboldening them to strike against planters. The
movement in this area most often overstepped Gandhian parameters and took a
violent form.
31
32
33
Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 311922, "Report for the week ending 5 January 1922". Ibid, File no. 37/1922, "From Commissioner, Tirhut Division, to Chief Secretary, 24 June 1922"; Ibid, File no. 3/1922, "Report for the week ending 5 January 1922". Ibid.
196
Champaran
The factories in this district also faced resistance. It has already been
pointed out that there was a strong tradition of protest against the planters in this
district. The Non-Cooperation Movement also took a strong hold in Champaran
district, especially in the villages of Madhubani and Bagaha where most of the
factories were located.34 As in Muzaffarpur, the Non-Cooperation Movement in
this district too gave a fillip to the peasants' struggle against the planters. In this
district too, during the Non-Cooperation campaign, the local leaders primarily
addressed peasants' grievances against the planters. Swaraj raised people's hope
that their grievances against the planters would soon be redressed, inspiring them
to struggle against the planters.35
Resistance against the planters intensified in many places in January 1921.
The labourers of the Sirha factory went on strike. The factory could only settle the
strike by granting higher wages to the labourers.36 In the Patahi factory, the Non-
Cooperation Sabha members approached the amlas and asked them to leave the
service of the factory. In Padumkair, the personal and factory servants of the
planter demanded higher wages. The non-cooperators approached the tokedar of
Byre factory asking him to leave service. Mr. Holthum of Loheria factory reported
to the government that his factory servants were threatened. Many factory
employees, who did not leave service, were threatened with social boycott.
34
35
36
Ibid, File no. 287/1921, "Copy of demi-official letter dated 21 June 1921 from the Superintendent of Police, Champaran, to the I" Assistant to the D.I.G. of Police, Crime and Railways". Ibid. This whole para is based on the source Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 12/1921, "To Commissioner Tirhut Division, Fortnightly Confidential Report, 11 January 1921 ".
197
Tension between the peasants and planters also built up in June 1921 in the
Piprasi factory in Madhubani, another stronghold of the Non-Cooperation
Movement.37 The local leaders in Madhubani primarily campaigned against the
planters. One of the local leaders, Baiju Gir, played an active role in this
campaign. Tension, which had been brewing up for some time over the cattle
grazing right, took a violent form in June 1921. There was trouble when a factory
peon found around 1 00 cattle of a tenant grazing on an uncultivated tract, which
the factory claimed was theirs. With the help of two other factory am! as, the peon
attempted to move the cattle off to the pound. They had succeeded in getting half
the cattle into the pound, when 100 villagers, under the leadership of Baiju Gir,
attacked them. The villagers beat the peon with lathis and left him lying
unconscious. The other amlas fled and villagers released their cattle. They also
burnt down the living quarters of the amla. The police official, without
specifically pinning down the Congress leaders, held the Non-Cooperation
Movement responsible for unleashing forces leading to the protest. According to
the police official, "Baiju Gir, who was the leader of this village, was not likely to
have countenanced anything more than the rescue of the cattle but would have
been quite unable to have controlled the crowd once they began to do so". Thus,
the militant mood of the peasants can be see!). in the context of their translating the
Non-Cooperation Movement into defiance against their exploiters.
37 Ibid, File no. 28711921, "Copy of demi-official letter dated 21 June 1921 from the Superintendent of Police, Champaran, to the ! 51 Assistant to the D.I.G. of Police, Crime and Railways". The rest of the para is based on this source.
198
There was also tension in Dhanaha, another strong belt of Non-
Cooperation Movement, in June 1921.38 The tenants of Mackinnon, a planter in
Dhanaha, refused to supply him with carts and labour.39 The planter asked for a
police patrol to threaten the tenants. A force of mounted troopers, accompanied
by Mackinnon and two of his am/as, marched through the villages in Dhanaha.
While patrolling, some of the policemen, encouraged by the am/as, looted goods
and money from the villagers' houses. A large crowd of villagers immediately
surrounded them and showered them with clods of earth. They jostled the factory
am/as and did not disperse until the police returned their stolen goods.40
A serious situation arose in the Chauterwa factory in Novemeber 1921.
This factory was located in the north-west of Champaran.41 At 7 a.m., on the
morning of 1 November 1921, a crowd gathered a few hundred yards away from
the Chauterwa Factory and shouting "Gandhi ki jai" marched past the main
buildings of the factory and surrounded the houses of am/as. On seeing the hostile
attitude of the crowd, the factory am/as got inside their houses and locked their
doors. The crowds came up and battered at the windows and doors calling out to
the am/as. When the am/as did not come out, they set fire to their buildings. When
38
39
40
41
Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of June 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 64/June/1921, NAI; Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of January 1922, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 18/Jan/1922, NAI: Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 3/1922, "Report for the week ending 5'h January 1922". Searchlight, 23 June 1921; Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of June 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 64/June/1921, NAI. Searchlight, 18 January, 29 January 1922. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 3/1922, "Report for the week ending 5 January -1922"; Searchlight, 15 January 1922; Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of January 1922, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 18/Jan/1922, NAI.
Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of November 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 18/Nov/ 1921, NAI.
199
the am/as eventually came out, they were attacked. An old servant of the factory,
Jamuna Lal, was very severely beaten up. The crowd first attacked the head
amla 's house, then the sugar factory, grain godowns, the cutchery, small
bungalow and, finally, the big bungalow. The head am/a Kali Singh was the first
object of the attack. The crowd knew that he was inside his house and therefore
got very enraged when he did not come out. The crowd was further encouraged at
the ease with which it got entry into the factory. Eight to ten houses and sheds
were completely burnt down and only a few small sheds and the cookhouse of the
bungalow were left standing. The damage amounted to over one lakh of rupees.
The servants of the bungalow fled as soon as the factory was attacked. The local
head panch, with some of the villagers and three chaukidars, tried to stop the
crowd but did not succeed. In the initial phase ofthe attack, there were 150 to 200
men, who came from Patilar and Lagunaha villages. The crowd gradually
increased to 5,000 people. Many of them came from the neighbouring villages.
Poor peasants mostly belonging to lower castes played a significant part in the
"riot" .42
The protest against this factory was a direct outcome of the long
simmering grievances ofthe peasants against the planters.43 The Non-Cooperation
agitation precipitated the situation. For some time, there had been tension between
the planters and the tenants over the cattle grazing issue. The tenants persistently
42
43
Searchlight, 9 November 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 53911921, "Situation in Champaran upto 9.11.21 and S.R. 29 dated the 2"d November 1921, Report IICopy forwarded to Chief Secretary, D.I.G, C.I.D, dated 8 November 1921"; Govt of India, Home Department Political File no.35711921, NAI; Motherland, 8, 15 November 1921.
Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 53911921, "Special Report case no. 29, dated 19 November 1921, S.P., Champaran". The rest of the para is based on this source.
200
grazed their cattle on land which the planters claimed were their reserve. The
tenants beat a factory guard, who had tried to impound cattle grazing on the land,
which the factory claimed was their reserve. Case was instituted against these
tenants. Tenants of this factory also had resentment against the amlas, particularly
the head amla Kali Singh, who was very oppressive. There was also strong
resentment against the appointment of some magahiya domes as chaukidars. The
magahiya domes were appointed to deal with the growing tension and to keep the
cattle off the lands that belonged to the factory. The Non-Cooperation Movement
also gave fillip to the unrest. In the large number of Non-Cooperation meetings
held in the villages, the local leaders primarily addressed the peasants grievances
against the planters. In these meetings, it was decided that the villagers should
retaliate against the appointment of magahiya domes as chaukidars. The peasants
even tried to pressurize the labourers and the factory servants to boycott the
factory.
The burning of the Chauterwa factory created considerable tension in the
surrounding areas. Rumours of impending attacks on other indigo factories spread.
There were minor cases of arson in a couple of other factories. 44 The text of a
telegram of the Tirhut Commissioner to the Chief Secretary on 28 November
underscores the fear which gripped local officials after the Chauterwa incident:
44
The state of feeling in the district is very tense and excited, and defiance of authority, contempt of government and its servants and attack on property are on the increase. Haats are still a source of anxiety and the D.M. has had to apply for the quartering of the additional police at Gorasahan haats, owing to the continuance of dispute over haats tax. Acts of incendiaries against the factories constitute a very unpleasant feature of the situation. On the evening
Ibid.
201
of the 22"d · Narainpore, one factory in the Bagaha elaka was set on fire by some persons unknown and so far no information has been obtained. On the night of the 241
\ a straw shed in the compound of the Sirkiah factory (Lauria thana), about seven miles south east of Chauterwa, was burnt. This makes it the fourth case of secret incendiarism reported during the month. Illegal grazing of the factory Rakhawats on an extensive scale is becoming a general practice.45
The planters considered these activities as open defiance of law and order
and wondered why the government did not take any action. A deputation of
planters met the Tirhut Commissioner expressing their apprehension. They asked
whether the government would keep silent until some more factories were burnt
and wiped out.46 Fifty Mounted Police were posted at Bagaha. They marched
through the villages of Patilar and Madhubani. District Magistrate gave ~m order
that a sum of three lakh was to be realised from villagers as compensation for
burning and providing security for 18 months. The order was that those who had
paid most for Tilak Swaraj Fund and Khilafat Fund would have to pay a sum
proportionate to it to the planter.47 However, the police, ~ho came to conduct an
investigation against the "rioters", did not get any cooperation from the local
people.48
The Chauterwa incident is an example of the popular translation of
nationalism. The movement did not remain confined to the parameters of strict
non-violence as laid down by the Congress. The district Congress leaders of
Bettiah strongly disapproved of violent action. In fact, immediately after the
Chauterwa incident, the Congress leaders rushed to the factory and warned the
45
46
47
48
Ibid. Ibid. "Copy of letter no. 4354 C, dated 201
h November I 92 I, from the Chief Secretary, Bihar and Orissa, to the Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department". Searchlight, 9 December 192 I. Home Department (Political) File no. 357/1921, NAI.
202
villagers against such "indiscreet and hasty acts".49 They tried to emphasize that
the success of the movement would depend on following total non-violent path. 50
Dip Narayan Singh, who presided over the District Congress Committee meeting
held at Bettiah on 12 November, highlighted the need for a non-violent path. 51
In this district, many haats owned or leased by the European planters were
boycotted in Kessaria, Gobindganj, Segauli and Ghorasahan in October 1921. In
place of these, alternative haats were established in the vicinity. 52 This action was
a direct challenge to the planters. The regular haats, which were held on the lands
owned by the planters, were a regular source of income to the planters. The
planters levied fees from those merchants and vendors, who offered goods for
sale at these haats. The setting up of rival haats attacked this source of income of
the planters. 53 In the new haats, the merchants had to pay lower amounts and
sometimes no fee at all. Merchants, who did not abide, were socially boycotted.54
The boycott of the haats was carried out by local initiative, where the local non-
cooperators were very active. The district Congress leaders were not involved in
it. In fact, they wanted to disassociate themselves from such activities. They
disclaimed any role in the boycott and establishment of rival haats. Debi Lal Sao
49
50
51
52
53
54
Searchlight, 9 November 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 54111921, "Champaran Political Conference, Successful Session at Bettiah". Searchlight, 9 November 1921. Ibid, 20 November 1921; Political Special File no. 54111921, "Champaran Political Conference, Successful Session at Bettiah"; Ibid, File no. 539/1921, "Copy of Report dated 4'h/5'h November 1921, from the S.P. Champaran". Searchlight, 9 November 1921; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File nos. 93/1921 and 534/1921. Searchlight, 9 November 1921. Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 93/1921.
203
and other Non-Cooperation leaders even went to Gobindpur and tried to dissuade
people from establishing haats on the new site but failed in their attempt.55
Pumea
In Pumea district too, the peasants had been struggling against the
planters. 56 There was an agitation against the Shillingford brothers, who were
owners of the indigo factory. In common with other districts, the tenants of this
indigo factory, too, were dissatisfied with the terms and conditions under which
they had to grow indigo. The villagers were burdened with different kinds of
abwabs. The tenants had to pay fees for permission to dig wells on their lands, pay
tax on the sale of grain, pay fees at the time of marriage, etc.
During the Non-Cooperation Movement, a strong campaign built up
against the Shillingfords in April and May 1921. There was a total boycott of the
factory. The peasants stopped growing indigo and paying rent and brought the
factory to a halt. For a short time, even the personal servants of the Shillingford
brothers stopped working for them. 57 The District Officer of Pumea tried to point
out that it was not so much the anti-European propaganda as the exploitation of
the planters that led to the tenants' protest. The account of the Bhagalpur
Commissioner highlights this aspect:
55
56
57
There is definitely a certain amount of anti-European propaganda connected with the movement as in other districts, but it is not very pronounced or deep and has not found open expression except in the case of the Shillingfords and Mr.Thomas of Kolassi factory. As regards these gentlemen, my information from both Europeans and Indians is that it is chiefly their own fault. They are unsympathetic landlords who have been treating their tenants harshly and exacting
Ibid, File nos. 93/1921 and 53411921. Ibid, File no. 184/1921, "Bhagalpur Commissioner to Chief Secretary, I June 1921". This para and the following two paras are based on this source. Ibid.
204
numerous illegal abwabs. The peasants have been subjected to an extraordinary number and variety of illegal exactions and disabilities. The tenants are absolutely determined not to grow indigo for the Shillingfords apparently because the terms are hard and they are subjected to a lot of oppression. This is clear from the fact that another indigo planter, Mr. Crow, is having no trouble whatever with his tenants. Mr. Forbes, the biggest European zamindar in the district, is also not having any trouble. The same may be said of a small zamindar named Mr. Pyne in Araria. 58
There is an attempt in official account to underplay anti-government feeling.
However, one cannot overlook the influence of Non-Cooperation Movement in
sharpening anti-planters protest. There is no doubt that the planters' exploitation
provided the basis of protest but the mood of defiance which the Non-Cooperation
Movement built up made the tenants more rebellious. Swaraj raised people's
expectations. Gandhi Raj came to mean that peasants would be free from all kinds
of exploitation by the planters. 59
Around 500 tenants met the District Magistrate in May 1921 to apprise
him of their grievances. The District Magistrate heard the grievances of both the
tenants and the factory owners and tried to negotiate a compromise between them.
The Shillingford brothers had to accept many of the demands of the tenants. There
was a reduction in pasture fee, homestead rent, interest on arrears of rent and in
nazrana paid for getting permission to dig wells. Certain taxes like marriage tax
and tax on sale of grain and cattle were remitted. Tenants were free to build
dwelling houses on their land. Tenants were also free to plant trees and bamboo
clumps, gather honey, grow lac, etc., on their land. Indigo no longer had to be
compulsorily grown. Rents would not be increased any more. Once the settlement
58
59 Ibid. Ibid.
205
took place, the tenants made payment of their rents and ended the boycott of the
factory. 60
Erosion of Planters' Hegemony
Thus, during the Non-Cooperation Movement, the planters faced a series
of attacks in north Bihar. Their employees and labourers went on stike
demanding higher wages, tenants did not pay rents and, in many places, they
stopped providing carts, coolies and ploughs to the planters. In many places, the
haats of the planters were also boycotted. Many factories faced complete
boycott. The factory in Purnea, as discussed above, was one such example where
the tenants stopped growing indigo, paying rent and brought the factory market to
a halt. Even the personal servants stopped working for the planters. Thus, the
protest against the planters acquired a broad base, involving a wide cross-section
of peasants. An increasing solidarity of the poorer sections of villagers was
visible in many protests. Many peasants came from the lower caste background.
In certain villages, the peasants built up such solidarity amongst themselves that
even servants of factories, armed with lath is, did not dare to confront them.
In most cases, the local leaders of the Non-Cooperation Movement were in
the forefront of the agitation. They primarily addressed peasants grievances in the
Non-Cooperation campaign. The Chauterwa incident brings to light how the
movement at the local level took shape and did not remain confined to the
parameters laid down by the Congress. It was an example of the popular
translation of nationalism. The aspirations and desires of the masses got linked up
with the Non-Cooperation Movement. The movement derived its organizational
60 Ibid, "District Magistrate to Commissioner, Bhagaipur Division, 30 May I 92 I".
206
strength from the peasant sabhas and seva samitis. Social boycott was used
against those not joining the movement. Since the protest mainly derived its
strength from organizations, such as sabhas and seva samitis, and social boycott,
it became very difficult for the planters to take action against them.
The movement weakened the hold of the planters over the peasantry. After
these protests, the planters could not regain their old position. Their initial
confidence broke down as they became vulnerable to attack. The movemen.t
brought about a distinct erosion of their hegemony. In the past, they felt secure
because of the "prestige of the Saheb, their wielding of considerable local power
and local beliefs that their interests were the special care of government and local
officials and the goodwill of their Indian neighbours".61 But, with the changing
circumstances, the planters now pointed out the dangers "to which a small and
scattered European population was exposed to, isolated as they were amidst a
vast Indian population, amongst whom the doctrine of race hatred was being
constantly inculcated".62 A delegation of the Champaran Branch of the Bihar
Planter's Association and the Muzaffarpur Branch of the European Association
met the Governor on 22 January 1921 and drew his attention to the threat posed
by the movement.63 The delegation expressed concern over the the impunity with
which an agitation directed against the very basis of government had been
allowed to be carried on and the widespread umest and uneasiness caused by the
apparent inaction of government in the face of the open preaching of sedition.
61
62
63
Ibid, File no. 1211921, "Commissioner, Tirhut Division, to Chief Secretary, 20 January 1921". Ibid, File no. 40/1921, "Planters Association and European Association meeting with his Excellency on 22"d January 1921 ".
Searchlight, 28 January 1921.
207
They were also expressing strong disappointment as to why the government was
not taking strong measures against the movement. They asked the government to
take measures to suppress lawlessness and intimidation, so as to bring it home to
the local leaders and the people that they were under the notice of the
government, and that the government had not abdicated its function but was
prepared to enforce its will, and would not allow the suffering to proceed
unchecked.64
The planters increasingly became aware that they did not any longer enjoy
the government support that they had taken for granted. The following exchange
between the planters and the Governor indicates to some extent the denial of
special support by the government. When the planters delegates met the
Governor and expressed their anxiety against such attacks on them, the Governor
told them that they were not the only special target. He said that the movement
was not solely directed against the Europeans but against the enitre propertied
classes, including the Indian zamindars. When theTirhut Commissioner pointed
out that the movement in his division was more particularly directed against the
European community, the Governor replied that this might be the case in
Champaran where tension against the planters were not yet completely resolved.
However, the Governor reiterated that the movement was not confined to one
divison or even to one province but extended over the whole of lndia.65 Thus, the
kind of support and assurance, which the planters expected, was not very forth
coming from the government. In fact, even before the beginning of the Non-
64
65
Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 40/1921, "Planters Association and European Association meeting with his Excellency on 22"d January 1921 ". Ibid.
208
Cooperation Movement, a shift was noticeable in official attitude towards the
planters. In the initial phase of colonialization, planters were regarded as a useful
bulwark of British rule. However, by the mid-nineteenth century, the planters
were no more proving to be a valuable support of imperial rule. By 1860, the
predatory phase of British rule in India came to an end. Most of the important
strategic annexations had been made. Colonialism had by then found its social
base in an Indian neo-feudal class.66 For the consolidation of Britain's power base
in India, it was essential that the government should acquire the image of a well-
run concern based on legality, order and responsibility. In this process, the indigo
planters were no longer of any help. On the contrary, they were an
embarrassment. The planters behaved as if they were above the law, flouted it
whenever it suited them and openly subverted its processes. Their private armies
weakened the standing of the official law and order at the local level. Their
indulgence in torture, murder, rape and arson made the Indians question the
superiority of the white man's religion, civilization and morality. The long-term
interests of the Raj, therefore, demanded that the planters be disciplined. To the
extent that this perspective was not yet clear to many, if not most, of the junior
European officials, they could still be seen to act in collusion with the planters.
But at the higher levels of authority the planters were often regarded with
contempt, although pro-planter pressure groups did succeed from time to time in
influencing the government.67 Local officials, in many cases in Bihar,
acknowledged that the grievances of the tenants were genuine and that the
66
67
Ranajit Guha, "Neel Darpan: The Image of a Peasant Revolt in a Liberal Mirror" in David Hardiman, (ed.), Peasant Resistance in India /858-1914, Delhi, 1992, p.73. Ibid, pp. 73-74.
209
planters were exploitative. Pumea District Magistrate accepted that it was the
exploitation of the planters which brought forth tenants struggle against the
planters. He even tried to intervene between the planters and tenants and forced
the planters to give certain concessions to the tenants.68
The Non-Cooperation Movement in the Tribal Belt
This section discusses the nature of the Non-Cooperation Movement in the
tribal belt. The impact of the movement was felt in some areas of Ran chi, amongst
the Tana Bhagats, Kolhan, amongst the Hos, the Santhal Paragana and Palamau,
amongst the Kherwars and Cheros. The impact of colonial rule in the tribal belt
will be examined in the beginning. The later sections brings out the spread of the
Non-Cooperation Movement in different areas and the relationship of the tribals
with the national movement. The Non-Cooperation Movement precipitated to a
climax some of the issues over which the tribals had been agitating for long. The
study of the national movement in the tribal belt would also provide an insight
into the popular perception of nationalism. Before dealing with the nature of tribal
protest in different areas, it would be interesting to examine the impact of colonial
rule in the concerned areas and the tensions prevailing prior to the emergence of
the Non-Cooperation Movement.
68 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 184/1921, "Bhagalpur Commissioner to Chief Secretary, I June 1921 ".
210
General Impact of Colonial Rule in Tribal Belt22
Chotanagpur was for the first time brought under direct political authority
by the British. Even the Mughals were not able to establish direct political
authority, when Chotanagpur was under their control. The advent of the British
was marked by socio-economic changes in this region. The primary interest of the
British was collection of land revenue. They introduced a permanent legal and
administrative structure to ensure regular and uninterrupted collection of land
revenue. The settlement operations were introduced in the unsurveyed tribal
regions and the concept of private property in land was grafted ontq the tribal
system. Rent was introduced. The grafting of colonial law and political control on
an indigenous tribal society generated differentiation not known before in their
society. A new class of intermediaries, zamindars and jagirdars, also came up
who were entrusted with the collection of rent and administrative functions. The
immigrant landlords were recognized as the real owners of the tribal land on
ground of prescription.
These changes introduced an economy based on market forces. Land
became saleable. The influx of money economy resulted in the breakdown of the
traditional system of land control. The increasing burden of rent also led to
growing indebtedness, land alienation and the destruction of traditional agrarian
relations. The demand for money brought a host of moneylenders and traders into
the region. Land gradually passed from the hands of the tribals to these outsiders.
69 This section is based on these sources, Sajal Basu, Jharkhand Movement, Ethnicity and Culture of Silence, Simla, 1994; K.S.Singh, Birsa Munda and his Movement, 1874-1901: A Study of Millenarian Movement in Chotanagpur, Calcutta, 1983; Victor Das, JharkhandCastle Over the Graves, N.Delhi, 1992.
211
The latter squeezed as much as they could from their tenants in the form of rents
and salamis. These outsiders were disdainfully called dikus by the tribals. The
dikus in collaboration with corrupt government officials disrupted the eco-cultural
balance, communitarian values and culture prevailing in the area. Their
oppression, greed and cunningness led to the economic and political
marginalization of the tribals. The dikus came to be hailed as the natural enemy of
all tribal people. In folklore and popular consciousness, the dikus were variously
described as looters, troublemakers and deceivers.
The tribals were also deprived of their traditional control of forest
resources. The forests began to be controlled and commercially exploited by the
government. The tribals deeply resented the curtailment of their rights over the
forest and its surrounding areas. They depended on these for their supply of fuel,
construction of homes, manufacture of ploughs and other agricultural implements.
The areas on the periphery of the forests served as a natural pasture for their
livestock.
Thus, one finds that colonial rule greatly curtailed the traditional rights and
shattered the communitarian system of the tribals. The tribals, divested of all
possible means of production, were slowly and systematically transformed into a
vast army of physical labourers or "coolies". This resulted in the breakdown of
the tribal land system and exodus of tribal labourers to plantations, industrial
centres and in some cases overseas. The dikus managed to extract free labour from
the tribals for cultivation of land grabbed from them.
For the tribals, economic changes thus became a euphemism for the loss of
political power. The entire process of subjugation, dispossession and usurpation of
212
traditional rights became a live communal experience for the tribals. It was this
communal feeling of loss and powerlessness that caused deep anger in them. The
loss of land was not merely a matter of economic deprivation but an affront to
their dignity and izzat. The notion of honour figured very prominently in tribal
consciousness. The growth of resentment and rebellion in the tribal region can be
understood in this context.
Throughout the period of British ascendancy, the tribals of Chotanagpur
and the Santhal Pargana rebelled time and again against the socio-economic
injustices meted out to them, countenanced by the British government.
Exploitation and oppression came to be symbolized by the diku mahajans on
whose instance the police and administration harassed the tribals. Economic
exploitation in terms of land alienation, alienation from forest rights, social
exploitation in terms of tribal women being forcibly kept and raped, and
conversion to Christianity were the main issues that confronted them. Religious
overtones were prominent in all the movements. Many of these movements were
influenced and shaped by myths and faith in the supernatural or cult hero.
Non-Cooperation and Tana Bhagats
Tana Bhagat Movement
The Tana Bhagat Movement started amongst the Oraon tribe in the Gumla
sub-division of Ranchi district in April 1914. Its leader Jatra Bhagat claimed to
have received a divine message choosing him to lead a movement for religious
revitalization and the cultural and moral regeneration of the Oraon tribe. The
Tana Bhagats believed that the Oraons could be a match for their adversaries only
213
through such a revitalization.70 The Tana Bhagat Movement put emphasis on the
purification programme, which included abstinence from drinking liquor and
killing domestic birds and animals. As a result of the movement, the Oraons gave
up many beliefs and practices, which had for long been an inseparable part of their
communalliving.71
This movement was not merely a religious phenomenon but was linked
with the intensifying economic stress that the Oraons underwent during the
previous decades.72 Hence, ignoring these economic difficulties would obscure
the explanation of the complex forms of this movement. The landholdings of the
Oraons were very small, barely exceeding the subsistence limit. In order to pay
rent, they had to depend on wage labour. But there was not much employment
available either. This led to a large scale migration of Oraons to other parts of the
province. The uprootment from their land and home led to strong resentment
amongst them.73 Apart from it, commodity prices were rising from 1906 onwards,
which made it very difficult for them to earn the barest subsistence. The outbreak
of the First World War resulted in a sharper rise in the prices of essential
commodities, such as kerosene and cloth. The price-rise affected agricultural
produce. It hit those who owned only subsistence holdings since they had to pay
more in the market to buy food. The relatively higher rise in the industrial prices
70
71
72
73
K.S.Singh, "Tribal Peasantry, Millenarianism, Anarchism and Nationalism, A Case Study of the Tanabhagats in Chotanagpur, 1914-25", in Social Scientist, Volume 16, Number II, November 1988. J.C.Jha, "The Bihar Tribals and the Indian National Movement in Bihar" in P.N.Ojha, (ed.), Bihar: Past and Present, Patna, 1987, p. 221. B.B.Chaudhary, "The Story of a Tribal Revolt in the Bengal Presidency: The Religion and Politics of the Oraons: 1900-1926" in Adhir Chakrabarti, (ed.), Aspects of Socio-Economic Changes and Political Awakening in Bengal, Calcutta, 1989, pp. 40-41.
Ibid, pp.39-40.
214
also strained the resources of those whose holdings normally sufficed for their
subsistence. The persistent hostility against cloth merchants and the moneylenders
can be understood in this context.74
The movement was collective in organization and orientation. A large
number of Oraons were involved at every stage of preparation of a new moral
code.75 The movement played a significant role in unifying the Oraons and also
provided a supra-village organization, which the Oraons usually lacked.76 The
idioms, the symbols and the language in which the Oraons described their enemies
were provided by their religious myths. Religious leaders repeatedly claimed that
God ordained them to reform the laws of the world. 77
There were certain demands which came up m the course of the
movement.78 The Tana Bhagats believed that the world belonged to them. They
said that the Raj of zamindars had ended and the British government would hand
over the Raj to them. They asked Oraons not to pay rent to zamindars as the land
belonged to them. This implied rejection of the landlord's authority which the
latter derived from landed property rights.79 They even asked the Oraons not to
pay chaukidari tax.80 They also had strong hatred against the banias who sold
cloth at high rates. They believed that banias cheated honest and religious men.81
At one stage of the movement, the Tana Bhagats even asked the Oraons to stop
doing wage labour. They argued that work as a coolie often involved an Oraon in
74 Ibid, pp.40-41. 75 Ibid, p. 38. 76 Ibid. 77 Ibid, p. 39. 78 Ibid, pp. 39-52. 79 Ibid, p. 42. 80 Ibid. 81 Ibid, p. 49.
215
a relationship of subordination to dominant groups, mostly outsiders, thus
degrading their social status and honour. 82 The movement, thus, shows the
increasing political awareness of the Oraons, and the sustained search for means of
ending their subordination to dominant local groups.
Non-Cooperation Movement in the Tana Bhagat Belt
The Non-Cooperation Movement, initially, remained confined to urban
centres in Ranchi and did not have much impact upon the tribals. 83 In November
1920, the Congress leaders Padam Raj Jain, Bhola Nath Burman, Maulvi Zakaria,
Abdul Razak and Sunder Dutt Seobi came from Calcutta to Ranchi to attend the
Pijrapole celebration, which was a local festival. The Congress leaders wanted to
use the occasion for the spread of the movement. 84 There was a large gathering at
the station to receive them. A procession up to upper bazaar was followed by a
series of meetings, processions and hartals. 85 The movement emphasized not only
some elements ofNon-Cooperation but also became wide enough to include social
reform. It is important to note that slaughter of cows was suspended for sometime
during this period and the movement focussed on abstinence from alcohol.86 Some
of these meetings were attended by a large number of people. At one meeting,
around 6,000 people were present.87 Padam Raj Jain, Bhola Nath Burman and
Maulavi Zakaria also went to Lohardaga on 20 November to address a Non-
82
83
84
85
86
87
Ibid, pp. 42-43. Fortnightle Reports of Bihar and Orissa for December I 920 and January 1921 ,Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File nos. 35/Feb/1921, 77/Feb/1921, 41/Aprill1921 and 42/April/1921, NAI. Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 5!, BS.t.., "S.P. Report to Dcput"j Commissioner, Ranci-d, dated 3.2.21 ". Ibid. Ibid.
Ibid.
216
Cooperation meeting. They appointed local office holders such as Secretary and
President to conduct the Non-Cooperation campaign at Lohardaga. A panchayat
was also formed in Dorand.88 It was under the influence of these non-cooperators
that the school boys in Ranchi went on strike.89
Some local people in this belt emerged as Congress leaders and played an
important role in the spread of the movement. Prominent amongst these leaders
were Usman, who was the head Maulvi in the Anjuman Islamia Madrasa and a
protege of Maulvi Kalam Azad, Ram Tahal Brahmachari, Gulam Tiwari, Ram
Chandra Prasad, Nagar Mal, Mohammad Ishak, Mohammad Alam and Ali Fan
Saudagar.90
When the movement spread in this belt, the people initially involved were
non-tribals comprising mainly of Marwaris, banias, goa/as and kahars. 91 It was
only by the end of January 1921 that attempts were made to mobilize the tribals
in the movement.92 The first meeting of tribals addressed by Congress leaders
was that of Oraons in Ranchi district on 31 January 1921.93 Within a month, the
movement gained momentum amongst the tribals and a large number of
meetings were held in the Tana Bhagat belt.94 On I February, the Head Maulvi of
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
Ibid. Ibid. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of February 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 43/ April/1921, NAI. Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 51, BSA, "S.P. Report to Deputy Commissioner, Ranchi, dated 3.2.21"; Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for January 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File nos. 41/April/1921 and 42/ApriV1921, NAI. Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 51, BSA, "S.P. Report to Deputy Commissioner, Ranchi, dated 3.2.21"; Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for January 1921, .Home Department (Political) File nos. 41/April/1921 and 42/April/1921, NAI.
Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 51, BSA, "Second note on the Non-Cooperation movement reviewing the growth of the movement amongst the Uraons and other aboriginal tribes of Ran chi from 31 January to 13 February 1921 ". Ibid.
217
the Anjuman Islamia Madrasa and A.K.Azad addressed a meeting of Oraons,
Mundas, Bhuiyas and Ghasis in Ranchi. Many non-tribals, including barbers and
chamars, were also present in this meeting. Gulab Tiwari and Ram Tahal
Brahmachari addressed this meeting.95 Onthe same day, a meeting was held in
Sinha village in Lohardaga. Sri Kishun Sahu addressed this meeting.96 On 2
February, meetings were held at Jamchua Madukam, ltki and Ghagra in Sadar. A
local newspaper estimated the number of people attending the meeting at
Jamchua Madhukam as 4,000. The people came from around 12 villages. Gulab
Tiwari, Usman and Ram Tahal Brahmachari addressed these meetings.97 On 12
February, a meeting was held at Kuru, a storm centre of the Tana Bhagats. Eight
thousand tribals attended this meeting.98 On 28 February, a meeting was held at
Rahlih, adjoining Gumla. Apart from other local Congress leaders, Keshri
Pandey of Palamau also addressed this meeting.99 Initial mobilization by the
Congress was followed by the Tana Bhagat leaders themselves organizing
meetings. 100 Even the official notices under section 144 of the Criminal Procedure
Code could not succeed in preventing the tribals from attending these meetings in
large numbers. 101
During their campaign in the tribal belt, the Congress leaders emphasized
certain programmes like the liquor boycott. 102 The reasons why the protest
95
96
97
98
Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid, "Deputy Commissioner, Ranchi, to Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, 13/2/21 ".
99 Ibid, "Deputy Commissioner, Ranchi, to Commissioner; Chotanagpur Division, 9/2/21 ". 100 Ibid. 101 Ibid.
102 Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for January 1921, Govt. of India, Home Department (Political) File nos. 41/April/1921 and 42/April/1921, NAI.
218
centering on liquor was strong in the tribal belt has been discussed in the second
chapter. The formation of panchayats was another Congress programme that
became very popular. The tribals were very familiar with this institution, since
they had the tradition of local panchayats. The courts were an alien institution and
their language was foreign to them. The Congress leaders discouraged them from
taking their cases to courts and suggested that they settle their differences through
these panchayats. 103
In most of the meetings, the leaders highlighted that the tribals, who were
once the true rulers of the region, were converted into coolies. 104 While addressing
a meeting in Ranchi on 1 February 1921, Ram Tahal Brahmachari said that the
Kols were the true rulers of Chotanagpur. 105 The same idea was expressed by Ram
Tahal Brahmachari in another meeting:
You are the original Rajas of the country and now have become coolies, and if you will follow our advice and give up drink and using foreign food, you will be Rajas once again. By giving up European things, you people will keep 90 crores of rupees in the country, and then you people will at once become Rajas, and when all this happens, the government will go of its own accord. Indians are 33 crores of people and have nothing to fear and they should shed their blood for their country. Each of you people here must tell ten more people of all this. 106
This shows how the local symbols, like Raja, with which the tribals were familiar,
were used to mobilize the tribals in the movement.
Till now it has been discussed how the Congress campaign was taken up in
this belt. But now an attempt will be made to look at the local response to the
103 Ibid 104 Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 51, BSA, "D.C. Ranchi to Commissioner, 13/2/21". lOS Ibid
106 Ibid.
219
Non-Cooperation Movement. Since the primary grievances of the tribals were
against the landlords, the spread of the Non-Cooperation Movement in this belt
brought forth tribals conflict with the landlords. The initial campaign by the
Congress leaders was followed by the local leaders, who were mostly Tana
Bhagats. In the meetings, they primarily discussed issues relating to land, such as
payment of rent to the landlords. They said that landlords had no right to rent as
land belonged to them because their ancestors had cleared the jungles and
d 1 . . 107 brought them un er cu tlvatwn.
Police officials were aware of this and watched cautiously the proceedings
of the meetings called by the local Tana Bhagat leaders. 108 The local police
officials warned the Tana Bhagat leaders not to take up for discussion non-
payment of rent to zamindars in any meetings. A sub-inspector of police, who was
present at a meeting of the Tana Bhagats at Nagar in Sisai on 3 March, threatened
the Tana Bhagat leaders not to take up for discussion non-payment of rent to
zamindars, otherwise he threatened action would be taken against such leaders.
This meeting was attended by Tana Bhagat leaders of Madhubani, Palia, Musa
Tola of Gumla, Pillchi, Mungu, Lavagane, Aria Tola of Sisai and Tana Bhagats
from the villages of Kurr. 109
The Congress leaders were apprehensive of agrarian tension in this belt.
They feared that the Non-Cooperation Movement would sharpen tenants' conflict
with the landlords, and in this phase of the movement, they wanted to avoid such
107 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File nos. 50/21 and 75/1921; Freedom Movement Papers, SCRO 51, BSA.
108 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no.S0/1921 109 Ibid, "Extract from the Confidential Diary of the S.P., Ranchi, for the week ending 5 March
1921".
220
escalation of conflict. They appealed to the tribals to live peacefully with the
landlords and suggested arbitration (along with the village mahto and pahan) in
their disputes with the landlords. 110 The Tana Bhagats, however, pointed out that
they could not live peacefully with the landlords. They said that the landlords had
taken possession of the lands which their ancestors had acquired by clearing the
jungles, and given them to tenants of "non aboriginal castes". So, according to
them, the landlords had no rights to rent or other dues as the lands originally
belonged to them. 111
In fact, the spread of the Non-Cooperation Movement pushed the conflict
with the landlords to the forefront. 112 In February 1921, in a village ir\. Kuru, a
group forcibly ploughed the field of Jank:i Dusadh of Kolsundi, a landlord, saying
that this land belonged to them. They said that they had done so on the orders of
their guru Bundhu Oraon Mahato who stayed in that village. According to the
Deputy Inspector-General of Police, "this guru would not reply to any question
put to him by the sub-inspector. He talked of cow worship, dharam and made
reference to France, Germany and Hindustan" .113 In Sarsari village, the leader of
the Tana Bhagats, Dameya Oraon, refused to deposit the dues to the zamindar. His
land was sold off in auction for non-payment of rent to the zamindar. 114 A peon in
a village in Mander was threatened and obstructed by the Tana Bhagats when he
came to give possession of land that was sold for failure of rent payment. 115
110 Ibid, File nos. 7511921, "Sadar S.D.O., Ranchi to D.C. Ranchi, 14.2.21" and 232/1921. 111 Ibid, File nos. 75/1921, "Sadar S.D.O., Ranchi to D.C. Ranchi, 14.2.21" and 232/1921. 112 Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 51, BSA, "Ranchi to Commissioner, 9.3.21". 113 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 50/1921, "Copy of Ran chi Special case no 81 dated
27 February 1921". 114 Ibid, File no. 50/21, "Note by the Chaukidari Magistrate of Ran chi showing the attitude of the
Tana Bhagats, Commissioner, Ranchi, to Chief Secretary, 6 March 1921". 115 Ibid.
221
Rumours were afloat that the Tana Bhagats had got exclusive rights to some of the
villages, and that transfer of the lands of these villlages in Tana Bhagats' name
would be recognized with the advent of Gandhi's Raj. 116 In many places, the
villagers refused to pay chaukidari tax. 117 The villagers of Karu decided not to pay
more than two "pailas of dhan" to the zamindars and three "pailas of dhan" as
chaukidari tax. 118
Spread of the movement in Tana Bhagat belt and the incr~asing conflict
against the zamindars gave anxiety to the government. Administrative and police
officials toured these areas to dissuade people from the protest. 119 The Tana
Bhagats told these officials that they did not have any quarrel with the sarkar and
that the government was their "mai baap", and that it was never their intention to
go against the government. But they said that they were compelled to stop paying
rent or tax because of the prolonged years of oppression by zamindars, darogas,
chaukidari tahsildars, constables and chaukidars, who had rendered them poor.
They further said that they had been paying their chaukidari tax regularly, and
under ordinary circumstances would have remained steadfast in their loyalty to the
government and also paid their just or prescriptive dues, but pointed out that the
"incidence of chaukidari tax in the village was unequal and pressed hard on the
poor tenants". 120 However, despite vouching their loyalty and faith to the sarkar,
116 Ibid, "Commissioner, Ranchi, to Chief Secretary, I April 1921 ". 117 Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 51, BSA, "Commissioner to Chief Secretary 1 April
1921 ". 118 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 75/1921, "To Deputy Commissioner, Ranchi, from
Sadr S.D.O., 14/2/21".
119 Ibid.
120 Ibid, File no. 50/21, "Note by the Chaukidari Magistrate ofRanchi showing the attitude of the Tana Bhagats, Commissioner, Ranchi, to Chief Secretary, 6 March 1921".
222
Tana Bhagats were determined not to pay any dues to landlords even if it was
"sarkar ka hukum". The Superintendent of Police warned them that their refusal to
pay rent would bring the tenants to the verge of ruin and starvation, but this did
scare them to change their decision. 121 The Tana Bhagats told the Superintendent
of Police very catergorically that they would not pay more than "3 pailas of dhan",
unless, otherwise, ordered by their guru. 122 They said that bhagwan, who resided
inside them and whom they recognized as their sole guru, forbade them to pay
more. 123 One of the Tana Bhagats, Turia, said that "bhagwan, who was speaking
within him, declared that the land was theirs first". 124 At Son, the Deputy Inspector
General of Police tried his best to induce Tana Bhagats to come to terms with their
zamindar but failed. The villagers of Son declined to pay rent and chaukidari tax
and declared they would not give up their land, even if dispossessed by
landlords. 125 Thus, one cannot overlook the element of resistance even though the
language of protest was couched in deference to authority. Such protest, although
bound within legality or legitimate expressions, did contest colonial power. The
context and consequences that followed these actions rendered them contestory.
The Non-Cooperation Movement also gave expression to the anger of the
Tana Bhagats against the banias. During the Non-Cooperation Movement,
attempts were made by the Tana Bhagats to regulate prices and to stop large
markets in certain areas. 126 In Palkot market, in February 1921, they issued orders
121 Ibid. 122 Ibid. 123 Ibid, File no. 50/1921, "Commissioner, Ranchi, to Chief Secretary, 6 March 1921 ". 124 Ibid, "Extract from the Confidential Diary of the S.P, Ranchi, for the week ending the 5'h
March 1921". 125 Ibid. 126 Ibid, File nos. 219/1921 and218/!921.
223
by beating the drum that rice was to be sold at 16 seers per rupee instead of eight
and paddy at 32 seers and cloth at half price. The Sub-Inspector of Police stopped
them and sent them to the Sub-Divisional Officer at Gumla, who gave a strong
warning to them against indulging in such activities. Interestingly, upon their
return, they informed the other villagers that Sub-Divisional Officer told them that
the present Raj was over and that in a day or two he would hand over charge to
them. 127
An incident of "looting and uproar" was reported from another market in
Lohardaga in Ran chi in April 1921. 128 Banias of this market bought local produce
at Tendar and sold them at Lohardaga or elsewhere at considerably higher rates.
The people of the villages neighbouring Tendar resented this. Just a few days
before the looting, the villagers held a meeting, where they decided that if at the
next haat they again found that the banias had bought all the local stock to sell at
a higher price to make a huge profit, they would beat those banias. Many
villagers came to the haat "armed with sticks" on the day of the looting. The
villagers, after reaching the haat, found to their dismay that the banias had bought
up the entire stock of ploughshares. The local price of a ploughshare was seven
annas, whereas at Lohardaga it was sold at Re 11-, which meant more than
hundred percent profit. This created a strong resentment amongst the villagers.
This agricultural implement was very important to the villagers. The local
villagers went many miles to purchase this essential implement. In fact, within a
few moments after the villagers reached the haat, there was an "uproar" in the
127 Ibid, File no. 218/1921. 128 Ibid, File no. 219/1921, "Special Report case no. 14, Report 2"d, dated 4 May 1921 ". This
whole para is based on this source
224
haat. The stalls of the banias and other vendors were "upset and looted". Several .
persons were badly beaten. Hundreds of persons "participated in the general
melee and looted freely, not only from the vendors, but also from each other.
Grain, salt, tobacco, cloth, utensils, spice and thread disappeared from the haat".
In the midst of the looting, they shouted that the British Raj was over and Gandhi
now reigned. The Congress leaders of Lohardaga condemned such looting and
appealed to the people to keep the movement strictly non-violent.
Thus, these incidents are examples of how when the Non-Cooperation
Movement spread at the local level, it took local form, often breaking out of the
parameters laid down by the Congress. Tribals responded to the Non-Cooperation
Movement with their own grievances, bringing their local issues to the forefront.
The Tana Bhagats had for long held strong animosity against the banias. The
Non-Cooperation Movement gave a fillip to this anger. The local non-cooperators
in their campaign highlighted how banias indulged in blatant profiteering. There
was a strong belief amongst the tribals that the British Raj was soon going to be
replaced by Gandhi Raj. Their expectation that under Gandhi's Raj the
exploitation by banias would end inspired them to be daring. 129
Local officials looked at the development of the movement amongst the
Oraons in Ranchi with increasing concern. As long as the movement remained
confined to non-tribals, they were not worried and hoped that it would not last
long. But, when the movement started spreading amongst the Oraons, they became
worried. They feared that the movement would take "a fanatical and religious
129 Ibid, File nos. 218/1921 and 219/1921.
225
form, involving attacks upon life and property, which could only be suppressed by
force". 130 Expressing concern over a large number of meetings held in this belt, the
Deputy Commissioner of Ranchi said:
These speeches were delivered to a crowd of very excitable tribals in the heart of the country in which the Tana Bhagat Movement had started .... It is perfectly clear, I think, that the speeches delivered were intended to work on the feelings of the Oraons and resuscitate this movement. Violence that was originally directed against the zamindars is likely under the influence of the present propaganda to be directed against the government. The Tana Bhagats, who have already got a grievance, are being gradually taught to believe that government is a bad government and is responsible for their troubles. There was a rumour that the Tana Bhagats have asked Gandhi to visit them. Probably, this is but a rumour, nevertheless, it gives an indication as to the trend of affairs. 131
It was the defiance of government authority that officials feared most. They held
"outsiders" - the Congress leaders - responsible for creating a disturbance in the
tribal belt. One of the local officials reported how the outsiders "had come round
to make collections of rice and encourage them in their beliefs, which had the
support of Gandhi". 132 They viewed the tribals as ignorant people, who got easily
"excited and provoked under the influence of outsiders". 133 According to them,
only under provocation did the tribals confront the landlords and stop paying rent
to them. 134 However, one cannot look at the tribal protest as merely being
motivated by "external factors". It is true that the Congress, whom local officials
called "outsiders", gave stimulus to their unrest but the tribals responded to the
movement with their own beliefs, aspirations and desires. It was the complex
13° Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 51, BSA. 131 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 5011921, "From Deputy Commissioner, Ranchi, to
Commissioner, 3 Feb 1921". 132 Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 51, BSA. 133 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 50/1921. 134 Ibid.
226
interaction between the Congress and the popular agitation that gave shape to the
movement at the local level.
The spread of the movement was seen as an erosion of government's
hegemony amongst the tribals. District officials stressed that government's ability
to maintain law and order should be clearly established. They wanted their
presence to be visible. 135 In order to counter the propaganda of the "outsiders",
district administrative and police officials visited many villages in Ranchi, Boro,
Lohardaga, Kuru and Mandar Thanas in the Tana Bhagat belt. They spoke to
hundreds of Oraons and also addressed many of their informal meetings,
highlighting the benefits of British rule. They tried to impress upon the Oraons
that sarkar was always willing and ready to redress their just grievances, and they
would only undo themselves, if they listened to any wild talk of outsiders to go
against the sarkar. They also reminded them that the sarkar had made a settlement
at enormous expenses and prepared a record of rights for their benefit. They
explained to them that the tenancy law was periodically brought up to date in
accordance with their interests. The local officials assured them of all kinds of
help. They asked the Tana Bhagats to share their grievances and difficulties with
them and also point to them instances of excessive taxation.
Local officials made certain suggestions to gain the confidence of the
people. They recommended distribution of free medicines amongst the villagers. 136
They suggested that loyal educated Oraons, who wielded considerable influence
135 Ibid, File no. 5011921; Ibid, 75/1921, "D.C. from M.Hamid, Sadr S.D.O to D.C, 14.2.21 "; Ibid, 50/1921; Freedom Movement Papers SCRO 51, BSA. The entire para is based on these sources.
136 Ibid, File no. 5011921, "Note of Chaukidari Magistrate, Ranchi, Commissioner to Chief Secretary, 6 March 1921".
227
· amongst the Oraons, should be deputed, on a suitable allowance, to go round the
villages preaching loyalty to and cooperation with the government. They even
suggested distribution of pamphlets in Hindi and Oraon amongst the villages to
inculcate faith in the government. 137 The Deputy Commissioner of Ranchi deputed
S.C.Roy, an anthropologist, to rally the support of the Tana Bhagats for the
government. S.C.Roy advised that "the intention of government to enforce the law
and to suppress illegal movements should be emphasized". 138 He simultaneously
emphasized that "no promise of special assistance to the landlords should be
given and nothing should be said which might convey the impression to the Tana
Bhagats that all the rights were on one side and aU the wrongs on the other". 139
S.C.Roy pointed out that the Tana Bhagats would agree to pay some revenue
directly to the government but were determined to die, rather than pay a farthing
to the landlords, whom they regarded as their greatest enemy. His suggestion was:
The government should buy up the landlords' rights in their villages and settle the villages with the respective aboriginal village communities on a fixed rent. So long as this is not done, I am afraid no permanent solution of the Tana problem can be arrived at. The villages inhabited by this class of extreme Tanas will be at most fifty, and the total cost of buying up the villages will, I believe, not exceed two lacs of rupees at the utmost. In my humble opinion, the peace and contentment likely to result from such a measure is well worth the expenditure.
137 Ibid. 138 Ibid. 139 Ibid.
228
Movement amongst the Hos in Kolhan
Impact of British Rule in Kolhan Bele 40
Kolhan, in Singhbhum district, was once described by the British
administrators as the "Tibet of Chotanagpur" because of its total inaccessibility to
outsiders. The Ho tribe constituted the majority in Kolhan. The Hos in this
region were popularly known as "Larka Kols" or "Larka Hos" for their fighting
prowess. The Mughals could not conquer them, and even the British could bring
this area under their control with great difficulty and, that too, after facing a
series of protests. Even though the British succeeded in bringing this area under
their control, they were forced to constitute the "Non Regulated Province of
Kolhan", according to Wilkinson's Rules. Under these rules, even if the Hos were
under the British administration, they were allowed to retain some internal
autonomy and self-rule. They could retain their traditional social and
administrative system. The Hos could also hold their land at preferential rates.
The Manki-Munda system in Kolhan was retained. The Manki headed a cluster of
villages and the Munda headed a village. The Manki and Munda were responsible
for revenue collection and maintenance of law and order.
Although the Wilkinson system preserved the traditional social and
administrative system of the Hos to some extent, but the initiation of the British
system of administration led to many changes in administration. It introduced a
hierarchy based on authority, with powers and responsibilities defined at each
level. The British agent was at the apex of the hierarchy. The Mankis were dealt
140 This section is based on these sources, C.P.Singh, The Ho Tribe of Singhbhum, New Delhi, 1978; Victor Das, Jharkhand-Castle Over the G;aves, N .Delhi, 1992.
229
with by the agent of the British Governor-General at Calcutta. The Mankis and
Mundas became accountable to the administrative officers for the continuance of
their posts. Being no longer dependent on the goodwill of the people, they often
abused their increased judicial and executive responsibilities to further their own
interests. The British system also led to several socio-economic changes. For the
first time, a revenue system was imposed on the Hos. Prior to the British
conquest of the area, there _was no such system. Generally, the Hos held their
lands rent-free wherever they were powerful enough to do so. In the areas where
they had no influence, the ruling chieftains claimed both rent and services. With
the imposition of the revenue system, the Hos were forced to pay a regular land
tax instead of the primitive plough tax. Rent was also excessive and used to be
increased frequently. The Mankis and Mundas were allowed a portion of rent as
remuneration for helping in its collection.
Kolhan, which was almost closed to outsiders during the pre-British days,
became accessible following British rule. Roads were constructed which enabled
a large number of outsiders to enter the area. The British encouraged traders to
settle in the territory and to establish weekly markets, known as haats. By 1868,
in most of the principal villages, haats were held under the shade of mango
groves. Besides establishing haats, the government instituted an annual fair at
Chaibasa. The Hos did not take favourably to these haats and resisted bringing
their produce to the market. The linking of their economy with the outside world
adversely affected them, and they fiercely resented the instrusion by the outsiders
in their economy. Indebtedness was increasing and their lands passed into the
hands of the outsiders. Thus, the intrusion by the outsiders eroded the socio-
230
ecomomic and cultural patterns of the tribals in Kolhan belt. In fact, the entire
existence of the tribals was threatened. The Non-Cooperation Movement
provided them with an opportunity to launch their protest.
Non-Cooperation Movement amongst the Hos
In the Kolhan belt, the Non-Coperation Movement initially remained
confined to Chakradharpur and Chaibasa and did not spread amongst the tribals. 141
Most of the educated leaders in this belt, with the exception of Jamshedpur, were
Oriyas, as Kolhan was geographically closer to Orissa. 142 A large number of
volunteers were ·recruited in Chakradharpur. They concentrated on the liquor
boycott and picketing which affected sale of liquor, opium, ganja and bhang in
Chakradharpur and Chaibasa. In fact, Chakradharpur was almost converted into a
dry area. 143
The movement from these centres gradually spread to some of the villages
around Chakradharpur.144 The Hos were still not involved in the movement. It was
only April 1921 onwards that attempts were made by the Congress leaders to
mobilize the Hos. In April 1921, the Oriya leader, Gopabandhu Das, while
addressing a meeting at Bari haat in Chaibasa, made a special appeal to the Hos to
join the movement. No further attempt was made by the Congress leaders to
mobilize the Hos till Godavaris Misra, another Oriya leader, visited Chaibasa on
23 May 1921. While addressing a meeting at a haat, he also made an appeal to the
141 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 478/1921. 142 Ibid. 143 K.K.Datta, Freedom Movement in Bihar, p. 341; J.C. Jha, The Indian National Congress and
the Tribals, Delhi, 1985, p 25. 144 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 478/1921, "From District Magistrate, Singhbhum,
to Lyall, Commissioner ofthe Chotanagpur Division, 2"d September 1921". The rest of the para is based on this source.
231
Hos to join the movement. But he did not succeed in his attempt. He again visited
Chaibasa in the second week of June 1921. In this visit, he reiterated his appeal to
the Hos. He also tried to mobilize Kulu Manki, an influential leader of the Hos, to
join the movement. A few days after this visit, Kolhan Superintendent o~ Police
found "attempts made to spread Gandhi's name throughout the Kolhan by the
distribution of rice". By end of June, news came to the government that small
sums were collected from the Hos by the non-cooperators near Tantnagar.
In July 1921, Haji Abdullah, a prominent non-cooperator, faced an arrest
and trial for charges of sedition by the government at Chaiabasa. 145 This was made
an occasion by the non-cooperators to mobilize the Hos in the movement. The
Congress leaders, Godavaris Misra and Anant Misra, also came from Puri on this
occasion. While addressing a meeting, Anant Misra made an appeal to the Hos to
join the movement. A Ho youth also addressed this meeting. 146 Anant Misra
appointed Bishun Mahuri, an influential person, to help enroll Hos as Congress
members. Bishun Mahuri used to go round the haats in Chaibasa asking people
not to pay haat fees. On the day the order in Haji Abdullah's case was to be
passed, a large number of Hos, estimated to be around 15,000, collected outside
the jail. Bishu..'1 Mahuri addressed the crowd primarily dwelling on Non-
Cooperation Movement. A number of Hos and volunteers also spoke on this
occasion appealing to the Hos to actively participate in the movement. By August
1921, the movement had acquired a strong hold amongst the Hos. Bishun Mahuri
145 Ibid, File no. 239/1921, "Legal Remembrancer to Chief Secretary, 3.6.21 ". 146 Ibid, File no. 478/1921, "From District Magistrate, Singhbhum, to Lyall, Commissioner ofthe
Chotanagpur Division, 2"d September 1921 ". The rest of this para and the next para is based on this source.
232
succeeded in influencing Phulchand Dusadh, an influential person from
Chittimitti, to join the movement.
Chittimitti slowly emerged as the centre of the movement. Phulchand
Dusadh, who was a vendor of Patent Indian Medicines, played an important role.
He succeeded in influencing Gardi Manki to join the movement. He persuaded
students to leave government schools. He said that under Gandhi's swaraj
government schools would be taken over.
Phulchand Dusadh went around villages spreading that swaraj had been
attained. He showed the villagers picture of Gandhi and told them that Gandhi was
their Raja. He even distributed pamphlets and pictures of Gandhi and Bharat Mata
to the villagers. He told them that Bharat Mata was the mother of Lakshmi. He
asked the people to hang the picture of Bharat Mata and worship her daily by
lighting a lamp. He asked the people to obey Gandhi's orders. 147 He said:
If the people do not obey Gandhi's orders rakshasas and devils will come and eat them, people will get no food or drink, worms will eat them, they will become lame .... People should not take any flesh. The English are leaving the country and the few Englishmen, who are left behind, are hiding in Chaibasa and will run away in three or four months time. 4o crores of Habsi, who are the soldiers of Gandhi, will come to Chaibasa and fight with the sahibs. The sahibs will run away to their own country. All the pupils are leaving the Zila and Mission schools in Chaibasa. Oriya language will be spoken in the Kolhan. New schools will be constructed with the order of Gandhi and the government schools will be abolished. No school fees should be paid. The cutcheries should be closed. In Gandhi's Raj, no rents will be paid. There will be only a poll tax of two pice per head, of which one pice will go to the Manki and the other pice to the Munda. 148
147 Ibid. 148 Ibid.
233
In Chittimitti, a large number of Hos joined the movement. Many of them
even called themselves "chelas" of Gandhi. 149 They gathered every Wednesday
evening at Phulchand's house where Gardi Manki and Phulchand's brother Ganga
Ram would be also present. 150 Traditional forms and idioms were used for
propaganda. They went in a procession to the Mahadeo temple singing, "Ho Hari,
Hari, Hari, Radha Gobind, Gandhiji ki jai, Hari Hari Hari Nath". Phulchand
shouted "Gandhiji ki jai" and the others repeated it in chorus, thumping the
ground with their lathis. They danced about shouting "Mahatma Gandhi ki jai".
After the sankirtan, the people returned to Phulchand's house and assembled in
his courtyard where Phulchand gave lectures on swaraj and Gandhi. The people
punctuated his speech with shouts of "Gandhiji ki jai". He also displayed pictures
of Gandhi and Kasturba Gandhi. This sankirtan was repeated every Wednesday
evening. The entire meeting would have an air of sacred affair with political
slogans interspersed with religious slogans.
The movement also spread to Jaintgar and Gamaria in August 1921. 151
Godavaris Misra made a tour of these areas. Another Oriya leader, Satyabadi, also
visited Jaintgarh. He addressed a large gathering of people at a haat in Jaintgarh
on Non-Cooperation. Around 2000 tribals were present in the meeting. He referred
to the government as rakshash, shaitan and descendents of Ravan. According to
him:
149 J.C.Jha, "The Bihar Tribal and The Indian National Movement" in P.N.Ojha (ed.), Bihar: Past and Present, p. 225.
150 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 478/21, "Judgement-Emperor versus Phulchand Dusadh of Chittimitti under section 108 C.P.P. District Magistrate, Singhbhum, copy to Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, 20.9.21". The rest ofthe para is based on this source.
151 Ibid, "Judgement in case Emperor versus Satyabadi Nand under section 108 Cr. P.C.- Copy forwarded to the Chief Secretary from D.I.G. of Police, C.I.D., Bihar and Orissa, 30.11.21 ". This para and the next two paras are based on this source.
234
The present government was an act of shaitan. The sarkar was a rakshas, and since it was oppressive, it would be destroyed. The government had killed hundreds of people in the Punjab. They had taken away forests from them. They took heavy taxes from the people. They took crores of rupees from people of this country which the people paid only through fear. It was as if the people were being robbed by dacoits. The British Raj had been overthrown and that government under the orders of Mahatma Gandhi was at hand. Under swaraj, there would be no rent, no income tax, no protected forests, no forest rules and no haat dues. People should settle their disputes among themselves and not go to the court. Oil, which was now burning through India, would never be extinguished.
Thus, the nationalist propaganda highlighted the exploitative character of
British rule. The imageries used for the British like shaitan and rakshas evoked a
strong response. In Jaintgarh, many tenants became Congress members after
paying a fee of four annas. The Munda of this village, too, disobedyed Manki's
order and became a Congress member.
The nationalist campaign gained momentum in Gamaria, too. Godavaris
Misra also visited this area. Many people in Gamaria became Congress members.
Although the Congress had not yet given the call for civil disobedience,
the local non-cooperators began campaigning for it. They announced that by
paying four annas as Congress members they would get back their lands. They
declared that English were soon leaving the country and that swaraj had been
attained. Under swaraj, they claimed no rent would be paid or tax levied, except a
head tax of two pice, one of which would be taken by the Manki and the other by
the Munda.
235
Haats emerged as main centres of the movement. The leaders took
advantage of large gatherings at the haats to address meetings. 152 The government
looked upon haats as the main centres of "disturbance". They were the most fertile
grounds for the spread of rumours. Any small incident rapidly flared up drawing a
large number of people. There was pressure on those who visited haats to
participate in the movement and obey the commands of the Congress. One such
incident took place in the Serangil haat near Chittimitti on 15 August 1921. Some
Hos of Tantnagar, who came to the Serangil haat, "were ordering the women, who
had come to the haat, to pull off their ornaments and with Gandhiji ki jai on their
lips do obeisance to them". On the same day, there was another incident. A group
of men had come from Chittimitti. They drew the attention of the Hos in the
market to some school teachers, who had not yet resigned, saying "here· are the
Chittimitti pandits who will not obey Gandhi's orders". The Hos immediately
"attacked the pandits, broke their umbrellas and assaulted them". These Hos were
subsequently arrested by Garbet Manki and taken to Chaibasa. This incident,
according to Superintendent of Police, was "the most distressing example of the
effect on the untrained minds of simple tribals of doctrines which they were
unable to appraise at their true value". He further pointed out that during the
hearing of the case one of the accused told him that "it was owing to the
proceedings of Gardi Manki of Pulaohi, who had shown him pictures of Gandhi,
that his mind had been upset and he had resorted to such action". The Kolhan
official held Phulchand Dusadh responsible for this outbreak.
152 Ibid, "Judgement-Emperor versus Phulchand Dusadh of Chittimitti under section I 08 C.P.P.District Magistrate, Singhbhum, copy to Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, 20.9.21 ".This para and the next para is based on this source.
236
The nature of the movement in this belt throws light on how the Congress
and Gandhi shaped, as well as got shaped at the popular level. The movement in
this belt was initiated by the Congress but as the movement intensified it took
local form. The Hos were engaged in the process of translating the movement to
highlight their own needs and aspirations.
Administrative and police officials apprehended the spread of the Non-
Cooperation Movement amongst the Hos, especially the preaching of non-
cooperators amongst the tenants to withhold the payment of rent. They feared that
the Hos, who were "ignorant and incapable of distinguishing truth from falsehood,
would get excited, passionate and violent in the process". 153 These officials of
Kolhan like those of Ranchi shared the same presumption about the tribals, which
denied them a consciousness of their own. Police official in Kolhan feared that if
the movement was allowed to continue, it would erode government's hegemony
amongst the tribals. Expressing apprehension at the kind of nationalist
propaganda taken up amongst the Hos, the Kolhan Superintendent of Police wrote:
Even the most loyal Ho will lose confidence in the government, · unless these lies are nailed to the counter .... Ask a Ho whether he has paid a Congress subscription, he will make no attempt at concealment. Explain to him his error and he will admit it and say he was a goat to give his money away, but he then asks the extremely pertinent question as to why, if what these people tell us that Gandhi has gained a great victory and the sahibs are running away is not true, does the sarkar allow people to talk in this way. Why did we allow such people to come into the Kolhan and tell lies to people, who after all are in matters of this description like sheep. 154
Local officials wondered why the government was not taking any action
against the movement, whose main aim was the subversion of government. They
153 Ibid, "District Magistrate to Commissioner, Chotanagpur Divi~ion, 2"d September, 1921 ". 114 Ibid
237
felt that it was government inaction that emboldened the people to this extent.
They requested the government to take action against the movement and stop all
kinds of propaganda. They said that haats, which emerged as important centres of
the movement, should be visited regularly by officials. 155
Santhal Pargana and Non-Cooperation
The Santhal Pargana was another belt where the Non-Cooperation
Movement made a strong impact. In this belt, the movement took a most intensive
form in Damin-I-Koh area. In order to understand the nature of impact ofthe Non-
Cooperation Movement in Damin-I-Koh and some of the issues that emerged, it
is necessary to look at the protest that preceded the Non-Cooperation Movement
in this area. Another area in the Santhal Pargana where the Non-Cooperation
Movement made some impact was Godda, amongst the Kharwars. The first
section studies the Santhal Rebellion of 1855-56 in Damin-I-Koh, known as hul
(fight for independence), and the Kharwar Movement in Godda. The second
section looks at the nature of the Non-Cooperation Movement in the Santhal
Pargana.
Tradition of Protest
Damin-I-Koh, the area which lay adjoining the Rajmahal hill, was the
centre of Santhal Rebellion in 1855-56.156 Damin-I-Koh was a forested area which
the Santhals had cleared and brought under their cultivation. Once the lands got
cleared, the zamindars claimed proprietorship over it and demanded rents. Along
155 Ibid
156 Santhal Rebellion of 1855-56 is based on these sources, N.B.Roy, "New Aspects of the Santa! Insurrection of 1855-6", in Indian Historical Records Commission Proceedings, Vol. XXXV, Part II, Feb I 960; Suchibrata Sen, The Santals of Jungle Mahals, Calcutta, 1984.
238
with the landlords came moneylenders and merchants who exploited the Santhals
through the mechanism of rent and debt bondage. This was compounded by the
exploitation of amlas and the British officials. So a strong resentment had built up
amongst the Santhals, leading to a series of protests. The turning point in their
struggle came with the involvement of the Sidhu and Kanhu brothers, who
claimed to have experienced a divine revelation, whereby the Santhals were urged
to liberate themselves from their oppressors. It was decided that the Santhals
should march in a body to Calcutta to place their petition of grievances before the
Governor-General. About 30,000 Santhals obeyed the summons and· marched to
Calcutta. The police attempted to terrorize them on the way but the attempt
proved abortive and served as a signal for the struggle against authority.
Moneylenders were killed and policemen were attacked. Villages were burnt and
property pillaged. Althogh Damin-1-Koh was the centre of the rebellion, the
protest also spread to Bhagalpur, Birbhum and Giridih. The Santhals established
control over the area between Berio and Colgong. The Government declared
martial law on 19 July 1855. The protest had acquired a broad based character.
Other communities also participated in it.
Another area in Santhal Pargana, where the movement made considerable
impact, was the belt of Kharwar Movement in Godda. The Kharwar Movement
was a religious and cultural revivalist movement that had started amongst the
Santhals of Godda region in early twentieth century. 157 They believed that the
157 Kharwar Movement is based on these sources, Rev.P.O. Bodding, "The Kharwar Movement Among the Santals", in Man in India, Vol. I, Sept, 1921; A.P.Jha, "Nature of the Santhal Unrest of 1871-75 and Origin of the Sapha Hor Movement", in Indian Historical Records Commission Proceedings, Vol. XXXV, Part II, File 1960.
239
Santhals' oppression was a divine punishment for abandoning the worship of God.
The discontentment against the oppression of landlords and moneylenders, loss of
their lands, excessive rent and debt bondage were largely responsible for the
emerging protest. Bhagirath Manjhi, a resident of Tardiha in Godda, declared
himself as the person who was commissioned by God to redress the grievances of
the Santhals, fight for them and be their king. He began to proclaim that the land
the Santhals cultivated belonged to them and that no government could impose
taxes on them. When appointed as the king of the new~ Santhal Raj at Baunsi, his
first act was to abolish all demands for rent, to ban the slaughter of pigs and fowls
and prohibit drinking and dancing.
Non-Cooperation Movement in Santhal Pargana
The Non-Cooperation Movement took a very strong hold in this belt from
the very beginning. Congress activities in this belt were primarily confined to the
towns. Congress offices were opened in Deoghar, Maheshpur and Dumka. 158 A
large number of Congress leaders from other districts visited this district. Swami
Darshanand was very active in this belt. 159 Many school students were actively
involved in the campaign.160 The Marwaris also actively assisted the movement. 161
The most popular form of fund raising was muthia collection. 162 The Congress in
its campaign in this belt gave maximum emphasis on the liquor boycott. This
158 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 643/1921, "Letter of District Magistrate to
Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, 19 January 1922"; "Repression in Santa) Parganas-An Enquiry by Rajendra Prasad" in Motherland, 9 June 1922 and also in Appendix XVII in K.K.Datta, History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar, pp.564-569.
159 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 86/1922, "Letter of District Magistrate, Santhal Pargana, to Chief Secretary, Government of Bihar and Orissa, II April 1922".
160 Ibid; Motherland, 9 June 1922. 161 Ibid; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 86/1922, "Letter of District Magistrate,
San thai Pargana, to Chief Secretary, Government of Bihar and Orissa, II April 1922". 162 Ibid; Motherland, 9 June I 922.
240
resulted in a drastic fall in the excise collections of the governrnent. 163 Khadi
avtivity was also very popular amongst the Santhals. A large number of Santhals
took to khadi wearing. Khadi almost became a creed for them. 164 Santhals were
actively involved in the movement. They participated in large numbers in political
meetings. Many Santhals became volunteers. They were mostly active in haats
and fairs. 165 Although not much material is available on Santhal Pargana, on the
basis of limited available material an attempt has been made in this section to
sketch the Non-Cooperation Movement in different places in the Santhal Pargana
belt.
In Deoghar, picketing of excise shops was very strong. Sasi Bhusan Roy of
Deoghar played an active role. He was a school master in a local high school and
under the impact of the movement had resigned his post. There were a large
number of volunteers who actively campaigned for the movement. The
government convicted a· large number of volunteers and sentenced them to
substantial terms of rigorous imprisonrnent. 166
Sasi Bhusan Roy was appointed Secretary of the District Congress
Committee. He was helped by Abdul Gafur and Baidyanath Jha. They
systemtically toured the district, trying to organize committees in different places.
A committee was formed at Dumka. Sasi Bhusan Roy invited many leaders from
outside the district, including Rajendra Prasad, to intensify the movement in
163 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 86/1922, "Letter of District Magistrate, Santhal Pargana, to Chief Secretary, Government of Bihar and Orissa, 11 April 1922".
164 Ibid. 165 Ibid
166 Ibid, File no. 643/1921, "Letter of District Magistrate to Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, 19 January 1922".
241
Dumka. Rajendra Prasad's appeal to the people to join the movement evoked a
wide response. 167 The movement took a strong hold in Dumka. The sight of
people moving with national flags in hand and shouting anti-British slogans and
"Gandhiji kijai" was common. 168 The movement drew the sympathy ofthe bania
class. 169 Many youths also joined the movement. 170
A Congress office was opened in Rajmahal. This office was subordinate to
Deoghar office. Abdul Mean was its President and Chandra Narain Sahu its
Secretary. A volunteer corp was attached to it. 171 Many non-cooperators from
Bengal, Bhagalpur and Monghyr toured Rajmahal. 172 The movement got support
from Marwari community. Picketing of liquor shops was the main activity. Excise
settlement was boycotted. There were a large number of volunteers, most of whom
came from lower class background. Volunteers played the main role iil spreading
the movement. Many of these volunteers were arrested by the government and
given rigourous punishment. But whenever actions were taken against the
volunteers, many more came forward to offer themselves as volunteers.
The movement also acquired a stronghold in Pakur. Many non-cooperators
from Bengal were active in Pakur. 173 A Swaraj Ashram was established at Pakur.
167 Ibid; K.K.Datta Papers, "Statement of Dr. H.R.Ghosal, Assistant Professor of History, Bihar University, Mui:affarpur, Non-Cooperation Movement at Dumka (1920-21)", Manuscript Section, NMML.
168 Ibid. 169 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 643/1921, "Letter of District Magistrate to
Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, 19 January 1922". 170 Ibid. 171 Ibid. 172 Ibid, File no. 8611922, "Letter of District Magistrate, Santhal Pargana, to Chief Secretary,
Government of Bihar and Orissa, 11 April1922". The rest of the para is based on this source.
173 Ibid; Ibid, File no 643/1921, "Letter of District Magistrate to Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, 19 January 1922". The rest of the para is based on Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 8611922, "Letter of District Magistrate, Santhal Pargana, to Chief Secretary, Government of Bihar and Orissa, 11 April 1922".
242
In many places, national flags were hoisted. The non-cooperators even planned to
have their own swaraj officials, like Deputy Commissioners. Robin Saren and
Shyama Charan actively assisted the movement. Picketing of excise shops was
one of the main activities. Swaraj aroused great expectations amongst the
SanthaTs. They believed that under Gandhi Raj they would no longer have to pay
any rent and they would also get back their lands. In many places, non-payment of
rent also started. The movement took a very intensive form in the bazaar area of
Bero. One of the local officials described the movement in Bero as "some sort of
minor revolution where bands of volunteers, who had taken possession of the
bazaar, were building a house for themselves and had defied the Santhal officials
and bazaar officials. They were promising Santhals and paharias free drink, no
rent and Rs. 12/- a month". 174
The stronghold of the movement in this belt frightened the government.
Memories of the Santhal Rebellion were still strong. How fearful was the
government of the development of movement in this region gets reflected when
one looks at government's strong action against the non-cooperators who tried to
organize satyagraha week in April1921. On 6 April1921, at Maheshpur in Pakur,
when some volunteers asked people to observe the national week, three of them
were arrested without any warrant and taken to the thana. On 7 April, the
Inspector of Police from Pakur and the Sub-Inspector of Maheshpur held an
enquiry at the Zamindar's kachahari. On their way to the thana, they forcibly
entered the Congress office and took away some papers, although they had no
search warrants. On 8 April, armed police were brought from Dumka. After some
174 Ibid.
243
consultation with the local zamindar, the Congress office was raided and the
secretary, Promotho Nath Sinha, was arrested and handcuffed and led to the thana
with a rope round his waist. From the Congress office papers, pictures, cash,
spinning-wheels and cotton yarn were taken away. The shop of Shukardi Mandai,
whose house had been hired by Rup Singh and who had sublet it to the Congress
for its office use, was broken open in his absence and many things were removed.
Many passers by, amongst whom were many school students, were caned. Many
persons were arrested. Food supplied by their friends and relatives was not given
to them, and on the next day, they were marched to Murarai Railway Station,
about 6 miles away, while being taken to Pakur. On the following day, a meeting
was convened and the people were told not to have anything to do with the
Congress. The people became so terror-stricken on account of the happenings of
the previous days that when they saw the zamindar passing by the bazaar, they
fled out of sheer fear and the haat got dissolved. 175
Another area in the Santhal Pargana where the movement made
considerable impact was Godda, which had a large number of Kharwars. Many of
the Kharwars joined the Non-Cooperation Movement. Many of them also became
volunteers. Khadi became very popular amongst them. The campaign· against
liquor was equally strong in this belt. The local Marwaris helped the movement
financially. The spread of the movement in Godda, amongst the Kharwars,
worried the local officials. They looked upon the Kharwars as ones who had
always been liable to sudden outbreaks without apparent cause. The government
apprehended that the movement in this belt would soon take up non-payment of
175 "Repression in Santa! Parganas", in Motherland, 9 June 1922.
244
rent. In fact, the movement succeeded in raising the expectations of the Kharwars
that under swaraj they would get back their land and not have to pay rent.
Antagonism against the landlords built up. The Kharwars invaded a Damin
bungalow, set up a swaraj flag and sacrificed a goat and a fowl to it. This was
hailed as a victory by many Santhals in Godda.
District administrative and police officials got increasingly concerned at
the spread of the movement in Santhal belt. The Santhal Rebellion of 1855-:56
still haunted them. Like the local officials of Ranchi and Kolhan, they too
believed that the movement in this district took its "origin and force almost
entirely from outside the district" .176 According to them, "the few non-cooperators
hailing from Birbhum and other places were misleading the ignorant and
inflammable Santhal population by their mischievous activities". 177 They kept
close watch on the people visiting this area and did not allow "outsiders" to
enter. 178
The government also resorted to heavy repression. The zamindars assisted
the government in suppressing the movement. 179 Rajendra Prasad's enquiry in this
belt brought out the kind of repression perpetrated on the people. 180 Local people
were convicted under various sections of the ordinary law. Orders under section
144 Cr. P.C. were frequently passed, not only prohibiting public meetings,
gagging particular individuals, preventing people from entering whole sub-
176 Ibid. 177 Ibid. 178 Ibid. 179 Proceedings of the Bihar and Orissa Legislative Council, Vol. V, 1922, pp.940-950. 180 Rajendra Prasad, Autobiography, pp. 176-177; "Repression in Santa! Parganas", in
Motherland, 9 June 1922. This para and the rest of the paras in this section are based on these sources.
245
division, but also directing them to leave particular areas within a prescribed time.
Punishment was rigorous imprisonment, and in many cases, it was for the
maximum period and accompanied by fines. Fines were imposed for not
informing the authorities of the visit of a supposed non-cooperator. People were
evicted from their homes and deprived of their lands for receiving non-cooperators
and for collecting muthia.
In January 1921, at Madhupur in Deoghar, a peaceful meeting was
dispersed by the police with force and notices under section 144 Cr. P.C. were
served on three workers. The Congress office was searched and some papers were
taken away. At Karmatar in Jamtara in the same month on the sankranti day, that
is, 14 January, two volunteers were arrested and sentenced to one month's
rigorous imprisonment, each for having interfered with gambling which was going
on in a fair. In Godda, notices under section 144 Cr.P.C. were served on many
people. Many Santhals were convicted for hoisting the national flag and entering
Damin-I-Koh area. In Pakur, notices under section 144 Cr.P.C. were served on
people for picketing, and on Promotha Nath Sinha, Secretary of Maheshpur
Congress Committee, and Shashi Bhushan Roy, Secretary of District Congress
Committee, and the last was ordered to leave the sub-division.
In Dumka on 17 November 1921, when Shy am Charan, a non-cooperator
and a pleader of Muzaffarpur, tried to organize a hartal, he was arrested along with
his companions. Shyam Charan was sentenced to three months imprisonment. On
news of Shyam Charan's arrest, when A.N.Sinha, Assistant Secretary of the
BPCC, went there, he had to leave the place under 144 Cr.P.C. order. Later on, the
Congress office was searched and accounts and other relevant papers taken away.
246
The house of the secretary was searched, and pictures of national heroes, papers
and khaddar caps were taken away. When Shashi Bhushan Roy went there, he was
insulted and forcibly driven out by the Sub-Divisional Officer.
On 20 February 1922, when the auction of excise shops was to take place
at Dumka, the authorities saw to it that no volunteer, Congress worker or khadi
worker was visible within the town. Policemen were posted at Jermundi, about
midway between Dumka and Rampurhat. Every motor car going to Dumka was
searched at Jermundi and Sikaripara and those wearing khadi were served with
notices under section 144 Cr. P.C., which were not even signed by any authorised
officer, but had only the signatures of officers cyclostyled. On 26 February,
Binoda Nand Jha was arrested for an offence under secion 185 I.P.C. and
sentenced to 6 months' rigorous imprisonment for having stayed at Dumka despite
the notice directing him to leave the place immediately. Externment order was
served on District Congress Secretary.
On the Shivaratri day, volunteers, who were deputed to help the pilgrims
visiting the Basukinath temple, were insulted and their khaddar caps and badges
forcibly taken away. The police treated the distribution of cotton for being spun
into yam as an offence. Houses of some persons in village Saraihat were raided in
March 1922, and in the course of the search, grains of different kinds and qualities
were mixed up, rendering them unfit for use. In Rajmahal sub-division, some
men, village officials and others were dismissed, suspended or fined for
sympathising with or giving food or lodging to non-cooperators, for collecting
muthia, for not reporting the arrival of non-cooperators or for observing hartal.
On 20 March 1922, the Congress office under construction was pulled down and
247
the materials confiscated. The bazaar people were threatened and forced to execute
bonds for good conduct and for not sympathising with the movement. There were
cases of eviction againt the tenants of Damin-1-Koh. Many persons of Hajipur
diara were issued show cause notice as to why they should not be compelled to
give bonds of security for being one of the co-villagers of a village where non-
cooperation movement had spread. Thus, the government resorted to heavy
repression and the Non-Coopertion campaign was not tolerated in any form.
Non-Cooperation Movement in the Palamau District
The Non-Cooperation Movement made some impact in Palamau district
too, though later this belt was in the forefront during the Civil Disobedience
Movement. The movement in this belt made some impact amongst the Kherwars
arid Cheros, who constituted a considerable section of the population in this
district.
A number of Non-Cooperation meetings and processiOns were held in
Palamau despite government forbidding such activities under section 144
CR.P.C. Elaborate preparations were usually made for the meetings. There was a
widespread organization for these meetings. The meetings were attended by a
large number of people. In a meeting held on 20 January 1922, people came
from all over the district. Cheros and Kherwars in large numbers participated in
these meetings and processions. 181
181 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 85/1922, "Letter of Deputy Commissioner of Pal am au to Commissioner of the Chotanagpur Division, dated 23 January 1922".
248
There was a strong network of volunteers. 182 A large number of volunteers
were recruited, particularly in the Ranka and the Untari areas of the south and
west of Palamau district. In Gardwa, Dildar Hussain was active in mobilizing
volunteers. Amrit Math and Ramdhani Sahu of Karso of Sadar visited the
villages of Daltonganj and Ranka to mobilize volunteers. Matukdhari Sahu of
Nagar Untari enrolled volunteers at Bagar. These men succeeded in enrolling
many Kherwars as volunteers. Once Kherwars got mob.ilized, they motivated
other men to enrol themselves. When the spree for enrollment of volunteers was
going on, 416 persons were enlisted as volunteers at Daltonganj meetings on 20
and 21 January 1922. Mahabir Lal was very active in Chattarpur. In Balumath
too, the campaign was very intensive.
In Palamau belt also, the liquor boycott was very successful. Excise
outstills were picketed. Outstills were raided, and the bottles and other things
broken. Many outstills were closed. 183 Dildar Hussain was very active in Garhwa.
Outstill holder of Garhwa complained that because of strong picketing his outstill
was closed since 15 January 1922. The volunteers forcibly prevented people from
entering the outstill. 184 In Nagar also, there was considerable picketing of liquor
shops. 185
The Non-Cooperation Movement raised expectations amongst the
Kherwars that the days of their oppression were numbered and that the era of
182 Ibid, "Commissioner,Chotanagpur Division, to Chief Secretary, 8 February 1922, and Letter of Deputy Commissioner, Palamau, to Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, 4 February 1922". The entire para is based on this source.
183 Ibid, "To the Officer Incharge, Manatoo Police Station, from Amamath, Inspector, 16 February 1922".
184 Ibid. 185 Ibid, "From Deputy Commissioner, Palamau, to Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, dated
4 February 1922".
249
swaraj would mean restoration of their rights to land and forest. This built up a
defiant mood. There was a strong pressure to begin civil disobedience. Bidya Dhar
Dubey, an ex-pupil of the Zila School, Daltonganj, went round the villages with
Amrit Math and Ramdhani Sahu of Karso in Sadar and held many meetings. They
openly advocated that after 31 January 1922 government laws should not be
obeyed. 186 In the Non-Cooperation meeting at Saradih Bazar on 13 and 14 January
1922, people were told that they need not pay chaukidari and other taxes. 187
Preparations for non-payment of rent went on. Tenants in the government estate
were in a defiant mood. The situation, according to one government official, in
Chainpur, Ranka and Ladi was one of"alarm and despondency". Non-cooperators
made serious attempts to "stir up trouble amongst the tenants and inculcate in
them the beginning of civil disobedience". 188 Firangi Kherwar was active in
stirring up serious trouble in the government estate. Parmeshwar Barhi also
actively carried on propaganda for non-payment of rent in the government
estate. 189 In Khas Mahal too, the campaign took the form of non-payment of
rent.I9o
Struggle over the forest was a significant aspect of Non-Cooperation
Movement in this belt. Swaraj meant restoration of their right to the forest. To the
tribals forest was the most important resource, next only to land. The non-
186 Ibid, "Letter from Deputy Commissioner, Palamau, to the Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, 7 February, 1922".
187 Ibid, "Fortnightly Confidential report, From Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, to Chief Secretary, 26 January 1922".
188 Ibid, "From Deputy Commissioner of Palamau to the Chief Secretary, dated 23 January 1922".
189 Ibid, "Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, to the Chief Secretary, dated 5 February, 1922'\ "From Deputy Commissioner, Palamau, to Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, dated 2"d/3rd February 1922".
190 Ibid.
250
cooperators drew the attention of the tribals to the depletion of their forest
resources through commercial exploitation by the British.191 Tenants were "incited
and instigated" to cut down the jungles saying that it was only they who were
entitled to these jungles. 192 Reserved forests were damaged. There were cases of
"illicit cutting" in the government reserved forests. The hill side jungle in Ranka,
which had not been cut for the last twenty years, was cut for }hum cultivation. The
tenants justified their actions saying that swaraj had come and now the jungle was
theirs. This area was later in the forefront of the forest satyagraha during the Civil
Disobedience Movement. A large number of Kherwars were involved in this
movement, demanding the restoration of the customary rights of tribals to extract
timber and collect forest produce for their own consumption.
In this region too, local officials looked with apprehension at the
development of the movement. There had been a strong tradition of protest
amongst the Cheros and Kherwars. They considered themselves to be the original
owners of the Palamau and resented strongly their marginalization from land and
forest resources. Many a times they had raised their banner of protest. This strong
tradition of protest haunted the local officials most. The local officials felt that
their "past traditions form a very favourable bed for agitators to drop seeds of
sedition, non-cooperation and civil disobedience". Reiterating this fear,
Chotanagpur Commissioner wrote to the Chief Secretary that the movement
191 Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 8511922. 192 Ibid, "From Deputy Commissioner, Palamau, to Chief Secretary, 10 February 1922", "From
Deputy Commissioner, Palamau, to Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, 2"d/3'd February 1922" and "From Commissioner, Chotanagpur Division, to Chief Secretary, 5 February 1922". The rest of this para and the next para is based on this source.
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would bolster the "hot-headed aboriginals", amongst whom existed considerable
traditions of protest to defy authority.
Thus, this chapter has examined the tribal protest and peasants protest
against the planters during the Non-Cooperation Movement. The study throws
light on the popular perception of nationalism. The nationalist ideology was given
a particular flavour in the course of its assimilation by the peasants in the planters
belt and tribals to meet their own social and political needs. The desires and
aspirations of the masses got linked up with the movement.
There existed a millenarian trait in the movement. The tribals perceived the
attainment of swaraj as a millenium where all exploitation and oppression would
finally come to an end. It was believed that under swaraj the tribals would get
back their land, not have to pay rent, chaukidari tax and haat fees, and that there
would be no protected forests and forest rules.
The deep-seated grievances, over which protest had been going on for
long, sharpened during the Non-Cooperation Movement. The movement built a
defiant mood against the planters. The planters were seized with series of attack.
Many factories faced complete boycott. Their employees and labourers went on
strike demanding higher wages. Tenants did not pay rent. In many places, tenants
stopped providing carts,_ coolies and ploughs to the planters. Haats of planters
were boycotted. In tribal belt too, antagonism against the landlords came to the
forefront. Thus, the popular translations of nationalism pitted the tribals and
peasants in planters belt in struggle not only against the colonial but also against
their internal exploiters.
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In manY cases, the popular strugggles that converged with these movements had
developed under the leadership of the Congress. Amongst the Hos and Tana Bhagats,
the Congress leadership provided the initial stimulus but soon the agenda of the
movement in these areas got primarily determined by local conditions. Liquor boycott
and panchayats were the two programmes of the Congress which became very popular in
the tribal belt. The other issues that predominated most were campaign against rent
payp1ent, refusal to pay haat dues, chaukidari tax, regulation of market and struggle over
forestrs. The movement assumed a local character, with many of the traditional idioms
and forms. In Ho belt, the study has brought out how sankirtan was effectively used for
mobilization.
The study focussed on the complexities associated with interaction of popular
pressures and Indian nationalism, highlighting how the Congress and Gandhi were
shaping as well as being shaped at the popular level. The action of peasants against the
planters and tribes were framed in terms of what was popularly regarded to be just, fair
and possible. But, they derived and insisted on deriving the legitimacy for all their
actions from the supposed orders of Gandhi. There was a popular tendency to look upon
Gandhi as an alternative source of authority. Everything that was unjust~ cruel and
oppressive was fought in Gandhi's name. Gandhi became the symbol of their hopes and
aspirations. The hailing of Gandhi became a militant avowal of the organized strength of
peasant volunteers and a rallying cry for direct action. It was a cry with which an attack
on a market was announced or a factory burnt. Thus, the enthusiasm which Gandhi
generated, the expectations he aroused and the attack he launched on British authority
combined to initiate the process of defiance of authorities. It marked the inversion of
power relations that were deemed inviolable.
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