1

Chapter 1: Introductory Information (1) Introduction

There can be little dispute that today’s society makes extensive use of mass

media. Movies, television, and radio are far more prominent today than ten years ago,

both locally and globally. We rely on these forms of communication for news and

information and entertainment and recreation. New technologies increase our access and

our dependence on mass media. In fact, in the U.S. the average person spends 40 percent

of their time attending to television at some level (Adams, 1992). Adams then goes on to

say that culture and television are clearly involved in reciprocal relations: television

affects culture, but culture also affects television (Adams, 1992). It should come as no

surprise, therefore, that generational differences in recreation are far more prominent

today than they were twenty years ago. Indeed, we are a passive society dependent upon

technology and the creativity of others for pleasure. The Internet and television of today

have replaced the bicycle and board games of yesterday in terms of babysitting the young

for hours on end. Almost all major types of entertainment come from the viewing of

some sort of screen or monitor, with children spending vast amounts of time engaging in

these passive activities. By the age of sixteen, a contemporary child has probably spent

more time watching television than he/she has attending school or doing chores.

However, entertainment is only one use for mass media. For example, the term

“Information Age” refers to much more than recreation. Large quantities of information

can be acquired through these forms of transmission. Unfortunately, false representations

are sometimes the goal of those who produce these data media.

In addition to the deliberate distortion of truths, those who consume mass media

obtain many falsities inadvertently. A perfect example of this is stereotyping. All too

often, one’s only exposure to certain regions and/or peoples is obtained through

television and movies. Instead of becoming familiar with specific facts about cultures,

conclusions are drawn based upon viewing and hearing popular culture material.

Stereotypes of cultural groups create myths about their respective geographic

regions and vice-versa. We are well aware of these myths (for example, the idea that all

Southerners are dumb) but what is their link to place perception? How are mental

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constructs of regions related to cultural stereotypes? How have popular culture and

mass media affected stereotypes?

(1.1) Purpose of Thesis

The main goal of this study is to analyze the interaction of stereotypes and

mental maps. By using popular culture images, it is possible to study the origins of

stereotypical regional perceptions while simultaneously building a teaching model. In

this study, special emphasis will be placed on the “South” due to the vast amount of

academic literature readily available and the widespread interest in cultural issues relating

to this region. Additionally, this region evokes great personal curiosity regarding cultural

perception issues. Defining this region is not, however, the objective of this study.

Rather, special attention is given to how survey respondents view the South in their own

“mental maps.” This allows for the creation of a teaching model for educational use by

forming a systematic methodology that can easily be replicated when studying other

regions.

(1.2) Hypothesis

The purpose of this thesis is to determine to what extent popular culture (in the

form of movie and television imagery) influences place perception among university

students. These two phenomena are intricately related. Although we may never fully

understand the complex interrelationships that arise between and within this broad

spectrum of cognitions, it is very important to at least attempt to interpret their meanings

and effects on cultural geography.

Simply stated, the hypothesis of this thesis is: Visual representations of people

and/or places in the mass media carry with them a mental construct (perception) of

their associated geographic location(s). To that end, it can be assumed that when people

view various visual cues, they automatically associate that observable illustration with a

physical setting in our world. That associated respective location may or may not be

accurate, but the observer has formed a definite opinion as to the locality of the data

presented to them. Similarly, opinions about cultural attributes are formed when one

ponders specific (or for that matter, even general) geographic areas. When people reflect

upon a certain city, for example, they think of the cultural attributes of the inhabitants

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who live there. Once again, the perceived characteristics of those people may or may not

represent reality. However, the belief that those trait(s) exist is present.

(1.3) Importance of Study

This study is important because our ideas regarding various cultures and places

are derived from widespread media transmissions. In order to better comprehend our

society we must realize “that people’s perception of places is one of the things we must

consider as we try to understand the pattern of man’s work on the face of the earth”

(Gould and White, 1974, p. 45). This study will make it possible to acquire a better

understanding of the relationships that exist between our mental views of regions and the

portrayal of those places through graphic illustration.

This project can be easily replicated for other regions and may serve as a template

for educational exploration into the attitudes held toward various cultures and places.

With little modification, almost any vernacular region can be explored with this

methodology. Slight alteration will allow this methodology to apply to a variety of

vernacular regions and age groups.

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Chapter 2: Literature Review

(2) Introduction

As stated in section 1.2 the purpose of this thesis is to determine to what extent

popular culture (in the form of movie and television imagery) influences place perception

among university students. Before discussing methodology, we must first appreciate the

theories underlying this study. The hypothesis suggests that popular culture influences

place perception via the modem of mass media. Nachbar and Lause believe that movies

and television influence one’s place perception through the constant bombardment of

“typical” characteristic traits that accompany certain vernacular regions (Nachbar and

Lause, 1992). For example, mentioning California conjures images of vast beaches

covered with muscular surfers and beautiful women. Similarly, the thought of New York

brings to mind overly ambitious workaholics trying to succeed in the everyday hustle and

bustle of metropolitan life.

These mental images are created through many hours of viewing programs that

portray such long-time associations. But does this process work in reverse? Is it possible

to identify place perception based upon reactions to popular culture characterizations? In

order to understand the hypothesis it is necessary to address stereotypes, mental maps,

and place perception independently.

(2.1) Stereotypes

Most of us have been exposed to popular stereotypes such as “Rednecks,”

“Hillbillies,” “City Slickers,” etc. Hearing these terms brings forth mental images of

certain types of people. Whether or not we discuss such ideas with one another is

irrelevant; we have all been exposed to a vast barrage of cultural labels. Why do we

“know” the culture of regions with which we have no personal experience? How are

these mental images formed in our minds, and what purpose do they serve?

To better understand the purpose of this project and its conclusions, we must first

describe the concept of stereotyping. Briefly discussing this concept will allow for the

comprehension of its interaction with the idea of mental maps and their relation to place

perception.

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(2.1.1) What Are Stereotypes?

“A stereotype is a standardized conception or image of a specific group of people

or objects. Stereotypes are “mental cookie cutters”—they force a simple pattern upon a

complex mass and assign a limited number of characteristics to all members of a group”

(Nachbar & Lause, 1992, p. 236). Accordingly, these generic representations tidy up the

organism’s view of the world (Downs and Stea, 1973). This concept is applicable almost

solely to analyzing character and characterization, being concerned only with one set of

elements within the given text (Alvarado, 1993). Essentially, “a stereotype is a stable and

repetitive structure of character traits” (Alvarado, 1993).

(2.1.2) Expectation of Stereotypes

Although stereotypes usually employ beliefs that are inaccurately held to all those

within the respective groups, many people expect to see these characteristics in the mass

media. In The South and Film H. Wayne Schuth suspects “that the typical movie viewer

would be a bit disappointed if he or she went to a movie about New Orleans and it did not

include some of the comfortable stereotypes” (French, 1981, p. 245). Most of us are

familiar with the major popular cultural stereotypes, and our long-term familiarity leads

to resultant expectations. This leads one to wonder why stereotypes are expected and

even needed for comfort. According to popular culture texts, stereotypes are “a natural

ordering function of the human and social mind: stereotypes make reality easier to deal

with because they simplify the complexities that make people unique” (Nachbar & Lause,

1992, p. 241). Other texts also state that stereotypes “reduce the complexity and

heterogeneity inherent in a process and its relations to a single, homogeneous (and

repetitive) function” (Alvarado, 1993, p. 42). Simply put, stereotypes allow viewers to

draw conclusions about other cultures without having to take the time to interact with or

learn about the individuals themselves.

(2.1.3) Formation of Stereotypes

Having accepted both the existence of and need for stereotypes, we are left with

the issue of stereotype formation. Who forms these typecasts? Do malicious people

create these beliefs in an attempt to harm certain cultures? Are these myths created

solely for the benefit of viewing familiarity, or is this comfort merely a by-product of

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other motives? We may never fully understand all the methods that produce this

phenomenon, but we are able to identify the more prominent causative agents.

According to John Shelton Reed, “Those with an intermediate amount of

interregional experience [for example, college students] are the most likely to generalize

about regional differences” (Reed, 1982, p. 96). When two or more different restricted

groups come into contact and do not have any particular cognitive representations of the

other group, it is expected that interaction would initially give rise to generalizations that

may resemble (or even develop into) stereotypes (Reed, 1982).

Essentially, stereotype formation is a direct result of cultural and/or regional

ignorance. Without the ability to experience an area and its inhabitants for ourselves, we

are left with only our imagination to formulate the ir characteristics and the qualities of

that place in which they live. Once we have created these mental constructs, they are

either retained solely in the mind of the originator (which seldom happens) or they are

spread throughout society, both spatially and temporally.

(2.1.4) Transmission of Stereotypes

Stereotypes are spread from person to person through individual interaction.

However, they can also be transmitted through mass media. These cultural labels are like

the ultimate mental virus: they can be spread through movie screens and television sets

as well as through personal contact. In addition to the spatial expansion of ideas,

stereotypes can be transmitted over time from one generation to the next. “Through the

visual and aural symbols of film, as in other symbolic art forms, knowledge is transmitted

from generation to generation” (French, 1981, p. 156).

John Jakle suggests that this transmission “may be purposeful or accidental,

complete or incomplete, accurate or inaccurate. [It] may be understood, missed, or even

purposely ignored, but [it is] there” (Zonn, 1990, p. 83).

(2.1.5) The Influence of Media

In Images of the South, Jim Birckhead quotes Brown as saying “television is a

powerful fictional medium in contemporary society” (Heider, 1993, p. 176). Media act

as a set of filters that alter the truth and then transmit mutated information. When

discussing movies, Olson states that film is a good instructional medium for spatial

cognition, and that children acquire new concepts from this medium (Olson, 1983).

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However, these newly acquired concepts are indeed only a filtered segment of reality. In

Image and Environment, Downs and Stea state that media information is literally and

metaphorically seen through someone else’s eyes and that these data are selected by and

transmitted through a set of filters that necessarily distort the information (Downs and

Stea, 1973). Similarly, Stephen S. Birdsall claims “non-southerners view of the

American South, for example, was for many years strongly affected by Hollywood”

(Birdsall, 1986, p. 135). Alderman and Good had this to say about mass media:

Because of its “place-defining” role, the electronic

mass media is partly responsible for making the idea of a

distinctive South a social reality. Rather than simply being

a homogenizing and globalizing force, the mass media also

can promote a form of electronic folklore that creates

distinctions between places and thus operationalizes the

idea of a distinct regional culture such as the South.

(Alderman and Good, 1997, pp. 20-21).

The two geographers go on to claim “The emergence of the Internet, particularly

the World Wide Web, offers a new conduit through which images, meaning, and

identities of people and places are constructed and conveyed symbolically. With “the

Web” also comes a new venue for communicating and legitimating the ideology of

distinct regional cultures” (Alderman and Good, 1997, p. 21).

These statements validate the obvious assumption that mass media play a huge

role in both the formation and transmission of stereotypes. Almost everyone in the

United States has at least one or more television sets in their home, and those that do not

undoubtedly have ready access to one. This abundance of televisions, combined with the

widespread distribution of movie theaters and the growing popularity of the Internet, aid

in guaranteeing the existence of both cultural and regional stereotypes.

In fact, “In an unpublished study of the sectional stereotypes held by Northern and

Southern college students, Gail Wood found that Northern students took their

impressions of Southerners from literature and the mass media (especially movies)”

(Reed, 1982, p. 92). Reed goes on to say, “the effect of exposure to Southerners was to

weaken the stereotypes held by non-Southerners” (Reed, 1982, p. 92). Similarly, Downs

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and Stea agree that these “first impressions based upon what “hits you between the eyes”

are notoriously incorrect, especially if they are accentuated by invalid chains of

inferences” (Downs and Stea, 1973, p. 24). This leaves little room to argue that the mass

media have no impact on the distortion of cultural truths.

(2.1.6) Stereotypes Summary

The various contents of section 2.1 outline stereotypes and their relationships to

place perception. Section 2.1.1 defined the concept of a stereotype and summarizes what

they do to human cognitions. In section 2.1.2, we learned that stereotypes are needed for

comfort and as a result are often expected from movies and other mass media. Section

2.1.3 described the formation of typecasts. It is here we learn that those with limited

interregional experience are the most susceptible to forming generalizations. The

contents of 2.1.4 reveal how stereotypes are spread across both space and time, and

whether or not this transmission is intended or accidental it still exists. The last subset,

section 2.1.5., reiterates the influence of popular culture in society. By acting as a set of

filters, the mass media transmits only what others select for us to see. As a result, we are

exposed to the beliefs and presumptions of those who may or may not be ignorant of the

cultural reality.

Understanding stereotypes is an important element in this study. The typecasting

of people, places, and cultures plays a key role in our personal perceptions. Were it not

for the continuation of stereotypes, our perceptions of the world might be entirely

different than those we hold now. However, these labels continue to exist and flourish

throughout time and space. Therefore, we are forced to acknowledge their importance

within the context of this study.

(2.2) Mental Maps

It is now time to turn our attention to the issue of mental maps (sometimes called

cognitive maps). Attempting to understand the role that mental maps play within the

framework of this hypothesis would prove difficult without an introductory discussion of

mental maps and their influence on related cognitive processes. Therefore, this section

explains what mental maps are, how they are formed, and why they are important.

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(2.2.1) What are Mental Maps?

While there are some slight variations in the different definitions of mental maps,

the core characterizations are essentially the same. In its simplest form, the term mental

map can be taken literally to mean a map in the mind. Downs and Stea describe mental

maps as “convenient sets of shorthand symbols that we all subscribe to, recognize, and

employ: these symbols vary from group to group, and individual to individual, resulting

from our biases, prejudices, and personal experiences” (Downs and Stea, 1973, p. 9).

They liken cognitive mapping to a psychological process in which individuals acquire,

code, store, recall, and then decode information about their environment (Downs and

Stea, 1973).

In a lengthier and more thorough description in Maps in Minds, Downs and Stea

state:

Cognitive mapping…abilities change with age (or

development) and use (or learning). Above all, cognitive

mapping refers to a process of doing: it is an activity that

we engage in rather than an object we have. It is the way in

which we come to grips with and comprehend the world

around us…

A cognitive map is a product—a person’s organized

representation of some part of the spatial environment

(Downs and Stea, 1977, p. 6).

In The Evolution of Cognitive Maps, Bela H. Banathy says, “A cognitive map is

an abstract schema which individuals, groups, organizations, and societies create and use

to observe, understand, and represent perceived [emphasis added] phenomena in the

world” (Laszlo et al., 1993, p. 205). Laszlo summarizes this theory by saying that mental

maps “are the symbols shared by a people representing their social construction of reality

and orienting their behaviors in ways found to stabilize that reality” (Laszlo et al, 1993, p.

9). Just as stereotypes are used to pigeonhole complex qualities into convenient

packages, mental maps too can be used in an attempt to simplify reality.

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(2.2.2) Formation of Mental Maps

In a discussion of the development of spatial cognition in Image and

Environment, Downs and Stea maintain “Clearly, there is no Zeus’ forehead of

geography from which such cognitions emerge full-blown: they are the product of the

collated experience of the mobile human being, the result of development and learning”

(Downs and Stea, 1973, p. 221). This learning may be strictly academic and therefore

reasonably precise, or it may be the product of a less than optimal format. Peter Gould

states, “The permeability of geographic space is increasing, not simply for the diffusion

and movement of goods and people, but for flows of communications and information”

(Gould and White, 1974, pp. 173-174). He also states that this information flows from a

myriad of formal and informal sources (Gould and White, 1974), which fur ther validates

the assumption that accuracy may often be compromised by the existence of speculative

cognitions. Gould’s suggestion for improved awareness is that people do not base their

opinions upon highly selected and biased sets of information that can so easily lead to

misrepresentation of ideas (Gould and White, 1974). Some common sources of

information to draw inferences from are reading, listening, radio, television, traveling,

and both formal and informal teaching (Downs and Stea, 1973). Once information is

acquired, it is up to the receiving individuals to draw their own conclusions regarding the

implications of the data that lies within.

In a recent National Geographic Adventure article exploring the “art and science

of survival” after becoming lost, Laurence Gonzales describes the formation of mental

maps. Gonzales validates the hypothesis that cognitive maps are merely a simplified

representation of reality. “While our senses are capable of perceiving the world around

us, the human mind is not capable of processing it in all its complexity. Instead, we

create simplified models of our environment” (Gonzales, 2001, p. 88).

(2.2.3) Why Are Mental Maps Important?

We have defined what mental maps are and how they are formed. Now it is time

to explain their importance. We all have cognitive representations of the world around

us, and these images are usually unique to each of us. What implications do these facts

hold for individuals and society as a whole?

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According to Downs and Stea the main importance in understanding mental maps

is that we base our everyday spatial behavior upon the world as we believe it to be

(Downs and Stea, 1977). This carries over into everything from finding our way around

town to deciding where we want to live to forming regional stereotypes about other

places and cultures. Simply put, cognitive maps influence our behavior by forcing our

reaction to perceived environmental and cultural stimuli. For example, if we see a

television program depicting Southerners as being slow-talking farmers who lead

“simple” lives then we may inadvertently come to the conclusion that people who live in

this region are unintelligent and have little ambition in life. We may admit that there are

exceptions to this generalization, but for the most part we will convince ourselves (and

possibly others as well) that this is the overall persona of the average Southerner. While

we conclude that these particular traits belong to those particular people, we

simultaneously decide as to the area to which this “good ‘ole boy” characterization

extends.

Another important facet of mental maps is that of personal distinctiveness. As

stated earlier, it is very unlikely that any two people have identical mental maps.

Knowing this, we as individuals obtain a certain degree of reassurance. As stated by

Gould, “Our mental maps reflect all these particular aspects of our lives, so it is hardly

surprising that the images we form of places may not be shared exactly by others. The

assumption is easy to accept because of its obvious truth, and because it gives us comfort,

in this increasingly homogenized world, that we still possess some degree of

individuality” (Gould and White, 1974, p. 51).

The National Geographic discussion of mental maps and survival techniques

reinforces the inherent power of place perception. “When it comes to our perception of

where we are, the mental model can be unbelievably strong” (Gonzales, 2001, p. 88). For

example, the author recounts instances in which experienced outdoorsmen become lost in

what should be familiar territory due simply to the fact that they perceived themselves to

be somewhere else. These incorrect mental maps (which are undeniably accurate in the

mind of the originator) can lead to irrational behavior once the perceived location and

actual location begin to stray from one another. Hikers may make shortcuts through the

wild in order to get back onto the correct route. However, these “corrective” measures

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ultimately steer the person even farther off course. Another example of the power of the

mental map is when hikers destroy or throw away their compasses because they are sure

the equipment is faulty (when in fact the compass is correct and they are traveling in the

right direction).

(2.2.4) Mental Maps Summary

In subset 2.2, we learned that mental maps are a means of simplifying reality.

The acquisition, coding, recollection, and finally the decoding of spatial information

accomplish this process. It is clearly stated that these inferences are drawn from mass

media, traveling, and teaching. Since both formal and informal data sets are used to form

our cognitions, it is up to the individual to determine what inferences are drawn from the

available information.

We have all used these mental maps in various forms. Whether orienting

ourselves within a city, recalling our travels, or simply mentally locating a specific place

in the world, our entire existence depends upon the use of cognitive mapping abilities.

Since we base our everyday spatial behavior on how we believe the world to be, it is very

important that mental maps be discussed and included in this study.

(2.3) Place Perception

The third major element to be discussed is that of place perception. Given the

introduction to stereotypes and mental maps, it is now time to briefly turn to this final

issue in order to understand its importance in relation to the hypothesis. In order to do

this, we will discuss both the formation of and importance of perceptions.

(2.3.1) Formation of Perceptions

According to Rudolf Treumann, the “Human perception of the world in all its

aspects is based on the different senses, sensations, and reflections and proceeds…to

form a hierarchy…which, quite naturally, differs from individual to individual and from

culture to culture” (Laszlo et al., 1993, p. 77). Once again, this statement assures us that

no two mental maps are the same because we all perceive the world differently. Since we

cannot absorb and retain all of the information contained within our surroundings, we

devise perceptual filters that screen out information in a highly selective fashion. In a

discussion on selective filtering and learning, Gordon H. Bower and Paul R. Cohen

explain how our environment and personal feelings result in both the fo rmulation of and

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selective retrieval of filtered thoughts and memories (Clark, 1982). In Spatial Cognition

we learn that perception relies upon the use of unconscious inferences (Olson, 1983).

Therefore, our memory selects and retains only a small portion of information from our

individual encounters (Gould and White, 1974). This representative information

eventually forms our personal perceptions.

(2.3.2) Importance of Place Perception

Once perceptions are formed, what is their relevance to individual cognitions and

mental maps? What role do they play in the behavior of society’s members? According

to Gould, place perception is a key factor in decisions made in everyday life: “Many of

the decisions that men make seem to be related, at least in part, to the way in which they

perceive the space around them and to the differential evaluations they place upon

various portions of it” (Downs and Stea, 1973, p. 183). In relation to the perception of

vernacular regions, cognitive maps vary according to a person’s perspective on the world

(Downs and Stea, 1977). However, these mental maps reflect the world as some person

believes it to be and therefore need not be totally accurate and oftentimes include

distortions (Downs and Stea, 1977).

Rather than basing our decisions on completely thorough knowledge, we conduct

our lives using only selected bits and pieces of data from the surrounding environment.

Instead of reacting to reality, a large portion of “Human behavior is affected only by that

portion of the environment that is actually perceived” (Gould and White, 1974, p. 48).

Hence, the concepts of place perception and mental maps are forever intertwined.

(2.3.3) Place Perception Summary

Due to the fact that we cannot retain all of the information constantly presented to

us, we inadvertently use a set of selective “mental” filters to sort through this vast barrage

of data. Unfortunately, only a small portion of information survives this process. As a

result, our personal perceptions are formed. Therefore, no two individuals have the same

mental maps.

Since we base our decisions on what we perceive, we must acknowledge the

importance of place perception. The bits and pieces of knowledge that are retained

within our minds influence human behavior. As a result, we cannot dismiss the relevance

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of place perception to both the hypothesis of this study and our decision-making

processes.

(2.4) Similar Studies

Although no available studies engage in the exact scope of this work, two

particular references are relevant to mental maps and place perception. By briefly

summarizing these resources, we obtain a better understanding of human cognitions in

relevance to geographic space. Reviewing similar academic works offers insight into the

complexities of human/environment interaction and allows us to more fully appreciate

the undertaking of this project.

The first of these works is a collaborative effort between David Stea and Denis

Wood. As its name implies, A Cognitive Atlas: Exploration into the Psychological

Geography of Four Mexican Cities focuses upon people’s conceptions of the physical

forms of several Mexican cities. Although dated, this study investigates objects (and

collections of objects) that make up the “urban fabric” of the study areas (Stea and Wood,

1971).

The next resource, authored by Peter Gould, chronicles mental maps and their

relation to living preferences, administration, and spatial ignorance in both Europe and

America. This work, used to analyze place perception, offers a more thorough

description of cognitive processes in relation to learning and personal preferences. Both

studies prove valuable in their respective fields and are beneficial to the comprehension

of this project.

(2.4.1) A Cognitive Atlas

In recounting a famous historian, Stea and Wood describe that historical truth is

not necessarily of importance; what is important is what people think history is. They

then go on to liken geography to history, stating that maps are of less importance in

describing and assessing a city than the impressions formed by city inhabitants in their

day to day interaction with the urban landscape (Stea and Wood, 1971). This philosophy

sides with the hypothesis that one’s opinion is the overwhelming factor in determining

the perception of any given place, and that the actual qualities of that environment only

emerge to the cognitive forefront when forced to do so by the acceptance of reality

through personal experience. The driving mechanism behind that surfacing may be either

15

a wanted or unwanted realization of the genuine persona of the area, and may serve to

either reinforce or weaken the regional stereotype(s).

One of the major objects of this investigation was to identify the influence of

physical form upon schemata for four different cities established by the Spanish

conquistadors during a relatively short time period. According to the study, the term

“image” refers to perceptions and “conceptions” of the study areas (Stea and Wood,

1971). The study was conducted in the following cities: Mexico City, Puebla,

Guanajuato, and Cristobal las Casas. During the data collection phase, the first three

cities were analyzed during the same time period and in the same fashion. The Cristobal

las Casas survey, on the other hand, was analyzed two years after the initial study was

conducted.

The first major segment of the study describes the history, attractions, and

layout(s) of the cities. Since the purpose of this section is to summarize the work of Stea

and Wood, special attention is not given to recounting the descriptions of the study areas.

Rather, emphasis is placed on the study format, conclusion, and relevance to this project.

In the study introduction, Stea and Wood remark that mental images are a pattern

of remembered percepts, significances, and symbolic values that are useful for decision-

making (Stea and Wood, 1971). The authors go on to state that we are very capable of

forming schemata of places we have heard of but never experienced (Stea and Wood,

1971). This follows the same reasoning of my hypothesis, revealing that humans form

perceptions about places that they have never visited. These perceptions are the basis for

stereotype formation; although we have no direct knowledge of an area, we create an

opinion about the area and its inhabitants. Additionally, Stea asserts that these mental

schemata are a simplification process that is necessary due to the complexities of reality

(Stea and Wood, 1971). This corroborates the work of Nachbar & Lause, who also state

that stereotypes are used to simplify complex reality.

During the survey, the cities were divided into sectors. For each separate

segment, the study focused on specific locations within the city and the extent of the city

as a whole or subsection of it. Personal data for each interviewee were taken during the

study. Participants were willing to take the survey and draw their mental maps of the

city (either during the initial interview or at a later date). The survey asked the

16

interviewees to draw their city in its entirety, draw the city center, and then draw their

colonia or barrio. All attempts were made to divide the study group equally between

males and females. In addition to indicating the elements most important to them,

respondents in the study were asked to define the “boundaries” of the area drawn upon

completion of the map.

Along with the aforementioned request, respondents were asked to sketch the

routes of several trips (to work, recreation, etc.) taken frequently. Other questions asked

for the sections of the city liked best and least, where new arrivals to the city go, desired

changes to the city, and relevant personal information. After the completion of the

interview process, interviewers for each sector prepared summaries of responses to their

outlined questions and drew composite maps of the interviewed areas that revealed the

most widely mentioned locales. Refer to the Appendix for examples of maps produced

during this study.

The main findings of the Mexico City, Puebla, and Guana juato study can

basically be separated into two main divisions: socio-economic level and residential

location. Both response categories yield knowledge pertinent to the scope of this project.

In summary, many common points of interest appear on the point imagery maps

of both upper and lower socio-economic levels. However, the ranking of these areas as

points of interest vary between the two classifications. For example, the Cathedral

ranked as number 4 in the upper strata is indicated as number 18 in the lower level listing

(Stea and Wood, 1971). That different socio-economic levels have different area

priorities is not surprising. This phenomenon can be likened to regional stereotypes held

by different socio-economic levels within our own country. A good example is the belief

that Appalachian residents are commonly referred to as “hillbillies” by residents of areas

outside of Appalachia. However, citizens living within this cultural area dismiss this

widespread myth and take offense at this inaccurate generalization perpetuated by people

in other vernacular regions.

In regards to residential location, the study reveals that respondents living far

from the center of the city have “larger” mental maps of the city than do those residents

living within the city center. Surprisingly, the study also reveals that people living in the

city suburbs have a more detailed image of the city center than do those residents living

17

there. These findings indicate that place perception can vary from group to group, and

that no particular segment of the population, (for example, the inner-city inhabitants),

may have truly accurate spatial awareness. These findings reveal that all members of

society form mental images that they believe to be accurate but that may be either

somewhat or even totally off the mark.

An interesting finding of the San Cristobal Las Casas portion of the study reveals

the cognitive importance of everyday routines given to various sites within the city.

Rather than showing tourist-oriented points of interest, this mapping exercise indicated

the more or less routine, run-of-the-mill interest of the respondents. For example, the

maps of these interviewees omit major points of interest and indicate recreational images

such as movie theaters and coffee shops and areas of everyday activity such as schools.

This reinforces the theory of self-centered mental maps. Rather than indicating

areas of interest to outsiders, the respondents reveal those points of interest to their daily

life. Both adults and children apply an ego-related viewpoint to descriptions and layouts

in order to cope practically with complex and un-specific spatial relationships (Olson,

1983). This is a perfect example of how reality can be skewed during graphic

representation; a person’s idea of an area may omit some facts and over-portray others.

This process is akin to the concept of stereotypes and how reality is distorted or even

falsified.

(2.4.2) Mental Maps

Mental Maps is the product of one of the preeminent mental map researchers:

Peter Gould. Gould, in collaboration with Rodney White, encompasses such endeavors

as mapping residential desirability and information ignorance within the context of this

publication. The results of this study are both fascinating and informative, and yield a

network of corroborating documentation to support the claims of my hypothesis.

Rather than focusing on a single geographic region, this work studies both the

United States and parts of Europe. The study focuses on college-aged students and their

perceptions of where they would like to live. By placing these people in a “fairly free

hypothetical situation where they are asked to rank their order of preference for a series

of places in terms of residential desirability” the authors “attempt to explain the ways in

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which ‘mental maps’ are related to the characteristics of the real world” (Gould and

White, 1974, p. 18).

Patterns of ignorance, information, and learning are also discussed along with

mental maps in relation to administration and mental maps in today’s world. Surveys

were conducted in both America and Britain. However, the purpose of this summary is

to extrapolate that information which is relevant to this project. Rather than reviewing

the entire work in detail, merely the pertinent highlights of relevant significance will be

outlined. Although relevant inferences from both the American and British studies can

be applied to this hypothesis, only the methodology and study findings related to the

American-based portion of the work will be discussed.

In discussing The Nature of Different Places, the authors state:

…the amount and type of information we have

about different localities will vary considerably. Some

places we know from first-hand experience, and our

information is direct and immediate. Other places are little

more than names, and if pressed we would find it difficult

to say much about them at all. Even our sources of

information are extremely varied. While we acquire some

through personal travel, we also form mental images of

places with the information we get from reading, radio,

television, talking to other people, and even from travel

posters in railway stations and airports.” (Gould and White,

1974, p. 19).

Contained within this short quotation is a plethora of supporting documentation to

validate claims presented earlier regarding the acquisition and dissemination of locational

data. Rather than obtaining factual and objective information pertaining to places and

peoples, we acquire our knowledge through a vast myriad of avenues. Although the

statement suggests that sometimes we form our opinions based on first-hand experience,

this is not to say that we are impartial when it comes to creating and spreading ideas

about different vernacular regions. For example, a less-than-optimal vacation to

California may forever skew our opinions about the West Coast and its inhabitants.

19

Conversely, a wonderfully pleasing weekend trip to New England may falsify the notion

that all areas of the Northeast represent a quaint haven of friendly people and utopian

landscape.

In section 2.1.3, we learned that John Shelton Reed suggests those with limited

travel experience are the most likely to form generalizations about regional differences.

This coincides with Gould’s afo rementioned statement that some places are little more

than names to us. However, “We all have opinions about various parts of the

country…and we tend to view the people who live around us in decidedly different ways”

(Gould and White, 1974, p. 37). Rather than knowing the truth about an area, we are

forced to draw conclusions based upon our limited knowledge of the general region.

Unfortunately, even our knowledge of the surrounding vicinity may be tainted, since

Gould reinforces the idea that our data sources vary from place to place and time to time.

Gould reintroduces the notion that our personal thoughts are influenced from

information derived from various media sources. Television programs, radio broadcasts,

personal interaction, and even posters help to formulate our cultural cognitions.

Unfortunately, this information is usually filtered to represent only certain elements of a

geographic region and its culture. As a result, reality is usually distorted and

misinformation perseveres (refer to Section 2.1.5). This is regrettable since “Many of

the human patterns we see on the landscape today are a result of men making locational

decisions based on information that has come through a perceptual filter” (Gould and

White, 1974, p. 45). Understanding these differences is imperative to individual

cognitions. Since we all experience unique information flows, we ultimately form mental

maps unique to each of us (Gould and White, 1974).

In conducting the study, Gould and White analyzed the responses of college

students from five different states across the nation: California, Minnesota,

Pennsylvania, Alabama, and North Dakota. Reviewing preferences from these different

locales offers insight into the variations of mental maps across the country. Surveying

the same age group allowed for a more homogeneous study sample and therefore led to

the expectation of more overlap between the mental images (Gould and White, 1974).

Homomorphic mapping was used to compile and map the results. This process

basically encompasses the compilation and compression of many things into a single,

20

simplified datum for ease of analysis. This technique is very relevant to the study, since

“Every map and model we construct of the world around us represents a simplifying,

many-to-one, homomorphic transformation” (Gould and White, 1974, p. 53).

Diagrammatic Example of Homomorphic Mapping

Source: Peter Gould and Rodney White, Mental Maps

The authors gave the students maps of the United States and then asked them to

rank the country in terms of their own personal preferences. The results were then placed

on a graph to determine the correlation coefficients between the responses. Values close

to +1.0 indicate perfect agreement among the responses, while a value of 0.0 indicates no

agreement whatsoever. Conversely, a value of –1.0 reveals perfect disagreement for the

area in question.

The coefficients for the group were then converted into a data matrix (below).

After the matrix conversion, the data table was converted into a geometric diagram using

vectors and cosines of angles to create a multi-dimensional representation of response

preferences. Next, a “major axis” was drawn through the common origins of the

individual cosines in order to determine the correlation of individual persons with the

overall viewpoint.

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Data Matrix for Response Correlations

Source: Peter Gould and Rodney White, Mental Maps

The major axis was then rotated slowly around in order to measure the personal

cosines (called loadings) for each response. The next step was to find the position along

the principal axis that yielded the highest loading quantity. Once found, this position

represents the major viewpoint of all people responding to the study.

Major Axis Drawn Through Vector Cluster

Source: Peter Gould and Rodney White, Mental Maps

In the last step scores for each region are arithmetically calculated by summing

the rank values assigned to it by each person after being weighted by the respective

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loading on the principal axis. Finally, the results are adjusted onto a 0-100 scale for

clarification. Once adjusted, the results for each region are plotted cartographically to

construct the mental maps of the test group.

Let us now turn our attention to the results of the survey. Although the surveys

include areas that encompass various locales across the country, they yield results and

understanding pertinent to this study. Refer to Appendix A.2 for Residential Desirability

Maps.

The first group of students surveyed attended the University of California at

Berkeley. After working with a map of the forty-eight contiguous states and ranking

their residential desirability, there can be no doubt as to the respondents’ preferences for

California. The peak preference area exists over the state, with a strong desirability

gradient running into Oregon and Washington. Surprisingly, this preference steeply

declines along Nevada and Utah. According to the authors, Utah’s image is tarnished due

to the dislike for the Mormon religion that dominates all aspects of life within the state

(Gould and White, 1974). This can be interpreted to mean that California students do not

wish to reside in an area in which they will be considered outsiders. Although there can

be little doubt as to the influence and prominence of the Mormons, it is inaccurate for the

students to assume that everyone within Utah follows this religious practice. This

inaccurate generalization is similar to the way in which those of the Appalachian region

are relegated to the status of inbreds or hillbillies.

The desirability surface rises again for the Californians over Colorado but drops

around the Great Plains area. The deep South (in particular, the states of Alabama,

Mississippi, Georgia, and South Carolina) forms the lowest point of living preference.

Although the trend increases to the north, a low point around West Virginia distorts the

desirability index. “Problems of poverty, rapacious strip-mining, and appalling lack of

decent medical care in this area of Appalachia, are all well-publicized aspects that form

part of the information available to this group of socially aware students” (Gould and

White, 1974, p. 96).

Although the aforementioned conditions are accurate, it is unfortunate that images

of West Virginia conjure these ideas of the state. Socially aware students should possess

the ability to realize that in spite of its problems, West Virginia has a very scenic

23

landscape containing many highly regarded historic and cultural attributes. Ironically,

Kentucky (which suffers from many of the same problems as West Virginia) received

higher desirability scores due to the perception of “white fences, bluegrass pastures, and

sour mash bourbon with pretensions to spirituous greatness [and] familiar themes in

many advertisements [that] have molded a mental image brighter than the facts over

much of the state would warrant” (Gould and White, 1974, p. 96). That being said, we

may argue that when forced to quantify spatial ideology, only the most widely-known

and easily accepted perceptions of an area emerge to the forefront of cognition.

Additionally, this paradox leaves us with the realization that media and advertisements

play a major role in our spatial “awareness” of the world.

When surveying Minnesota students, the authors find that the results are

remarkably similar to the Californian viewpoints. Except for the primary peak of

desirability over Minnesota, the two survey maps are almost identical. Even the trough

over West Virginia is apparent despite the 1400 mile shift in perception points.

Responses for Pennsylvania students closely resemble those from both California

and Minnesota. Only the local domes of preference are the major difference between the

maps. “Despite locations thousands of miles apart, this generation of Americans appears

almost unanimous in its perception of geographic space” (Gould and White, 1974, p.

100). This finding validates the assertion that mental images, whether accurate or

inaccurate, are based upon those representations commonly illustrated across time and

space.

When perception space is moved to the south, however, the mental maps change

to reflect the viewpoints of the white students at the University of Alabama. As

expected, the dome of highest desirability resides over Alabama. Surprisingly, instead of

a strong preference of close southern neighbors, the residential preference falls

dramatically at the Mississippi border. According to the authors, “Students in the North

do not discriminate between these adjacent states, and mentally homogenize them into

the Southern Trough. In contrast, Alabamans discriminate very carefully between states

in the South, and rate Louisiana and North Carolina well above such neighbors as

Mississippi and South Carolina” (Gould and White, 1974, p. 100). This reveals the

marked difference in stereotypes held between Southerners and Northerners; while those

24

in the north view all Southerners as being alike in culture and geography, Southerners

exhibit the tendency to base their decisions upon factual information and personal

preferences rather than those typecasts that are portrayed through the media. This is

confirmed by the study’s claim that the “Alabamans have much more information, and

undoubtedly more travel experience in the South, and make careful comparative

judgements” regarding personal preferences (Gould and White, 1974, p. 100).

Nevertheless, an area of dislike arises over the Dakota region since the Southerners “also

have a propensity for mentally homogenizing areas far from their home territory” (Gould

and White, 1974, p. 102).

The last study group, from North Dakota, is the only group that does not express a

local dome of residential desirability. Other than that, the general desirability surface

follows those of the other survey groups (excluding the anomaly of the Southerners

viewpoint). This phenomenon clearly indicates the deeply rooted regional images of

residents of the United States residents. While most reveal intimate knowledge of

locations close to them, the driving force behind mental images is based upon the

predominant forms of data transmitted via the mass media conduit.

(2.4.3) Summary

Section 2.4.1 recounts the work of Stea and Wood and their findings in A

Cognitive Atlas. This publication studies the mental maps held of four Mexican cities. In

this work, Stea reveals that we are very capable of forming schemata of places we have

heard about but never experienced, substantiating the notion that humans form

perceptions about places that they have never personally experienced. Stea then asserts

that these mental schemata are a simplification process that is necessary due to the

complexities of reality. This too follows the ideology of other authors that liken

stereotyping to mental cookie cutters. In summary, this volume reinforces the idea that

the mental maps of individuals reflect their egocentric tendencies; the maps in the survey

indicate that the cognitions of the respondents reflect those areas of familiarity and

importance to those included in the survey.

In the section 2.4.2 summary of Mental Maps, Peter Gould and Rodney White

reveal the tendencies of humans to be the most familiar with areas close to them.

Residential preferences are ranked on fact and personal interaction with areas close to the

25

home of the respondents. However, commonly accepted stereotypes and limited factual

knowledge are often implemented in the decision making process when ranking areas

farther away. This corroborates the hypothesis of this study in the validation that mass

media creates pre-formed mental constructs of certain vernacular regions. When personal

knowledge is limited, substitute data are used when deciding where to live.

Both works reviewed in this section offer insight into human cognitions relevant

to geographic space. Reviewing these works offers more understanding of the

complexities of human/environment interaction and allows us to more fully appreciate

the undertaking of this project. While many studies similar to these can be performed

and analyzed for a variety of places over an extent of time, there would likely be little

differentiation between the two described in section 2.4 and any performed in the future.

There is little doubt that widespread travel influences both place perception and the

formation of mental maps. However, the aforementioned studies reveal the propensity of

individuals to focus their objective mentalities on areas close to home, while using widely

accepted points of view when characterizing distant locales. If no universal quality exists

for a particular territory, then one will be assigned based upon the information that is

available through the most accessible resource, which is usually mass media.

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Chapter 3: Methodology

(3.1) Overview

(3.1.1) Introduction

Chapter 3 discusses the methodological components of the study. The leading

sections of this chapter will outline the survey structure and describe the administration

methodology. (A copy of the survey questions is included in the Appendix for reference

purposes.) Following the appendix is a description of the images displayed during the

survey, along with a description of the image selection process. Accompanying each

image overview are my predictions for how the students will rank each picture when

prompted to do so within the survey. These predictions are included in order to better

understand my rationale in image selection and what I expect to obtain from analyzing

the results of responses to these visual representations. The images used during the

survey are included in the Appendix. Inclusion of the pictures will offer more insight

into the study and the survey responses.

The latter sections of this chapter describe the video segments played during the

survey. As with the image descriptions, the video-clip listing offers a summary of what

was presented to the students during the survey session. Additionally, a brief overview of

each movie itself is included for those who may be unfamiliar with the segments in

question. Predictions for response to this section of the survey are also included with

each image overview.

The last subset of the chapter contains a copy of the “Cities” map given to the

respondents in a hard-copy format. The map, created with GIS software, contains city

locations, along with the individual city number and name for each location included in

the survey ranking.

(3.1.2) Recognizing My Own Bias

In order to fully appreciate the images and videos selected for analysis, as well as

better understand my reasoning for conducting this study, I will now briefly discuss my

personal cultural exposure and my perceptions regarding the south.

As a lifelong resident of southern West Virginia I am fully aware of both the

shortcomings and virtues of the Appalachian culture. As a whole, West Virginia is not as

financially stable or as developed as other states in the eastern portion of the country.

27

However, many areas in the state are extremely economically viable and offer very

sophisticated goods and services. As a result I have come to the realization that my home

state is no less important than any of her surrounding neighbors. Beautiful landscapes, a

rich cultural history, and friendly people bless West Virginia and make this a truly

wonderful place to live.

As a result of my awareness of inaccurate stereotypes regarding the state, I have

developed an understanding and appreciation for the cultural misrepresentations

regarding the south. In my opinion, I regard the south much like I do the Appalachians;

welcoming, friendly, and under appreciated. I do however draw distinctions between

these two vernacular regions. When I think of the Appalachians, I think of family

members relaxing on the front porch in the evening after a long and hard workday. I

instantly think of the mining industry and recall my own personal experiences of

watching waves of coal- laden trains travel through the area and the seemingly endless

caravan of coal trucks traveling the winding country roads. Rugged mountain

landscapes, lush deciduous forests, and distinct seasonal changes come to the forefront of

my conscious cognitions.

When I think of the south I instantly visualize long, straight highways, seemingly

endless plantations and farms, and hot, muggy weather. My perceptions lead me to

believe that the south is always warm, the sun is always shining, and everyday life in

general is more relaxed. The reasoning for this mentality is probably that my travel

experiences to the south coincide with past family vacations or academic excursions, both

representing enjoyable and relatively carefree life experiences.

It is my opinion that most people (especially those unfamiliar with Appalachia or

the south) tend to group these two cultures together. The average television viewer

unfamiliar with these regions will pigeonhole the Appalachian region with the south. For

example, when a gruff mountain man is depicted in the media the viewer associates that

image with the south, although the location may actually be in the Appalachians. A

perfect example of this is the documentary “The Dancing Outlaw”. Although I draw a

definite distinction between the south and the Appalachian location of this cult classic,

most people will inadvertently consider this to be a documentary set somewhere in the

south.

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As for my choices regarding the survey images and videos, I picked examples

from both the traditional south and areas that were definitely not southern according to

Zelinsky’s delineation. I also added examples from the Appalachian region in an attempt

to gauge the likelihood of respondents grouping the two regions into one. The video

segments I included for analysis are representative of films that I enjoyed watching and

would recommend to others. Similarly, images used during the survey were also selected

based upon my own personal opinions as to what is and is not southern. Some images

and video segments (such as the Dukes and Pee Wee Herman) were included to introduce

humor to the crowd and to make the survey process a more enjoyable experience.

(3.2) Survey

In order to obtain the most reliable data, careful consideration was given to the

processes through which the hypothesis was tested. Inquiries to committee members and

other graduate students yielded the most precise and appropriate methodology and helped

to gauge time requirements

Questions were worded in a fashion that asked specific information in order to

reduce or eliminate confusion while simultaneously acquiring the most data from the

respondent. This was done to ensure that the informa tion acquired from the survey was

the most accurate reflection of the thoughts of the survey respondents.

(3.2.1) Survey Format

The survey was offered (as extra credit) to approximately 500 students enrolled in

the Geography 1014 course taught at Virginia Tech during the Spring 2001 Term. Of the

500 students roughly 240 accepted the invitation to participate in the study; more than

enough to comprise a statistically viable survey group. This readily accessible group

offered a good distribution of people from different geographic regions and various travel

experiences. A video projector system was used to transmit the questionnaire and

images/video clips onto a large screen located in the front of the classroom. Hardcopy

maps were used to evaluate student perceptions of the South. Electronically scored

sheets were used in order to facilitate the tabulation process. The use of a ranking system

(0-7) was chosen in order to allow for a quantitative analysis of the perception of

individual respondents. Two individual one-hour time slots were allotted for both survey

29

groups. However, the majority of surveys were completed within a half-hour. Some

participants took longer to complete the map portion of the survey.

(See Appendix for Overview of Survey Questionnaire)

(3.2.2) Image Selection

The images included in the survey were selected from popular older television

programs that are currently being re-broadcast on several major networks. This ensured a

greater likelihood of familiarity among the survey participants. The images that were

chosen gave cultural insight into the characters depicted and should be easily

recognizable by anyone familiar with the represented program. In addition to images

from television programs, two images not associated with any particular show were

included in the survey. These were included to gauge the familiarity and/or associations

related to perceived geographic regions.

By allowing the participants to view these particular images, it is possible to infer

how participants perceived the culture of the region depicted by analyzing responses for

each individual image.

Images were chosen from various regions of the United States, including

segments from both the traditional South (see Zelinsky, below) and surrounding areas not

typically considered Southern. Also, an effort was made to choose images that coincided

with the cities that were ranked on the map portion of the survey. The images used in the

survey are described below and are displayed in the Appendix.

30

The South, According to Zelinsky

Source: Wilbur Zelinsky, The Cultural Geography of the United States

Image 1: Little House on the Prairie. The setting of this show is 1870’s Walnut

Grove, Minnesota. This image and what it represents are indicative of a “Western” or a

Midwest culture. Therefore, neither the cultural nor physical aspects of this image should

rank as highly southern to those familiar with the show. Also, those unfamiliar with the

image will not rank it as being very southern.

Image 2: Skyline of Washington D.C. This image was taken from a National

Park Service website. This picture should rank very highly as being both culturally and

physically un-southern and it would be very surprising if it received any responses that

ranked it as being even remotely southern.

Image 3: The Andy Griffith Show. The setting of this sitcom is Mayberry, North

Carolina. Almost every student familiar with this show should rank this as being very

southern in terms of both cultural and physical attributes. Additionally, those unfamiliar

with the image should rate the image as being culturally southern due to the comedic

expressions of the characters depicted in the image.

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Image 4: Picture of Ku Klux Klan burning a cross. This image was taken from

the official K.K.K. website. Even though the location of this picture is unknown, it is

likely that everyone would rank this as being “Totally Southern” in terms of culture.

Also, I believe that the students will associate the cultural phenomenon with a physical

location and as a result will rate the physical location as being very southern as well.

Although unaware of the location of the picture, I too believe that this image is both

culturally and physically “Totally Southern.”

Image 5: The Waltons. The setting of this series is depression-era Blue Ridge

Mountains, Virginia. While this image is not representative of the South, most students

unfamiliar with the show should probably rank both cultural and physical attributes as

being southern due to the large family, clothing style, and presence of the hunting dog in

the foreground. Students familiar with the program should probably also rate the image

as being southern, although fewer responses will indicate that either cultural or physical

attributes are extremely southern.

Image 6: Larry Hagman as J.R. Ewing with a Texas flag in the background. J.R.

Ewing was a popular character on Dallas. This image represents a “Western” culture and

is Southwestern in physical location. Therefore, most students familiar with Dallas

should rank this image as being not very southern. Additionally, students unfamiliar with

the show’s setting should also rate the show as un-southern after viewing the Texas flag

in the background.

Image 7: Bo and Luke Duke with cousin Daisy posed on the roof of the General

Lee car. The setting for this series is Hazzard County, Georgia. The “good ole boy”

mentality portrayed in this show is, in my opinion, very representative of a southern

culture and will probably be indicated as such in the responses. Additionally, I believe

that the same “Southerness” factor will carry over to physical attributes and will likewise

be ranked accordingly by both the “Yes” and “No” responses. What else can you think

when three “rednecks” are posed on the roof of a rebel- flag-laden muscle car?

Image 8: Crockett and Tubbs from the series Miami Vice, set in Miami, Florida.

Although I think that Miami is definitely in the south, I do not find this image or show to

be southern. Therefore, I predict that the responses will indicate similar thinking and will

32

be ranked as not very southern by both response groups for both cultural and physical

southerness.

(3.2.3) Video Clips

Just as with the still images, the video clips used in the survey were representative

of more popular films. The majority of film segments included dialogue that was used to

offer insight into the cultural background of the characters.

Video Clip 1: “Gone with the Wind”

“Gone with the Wind,” one of the most widely acclaimed and easily recognized

films of all time, narrates the love between the beautiful Scarlett O’Hara and the debonair

Rhett Butler during the American Civil War. Scarlett, headstrong and full of life, is the

desire of several male suitors.

In this segment, Scarlet is angrily walking away from the mansion and two

possible male suitors. Scarlett’s maid, a portly African-American donning neckerchief

headwear, is yelling out of an upstairs window for Scarlet to “Come on in the

house…Come on in here.”

Filming for “Gone with the Wind” was done in South Carolina, Connecticut,

Georgia, Arkansas, and multiple locations in California. This film is totally southern,

both culturally and physically, and I expect that all survey respondents will hold the same

opinion as well regardless of familiarity with the movie.

Video Clip 2: “The Blair Witch Project”

“The Blair Witch Project” chronicles the disappearance of three student

filmmakers who venture into the Black Hills Forest near Burkittesville, Maryland.

Heather Donahue, Michael Williams, and Joshua Leonard set out on what is supposed to

be a weekend hike to shoot a documentary about a legendary myth called the Blair Witch.

Allegedly this witch of local lore is responsible for the disappearance of many area

children over the years, and fear of this creature still haunts many, preventing them from

straying very far into the woods. The students, armed with a 16mm camera, a Hi8 video

camera, and a DAT recorder are carrying limited camping gear and are drastically

unprepared for the horror to come.

After some initial confusion and difficulty in reading the maps, the trio becomes

lost. With each passing minute, the group becomes increasingly disoriented and agitated,

33

constantly arguing and doubting one another. Since the cameras are constantly rolling,

everything is caught on film. The students discover stone piles and gothic looking twig

arrangements that have obviously been created by someone or something. Eerie sounds

can be heard throughout the night, with the noises coming closer and closer with each

passing evening. One night Josh disappears completely; the only signs left from him are

mutilated body parts that are wrapped in remnants of his clothing. Near the end of the

movie, Heather and Michael are drawn into an abandoned house following what they

believe to be Josh’s voice. It is at this point that the movie ends.

The survey portion of the film comes near the beginning of the movie and depicts

the trio of filmmakers asking two local anglers about the Blair Witch myth. The older

man responds, “You damn fool kids will never learn.” The setting is along a creek

located within a deciduous forest. The students make light of the local Blair Witch myth,

still unconvinced of the existence of the witch since they have not encountered any

unusual phenomena yet.

Knowing the plot of the film after having watched it previously, it is my opinion

that the movie is definitely not Southern. However, if unfamiliar with the movie and

after being exposed only to the survey segment, the “Southerness” of “The Blair Witch

Project” would be hard to determine and will be indicated by “Could Go Either Way”

responses in the data set. All filming for the movie was done entirely in Maryland.

Video Clip 3: “Smokey and the Bandit”

This 1977 movie, filmed entirely in Georgia, is a hot pursuit classic featuring Burt

Reynolds, Jackie Gleason, Sally Field, and Jerry Reed. The plot of the story: Bandit has

28 hours to transport a truckload of Coors beer from Texarkana, Texas to Atlanta,

Georgia. It is important to note that during this time frame it is illegal to sell Coors east

of the Mississippi River without a permit. In addition to this activity, the Bandit also

happens to pick up a runaway bride who turns out to be the fiancée of Junior, the son of

the pursuing Smokey. The entire length of the movie is filled with car chases,

spectacular stunts, comedy, and romance.

After making an $80,000 bet with Big and Little Enos to transport the contraband,

Bandit and the truck-driving Cledus are determined to make it to Atlanta in time. Both

outlaws fit the stereotypical image of laid back, easygoing Southerners who don cowboy

34

hats and dirty ball caps, vests, and cowboy boots. Ultimately, the Bandit becomes a

legend to local truckers and blue-collar workers, representing a symbol of freedom and

defiance from authority. Smokey fits the bill of the uptight, hot-tempered law

enforcement officer unwilling to go home without his “prize.”

The scene shown to the students is one of many car chases in which the sly Bandit

eludes local law enforcement officers, resulting in the collision of several police cruisers.

In my opinion (and according to the Internet Movie Database) the Bandit and Cledus are

indeed southerners, and I believe the majority of the students should rank this movie as

being very culturally southern. Additionally, I believe that this film is very physically

southern and will be ranked so in the survey responses.

Video Clip 4: “Thelma and Louise”

Thelma and Louise are crossing a Southwestern landscape in an old convertible

making light of their previous illegal activities.

Filming locations for “Thelma and Louise” are Colorado and multiple locations in

Utah and California. I find that both this film and this clip are Western. Therefore, I

believe that very few students would rank this segment high on the “Southerness” scale.

Video Clip 5: “Coal Miner’s Daughter”

“Coal Miner’s Daughter” is the story of the country singing legend Loretta Lynn.

This biography tells the life story of Loretta, from her modest upbringing in Kentucky to

her rise to stardom in the music industry. The movie reveals the hardships of a coal

mining family living in the economically depressed Appalachian Mountains and brings

insight to those unfamiliar with this style of life.

Loretta was one of eight children in the Webb family and was born and reared in

Butcher Hollow, Kentucky. At the age of 13 Loretta married Dolittle “Mooney” Lynn.

Loretta had four children by the age of 20 and made her first record deal with an

independent label at the age of 25. Through hard work and constant promotion Loretta

became a star and a country music icon. However, success came at the high price of a

nervous breakdown and an almost failed marriage.

The section shown during the survey is from the beginning of the movie, which

takes place at the mine entrance during shift changes. Loretta and her younger brother

meet their father and make their way to the company store. Several miners are gathered

35

in front of the store arguing with an Army serviceman (Dolittle Lynn) as to whether or

not his Jeep can climb a nearby slag pile. Filming locations for “Coal Miner’s Daughter”

are Bee and Haysi Virginia, Nashville Tennessee, and Van Kear, Kentucky.

In my opinion, this film segment is indicative of Appalachian culture, and

therefore I do not find it to be very southern in any aspect. However, I believe that it

should receive high “Southerness” rankings (both cultural and physical) when shown to

the survey group that is unfamiliar with the segment due to the tendency to group

Appalachian and Southern cultures together. I believe that those familiar with the movie

will regard it as less southern in both regards when compared to the “No” response group.

Video Clip 6: “Forrest Gump”

The movie “Forrest Gump” chronicles the life of Forrest Gump, a low IQ only

child forced to wear leg braces due to poorly developed bones. The film depicts the

troubles Forrest had growing up due to his sub-standard intelligence and weak legs. A

major part of Forrest’s childhood consisted of the neighborhood boys throwing rocks at

him and calling him names. To cope, Forrest learns to be a fast runner and confides in

his friend Jenny. Jenny stands up to the bullies and takes up for Forrest, and becomes the

love of Forrest’s life. Forrest remains in love with Jenny, even when she moves away

and becomes involved in drugs and wild lifestyles.

Throughout his life, Forrest is involved in many historic moments. Ironically,

Forrest isn’t smart enough to realize it. Forrest “accidentally” teaches Elvis Presley to

dance, becomes a football star at the University of Alabama, serves in Vietnam, meets

Presidents Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon, discovers the Watergate break-in, defeats the

Chinese in ping-pong, and becomes one of the first investors in Apple Computers.

In the survey portion of the movie, an electric guitar rendition of “When the

Saints Go Marching Home” is playing in the background of this flashback when several

local boys are chasing Forrest in their old pickup truck, which depicts a rebel flag on the

grill. The film changes to the present day where Forrest explains to a stranger “I ran to

get where I was going. I never thought it would take me anywhere.” Filming locations

for “Forrest Gump” include: North and South Carolina; Arizona; California; Montana;

Utah; Maine; Georgia; and Washington D.C.

36

I find this movie to be very representative of the South, both culturally and

physically. Additionally, I believe the survey results should indicate similar rankings that

rate very high on the “Southerness” scale for both familiar and unfamiliar students.

Video Clip 7: “Ferris Bueller’s Day Off”

Ferris and friends speed away from their high school in a convertible roadster.

The scene then changes to the Chicago skyline with the song “Big City” playing in the

background.

In my opinion this movie is not at all southern, physically or culturally, and I

expect that neither group of respondents would differ in their opinions.

Video Clip 8: “Dancing Outlaw”

The 1991 documentary “Dancing Outlaw” presents the life of Jesco White, a

multi-personality “redneck” living in the Appalachian Mountains. Jesco, a hard living

“mountain dancer” residing in Boone County, West Virginia, has three very different

personalities: Jesco, Jesse, and Elvis. Jesse is sweet and loving, Jesco is a mean and

belligerent alcoholic and drug addict, and Elvis is supposedly the great Elvis Presley.

Jesco has had many run- ins with the law and spent much of his childhood in and out of

juvenile correctional facilities. However, Jesco now claims to be sober, clean, and

entirely focused on his tap dancing. Jesco’s father, D. Ray White was a prominent

dancing entertainer before being murdered in his front yard after one of his other sons

“whipped” another man in front of the White residence. Both Jesco and his family

members fit the hillbilly stereotype. Without the knowledge that this is a documentary,

one could easily believe this film is a well-played parody. All filming for the

documentary was done entirely in Boone County, West Virginia.

The clip taken from this cult classic depicts a strange but apparently frequent

White family gathering. Several members of Jesco’s family are “mudbogging” in an old

pickup, old car, and on a motorcycle in the front yard of a trailer. Jesco’s sister

proclaims, “Only the strong will survive” when questioned about this activity. Family

members cheer when Jesco’s younger brother blows the engine on his old “hot rod” from

too much mudbogging. The sister can be heard bragging “He blowed it all to Hell.”

I personally draw a clear distinction between Appalachia and the South, both

culturally and physically. However, I believe that the majority of both groups of students

37

would rank this clip as being very southern in terms of both culture and physical

attributes.

Video Clip 9: “Sling Blade”

This movie, directed by and starring Billy Bob Thornton, tells the story of Karl

Childers. Karl, slightly retarded, has been locked away in a mental institution since the

age of 12. When the young Karl caught his mother making love to another man he

“snapped” and killed them both with a sling blade. After spending most of his life in

confinement, Karl was released due to institutional budget constraints. When asked

about his return to society, Karl replies, “I reckon I got no reason to kill no one.”

After being released, Karl ends up in a small town where he gets a job repairing

small engines. He becomes friends with a young boy named Frank and is eventually

invited by Frank’s mother Linda to live with the widowed family. Unfortunately, Linda’s

alcoholic boyfriend Doyle distrusts Karl and tries to convince everyone that Karl will kill

again.

Tired of standing by while Doyle abuses Linda and Frank, Karl decides to take

matters into his own hands. The scenes of Karl sharpening a lawnmower blade

foreshadow the violence to come. One night Karl and Doyle are alone at the house.

Karl, with blade in hand, approaches the drunken Doyle. When Doyle questions Karl’s

intention with the blade, Karl replies, “I reckon I come to kill you with it.” After the

murder, Karl calls 911, reports the crime, and then sits down to a snack while awaiting

the authorities to come and take him away.

In the segment played during the survey Karl and his young friend walk through

the woods to a pond, which is the boy’s “special place.” Here the two talk about their

painful childhoods, with Karl recalling that his father never wanted anything to do with

him.

Filmed entirely in Benton, Arkansas, this film is not what I would consider very

southern. I believe that “Yes” responses for this section should indicate that most find

this section to be representative of a “Somewhat Southern” film, both culturally and

physically. “No” responses would probably draw inferences about the clip and therefore

rank it higher on the “Southerness” scale for both physical and cultural quality.

38

Video Clip 10: “Deliverance”

This 1972 wilderness classic is the story of four city slickers (Bobby, Ed, Lewis,

and Drew) who decide to take a canoe trip down an uncharted section of a Georgia river

before the construction of a dam downstream ruins the pristine waterway.

At the beginning of the movie, the four campers are shocked by the backwoods,

impoverished inhabitants who live near the river. The crew seems to think that they are

better than the grimy locals, and make condescending remarks about the intelligence and

lifestyle of the area residents. However, the locals soon show the adventurers who really

are in charge by displaying their intimate knowledge of the local wilderness and honed

tracking skills.

Two of the mountain men catch up to Bobby and Ed after they stop to take a

break on shore. The two locals tie up Ed while one of them rapes Bobby, telling him to

“squeal like a pig.” Lewis and Drew rescue their partners, killing the rapist in the

process. The campers are then forced to dispose of the body and become focused entirely

on survival as they begin their treacherous journey down the unforgiving river in an

attempt to make it back to “civilization.” Equally frightening to them is the realization

that they have become murderers, confused with the question as to whether or not to

inform the authorities of what has happened.

Filming for the movie was done in South Carolina and three locations in Georgia,

with river scenes being filmed on the Chattooga River. The portion of the movie shown

to the audience is the famous “Dueling Banjos” scene between the banjo playing inbred

mute on the porch and the guitar-playing member of the unwelcome camping party.

Locals come by to listen, with one asking, “Who’s picking the banjer (banjo) here?” In

my opinion, this film is representative of areas that are physically southern. The culture

of the area is indicative of a “mountain” culture and can represent either the South or the

Appalachian region. However, I believe that all the students should find this segment to

be “Totally” southern in both aspects and will rank it accordingly in their responses.

Video Clip 11: “Field of Dreams”

This scene has Kevin Costner walking through the cornfields, hearing the voice

saying, “If you build it, he will come.”

39

This movie is not at all southern in any aspect, and survey results from both

groups should indicate that it is “Totally Not Southern.”

Video Clip 12: “Pee Wee’s Big Adventure”

“Pee Wee’s Big Adventure” is the story of an overgrown pre-pubescent boy who

sets out across America to find his stolen customized bicycle. Pee Wee, wearing a

shrunken gray flannel suit, lipstick, and blush makes friends with various oddball

characters, endures various hallucinatory nightmares, and has a supernatural run- in with a

spectral trucker in his epic journey to rescue his beloved bicycle. Believing his

hallucinations, Pee Wee is convinced that his bicycle is hidden at the Alamo.

In the portion of the movie shown during the survey, Pee Wee is with a group

concluding a tour of the Alamo. Pee Wee asks where the basement is, to which the tour

guide replies that the Alamo has no basement. The other tourists cry out in laughter and

the embarrassed Pee Wee flees from the group.

In my opinion, this segment is not at all Southern, regardless of one’s familiarity

with the movie. Filming locations for “Pee Wee’s Big Adventure” were in California and

Texas. The clip shown during the survey is easily recognizable as what is typically

considered a Western setting. Therefore, I predict that this clip receives many responses

that rank it as being not very physically southern. Additionally, I predict that very few

students rank this high on the cultural “Southerness” scale.

(3.2.4) Cities Map

The United States map that contained the selected forty-four cities (see Cities

Map) was generated using ArcView software. The criteria used for city selection were:

the capital city of each state depicted in the map, larger cities within these states that

survey participants should be more familiar with, and cities bordering the traditional

South (see Zelinsky) that would probably not be considered Southern themselves. By

displaying the cities and depicting a large geographic range, participants could delineate

their perception of the core and periphery of the South using the ranking system

mentioned earlier.

Students were asked to rank the depicted cities according to the city’s Southerness

based upon information acquired through popular culture mediums such as radio and

television. Cities were to be ranked as “Totally not Southern”, “Strongly not Southern”,

40

“Not really Southern”, “Could go either way”, “A bit Southern”, “Strongly Southern”, or

“Totally Southern”. Please refer to Appendix A.3 for the survey questionnaire.

Cities Map

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#5. Annapolis

4. Wheeling

10 Charleston

11. Washington D.C.

15. Richmond

14. Blacksburg16. Virginia Beach

30. Dallas

36. Austin

37. Houston

20. Nashville 21. Knoxville

28. Columbia 29. Myrtle Beach

34. Charleston

17. Tulsa

18. Oklahoma City

3. Columbus

8. Cincinnati

22. Raleigh

23. Charlotte

6. Jefferson City

12. Springfield

25. Tupelo

31. Jackson

39. Baton Rouge

40. New Orleans

9. Frankfort

2. Indianapolis

7. Evansville

1. Springfield

13. Carbondale

27. Atlanta

33. Columbus

35. Savannah

41. Tallahassee 42. Jacksonville

43. Orlando

44. Miami

19. Jonesboro

24. Little Rock

26. Birmingham

32. Montgomery#38. Shreveport

(3.3) Methodology Summary

This chapter outlines the structure of the survey, to whom the survey was

presented, and the time allocated for survey completion. Additionally, this chapter

describes the selection criteria used to determine what images and videos would be

included in this study. Accompanying each image/video description were predictions as

to what I believed the associated responses would be. The map presented to the students

for geographical ranking was also included in this chapter for reference purposes.

The methodology chapter is an integral component of this study. By replicating

the schemata used in this survey, it is possible to transfer this analysis to other geographic

locations. Doing so will allow for the study of mass media and place perception

interaction with regards to other locales.

41

Chapter 4: Results

(4.1) Demographic Data

For the 242 students participating in the study, the demographic breakdown is as

follows:

Table 1

Age Percent

18 years or younger 14.88%

19 35.95

20 28.93

21 11.57

22 5.79

23 0.41

24 0.83

25 0.41

26 0.83

27 years or older 0.41

Gender Percentage

Male 55%

Female 45

Class Level Percent

Freshman 30.99%

Sophomore 45.45

Junior 14.88

Senior 8.26

Graduate Student 0.41

(4.2) Survey Results

(4.2.1) Background Information

When asked, “Do you consider yourself to be a Southerner?” thirty-nine percent

replied “Yes” and sixty-one percent replied “No.” When questioned about travel

experience(s) to the South, the results are as follows:

42

Table 2

Ranking Scale Percent

1-No experience 4.13%

2-Very limited experience 18.18

3-Some experience 15.29

4-Average experience 16.53

5-Slightly above average 14.05

6-A good bit of experience 19.42

7-Lots of experience 12.40

When questioned about knowledge regarding the South, the results are as follows:

Table 3

Ranking Scale Percent

1-No knowledge 3.31%

2-Very limited knowledge 6.61

3-Below average knowledge 12.40

4-Average knowledge 35.95

5-Slightly above average knowledge 21.90

6-Above average knowledge 14.46

7-Very knowledgeable 5.37

The results for experience with mass media dealing with topics related to the

South are listed below:

Table 4

Ranking Scale Percent

1-No experience 7.02%

2-Very limited experience 15.70

3-Below average experience 18.60

4-Average experience 35.95

5-Slightly above average experience 10.33

6-Above average experience 10.74

7-Extensive experience 1.65

43

(4.2.2) Image and Video Responses

In order to achieve the most statistically significant results the responses for

image/video rankings were classified into two separate groups based upon whether or not

the respondent was familiar with the image/video in question. The results were then

categorized as “Yes” and “No” responses. When asked “Are you familiar with this

image/video?” and “Do you know the supposed location (setting) of this image/video?”

those that responded “No” to either of these questions were categorized as “No”

responses. Since there was no obvious method to separate these results using the

electronically scored procedure, the surveys were divided manually.

Response Tables: Images

Familiar (“Yes”) Responses: Images

Table 5

Have you personally experienced the area represented by this image? Yes % No % Little House 21.6 78.4 D.C. Skyline 93.3 6.7 Andy Griffith 40.2 59.8 K.K.K. 35.8 64.2 Waltons 60.9 39.1 J.R. Ewing 32.5 67.5 Dukes of Hazzard 47.2 52.8 Miami Vice 58.3 41.7

Table 6

Physically, is this the South? (responses are %)

1 Totally Not

Southern

2 Strongly Not

Southern

3 Not Really

Southern 4 Either

Way 5 A Bit

Southern 6 Strongly Southern

7 Totally Southern

Little House 15.69 5.88 23.53 19.61 18.63 13.73 2.94 D.C. Skyline 40.09 14.22 21.98 15.95 6.47 0.86 0.43 Andy Griffith 2.52 1.68 3.36 7.56 15.13 42.02 27.73 K.K.K. 2.70 2.03 0.68 9.46 6.76 34.46 43.92 Waltons 6.52 2.17 4.35 6.52 34.78 17.39 28.26 J.R. Ewing 0.87 1.74 2.61 3.48 16.52 34.78 40.00 Dukes of Hazzard 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.36 11.81 25.98 59.84 Miami Vice 17.19 5.47 9.38 11.72 9.38 9.38 37.50

44

Table 7

Culturally, is this the South? (responses are %)

1 Totally Not

Southern

2 Strongly Not

Southern

3 Not Really

Southern 4 Either

Way 5 A Bit

Southern 6 Strongly Southern

7 Totally Southern

Little House 4.90 2.94 18.63 16.67 31.37 20.59 4.90 D.C. Skyline 49.14 18.97 17.67 9.48 4.74 0.00 0.00 Andy Griffith 2.54 0.85 1.69 5.93 16.10 41.53 31.36 K.K.K. 3.40 1.36 0.00 6.80 9.52 33.33 45.58 Waltons 2.17 0.00 4.35 8.70 28.26 26.09 30.43 J.R. Ewing 0.00 4.39 1.75 4.39 11.40 39.47 38.60 Dukes of Hazzard 0.00 1.57 0.00 2.36 11.02 25.20 59.84 Miami Vice 34.38 14.84 16.41 11.72 14.84 4.69 3.13

Unfamiliar (“No”) Responses: Images

Table 8

Have you personally experienced the area represented by this image? Yes % No % Little House 4.3 95.7

D.C. Skyline 28.6 71.4

Andy Griffith 15.8 84.2

K.K.K. 7.7 92.3

Waltons 3.2 96.8

J.R. Ewing 10.2 89.8

Dukes of Hazzard 4.5 95.5

Miami Vice 13.4 86.6

Table 9

Physically, is this the South? (responses are %)

1 Totally Not

Southern

2 Strongly Not

Southern

3 Not Really

Southern 4 Either

Way 5 A Bit

Southern 6 Strongly Southern

7 Totally Southern

Little House 4.29 3.57 16.43 21.43 18.57 26.43 9.29 D.C. Skyline 22.22 44.44 11.11 22.22 0.00 0.00 0.00 Andy Griffith 5.69 3.25 12.20 26.83 21.95 21.95 8.13 K.K.K. 5.32 4.26 3.19 21.28 13.83 24.47 27.66 Waltons 2.56 1.54 7.69 38.97 23.59 20.51 5.13 J.R. Ewing 1.59 5.56 6.35 17.46 29.37 20.63 19.05 Dukes of Hazzard 1.75 2.63 3.51 21.93 27.19 22.81 20.18 Miami Vice 12.28 13.16 19.30 37.72 7.02 6.14 4.39

45

Table 10

Culturally, is this the South? (responses are %)

1 Totally Not

Southern

2 Strongly Not

Southern

3 Not Really

Southern 4 Either

Way 5 A Bit

Southern 6 Strongly Southern

7 Totally Southern

Little House 3.60 5.04 10.79 17.27 23.74 25.18 14.39 D.C. Skyline 22.22 55.56 22.22 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Andy Griffith 2.46 7.38 9.84 25.41 26.23 19.67 9.02 K.K.K. 6.38 6.38 3.19 15.96 8.51 22.34 37.23 Waltons 2.58 3.09 5.15 35.57 23.71 23.20 6.70 J.R. Ewing 2.36 4.72 4.72 17.32 25.98 26.77 18.11 Dukes of Hazzard 0.88 2.63 1.75 15.79 29.82 27.19 21.93 Miami Vice 16.67 14.91 21.05 37.72 6.14 2.63 0.88

46

Image Responses Discussion

“Little House”

“Familiar” responses for this image are as predicted for physical “southerness.”

As expected, the majority of students ranked this image as “Not Really Southern.” After

that, the “Could Go Either Way” category received the most responses. The familiar

students rated the image this way since they were aware of the supposed setting of this

popular television series. Surprisingly, the majority of “Yes” responses indicate that the

picture was “A Bit Southern” in terms of cultural attributes. The “Strongly Southern”

category received the next highest number of responses. These findings indicate that

given the familiarity with the proposed setting, the students realize that the locale is not

physically southern. However, when forced to rate the cultural attributes of the image,

the students rated it as “Strongly Southern” due to the clothing, family size, and era of the

image that they associate with the South.

“Unfamiliar” responses for physical “southerness” are not at all as predicted. The

majority of responses indicate that the image is “Strongly Southern” for this section. The

next highest ranking is the “Either Way” category. This too is contradictory to what the

perceived responses would be. Another interesting fact is that the “No” group also

ranked cultural attributes to be “Strongly Southern” as well. The next highest ranking

was that of “A Bit Southern.” These responses also are not what were predicted. In my

opinion, the unfamiliar students rated both the physical setting and the culture of the

image as being very southern due to the clothing, family size, and time era depicted in the

image.

D.C. Skyline

As predicted, those familiar with the location of this image indicate an

overwhelming majority of “Totally Not Southern” in terms of both physical and cultural

attributes. The next highest rankings in the group were “Not Really Southern” for

physical and “Strongly Not Southern” for cultural.

Oddly, out of the “No” group only nine students responded when asked to rank

this image. Of those nine, the majority of responses were categorized as “Strongly Not

Southern” for both the physical and cultural questions. The second place ranking for

physical “southerness” was tied between “Totally Not Southern” and “Could Go Either

47

Way.” The second place cultural “southerness” was also tied between “Totally Not

Southern” and “Not Really Southern.”

Andy Griffith

As expected, the majority of “Yes” respondents categorized this image as

“Strongly Southern” for both its physical and cultural implications. The next highest

rankings for both categories were both “Totally Southern.”

Although expected to be ranked as highly southern, the “No” responses are less

decisive in their decisions. For physical “southerness,” the majority ranked this image as

“Could Go Either Way.” The next highest-ranking category was tied at “A Bit Southern”

and “Strongly Southern.” For cultural attributes, the majority ranked this image as “A Bit

Southern.” The second highest-ranking category was the “Could Go Either Way” listing.

Ku Klux Klan

As predicted, the clear majority of students found this image to be both physically

and culturally “Totally Southern.” The second highest category for both physical and

cultural attributes was “Strongly Southern.” Interestingly, the “Yes” respondents claimed

to know the location of where this image was taken, although the actual location is

unknown.

The “No” responses for this image also follow the expected trend in that the

majority of both the physical and cultural attributes received “Totally Southern” rankings.

Here too, the next highest majority for both attributes is “Strongly Southern.”

Waltons

The majority of “Yes” students found this image to be “A Bit Southern”

physically and “Totally Southern” culturally. This agrees with the prediction that most

students would find this picture to be southern. The next highest categories for physical

and cultural attributes are “Totally Southern” and “A Bit Southern,” respectively.

The majority of “No” responses for both physical and cultural “southerness” are

“Could Go Either Way.” After that, “A Bit Southern” was the next highest ranking for

both categories. These responses contradict the expectation that the “No” responses

would receive more strongly southern opinions than would the “Yes” responses.

48

J.R. Ewing

The majority of “Yes” respondents believed this image to be “Totally Southern”

physically and “Strongly Southern” culturally. After that, “Strongly Southern” for

physical “southerness” and “Totally Southern” for cultural “southerness” were the most

popular opinions. This disagrees with the expectation that the students would find this

image to be more un-southern than southern. Apparently, the knowledge of location for

the show setting led to the familiar students ranking this image as being very southern.

The awareness of the setting (Dallas, TX) indicates that the familiar students believe this

location to be southern. This knowledge also carries over into cultural attributes, as

evidenced by the responses. This contradicts by opinion that the students would relate

this image and its associations as being western instead of southern.

Similarly, the “No” respondents also defied the aforementioned prediction with

the majority indicating that this image was “A Bit Southern” physically and “Strongly

Southern” culturally. The next highest rankings for physical and cultural attributes were

“Strongly Southern” and “A Bit Southern,” respectively.

Apparently, the unfamiliar students were not totally aware of the exact setting or

circumstances of the show, they derived enough information to make an assumption as to

the physical and cultural attributes depicted in the image. The Texas flag prominently

displayed in the background, along with the large cowboy hat worn by Larry Hagman,

forced the students to formulate a geographic association to the image. Although this

association may have been totally developed in the sub-conscious psyche, these students

made instinctive associations based on extremely limited details.

Dukes of Hazzard

As predicted, the clear majority found this image to be “Totally Southern” for

both physical and cultural attributes. The next highest ranking for both attributes was

“Strongly Southern.”

Surprisingly, the majority of “No” responses found this image to be “A Bit

Southern,” both physically and culturally. After that, most students believed this image

to be “Strongly Southern” in terms of its representations, contrary to the expectation that

all would rank this image as being very southern.

49

Miami Vice

The majority of “Yes” responses indicate that this picture is “Totally Southern”

physically and “Totally Not Southern” culturally. After that, the students thought the

image to be “Totally Not Southern” physically and “Really Southern” culturally.

Those not familiar with this picture were indecisive in their opinions, citing that

the image “Could Go Either Way” for both physical location and cultural

characterizations. This is contrary to the prediction that although unfamiliar, the students

would find this image to be very un-southern.

Response Tables: Videos

Familiar (“Yes”) Responses: Videos

Table 11

Have you personally experienced the area represented by this video clip? Yes % No % Gone With the Wind 45.4 54.6

Blair Witch Project 49.4 50.6

Smokey and the Bandit 51.0 49.0

Thelma and Louise 36.2 63.8

Coal Miner's Daughter 61.0 39.0

Forrest Gump 46.2 53.8

Ferris Bueller's Day Off 47.8 52.2

Dancing Outlaw 59.1 40.9

Sling Blade 56.5 43.5

Deliverance 49.0 51.0

Field of Dreams 41.9 58.1

Pee Wee Herman 36.7 63.3

Table 12

Physically, is this the South? (responses are %)

1 Totally Not

Southern 2 Strongly Not

Southern

3 Not Really

Southern 4 Either

Way 5 A Bit

Southern 6 Strongly Southern

7 Totally Southern

Gone With the Wind 2.11 1.41 0.70 0.00 4.23 30.99 60.56 Blair Witch Project 22.56 10.98 23.17 23.78 13.41 3.66 2.44 Smokey and the Bandit 0.96 0.00 0.00 9.62 16.35 39.42 33.65 Thelma and Louise 13.39 7.87 9.45 18.90 21.26 20.47 8.66 Coal Miner's Daughter 0.00 0.00 2.44 12.20 24.39 36.59 24.39 Forrest Gump 0.96 0.00 0.96 0.00 14.42 28.85 54.81 Ferris Bueller's Day Off 66.18 15.44 10.29 5.15 1.47 1.47 0.00 Dancing Outlaw 4.55 0.00 0.00 4.55 18.18 9.09 63.64 Sling Blade 0.00 2.17 0.00 8.70 10.87 45.65 32.61 Deliverance 0.00 2.08 0.00 4.17 16.67 20.83 56.25

50

Field of Dreams 11.59 11.59 11.59 21.01 23.91 11.59 8.70 Pee Wee Herman 1.83 2.75 3.67 3.67 14.68 33.94 39.45

Table 13

Culturally, is this the South? (responses are %)

1 Totally Not

Southern

2 Strongly Not

Southern

3 Not Really

Southern 4 Either

Way 5 A Bit

Southern 6 Strongly Southern

7 Totally Southern

Gone With the Wind 2.82 1.41 0.70 0.70 5.63 23.94 64.79 Blair Witch Project 21.34 12.20 22.56 17.07 19.51 5.49 1.83 Smokey and the Bandit 0.96 0.00 0.00 3.85 15.38 42.31 37.50 Thelma and Louise 10.24 7.09 6.30 17.32 28.35 21.26 9.45 Coal Miner's Daughter 0.00 0.00 0.00 9.76 24.39 29.27 36.59 Forrest Gump 0.00 0.48 1.44 0.48 13.46 27.88 56.25 Ferris Bueller's Day Off 63.24 21.32 6.62 4.41 2.21 0.74 1.47 Dancing Outlaw 4.55 4.55 0.00 4.55 9.09 18.18 59.09 Sling Blade 2.17 2.17 0.00 8.70 10.87 34.78 41.30 Deliverance 0.00 2.04 2.04 2.04 8.16 24.49 61.22 Field of Dreams 7.25 8.70 13.04 25.36 27.54 11.59 6.52 Pee Wee Herman 2.78 1.85 3.70 3.70 21.30 34.26 32.41

Unfamiliar (“No”) Responses: Videos

Table 14

Have you personally experienced the area represented by this video clip? Yes % No % Gone With the Wind 10.3 89.7

Blair Witch Project 14.5 85.5

Smokey and the Bandit 2.9 97.1

Thelma and Louise 7.0 93.0

Coal Miner's Daughter 9.5 90.5

Forrest Gump 15.6 84.4

Ferris Bueller's Day Off 6.6 93.4

Dancing Outlaw 15.2 84.8

Sling Blade 6.7 93.3

Deliverance 3.7 96.3

Field of Dreams 5.1 94.9

Pee Wee Herman 12.7 87.3

51

Table 15

Physically, is this the South? (responses are %)

1 Totally Not

Southern

2 Strongly Not

Southern

3 Not Really

Southern 4 Either

Way 5 A Bit

Southern 6 Strongly Southern

7 Totally Southern

Gone With the Wind 2.00 0.00 1.00 8.00 17.00 42.00 30.00 Blair Witch Project 10.26 3.85 19.23 51.28 14.10 1.28 0.00 Smokey and the Bandit 0.72 2.17 5.07 19.57 30.43 28.99 13.04 Thelma and Louise 5.22 6.96 15.65 27.83 20.87 21.74 1.74 Coal Miner's Daughter 1.49 5.47 5.47 32.84 27.86 18.91 7.96 Forrest Gump 2.94 2.94 8.82 5.88 17.65 41.18 20.59 Ferris Bueller's Day Off 24.53 16.04 21.70 30.19 6.60 0.00 0.94 Dancing Outlaw 0.00 1.36 0.91 24.55 19.55 28.18 25.45 Sling Blade 1.02 0.00 1.53 19.90 30.61 32.14 14.80 Deliverance 0.52 0.52 1.04 19.79 27.08 32.81 18.23 Field of Dreams 4.85 1.94 8.74 25.24 34.95 16.50 7.77 Pee Wee Herman 1.54 3.85 6.15 10.77 22.31 27.69 27.69

Table 16

Culturally, is this the South? (responses are %)

1 Totally Not

Southern

2 Strongly Not

Southern

3 Not Really

Southern 4 Either

Way 5 A Bit

Southern 6 Strongly Southern

7 Totally Southern

Gone With the Wind 0.00 2.00 2.00 6.00 11.00 39.00 40.00 Blair Witch Project 8.97 8.97 19.23 46.15 16.67 0.00 0.00 Smokey and the Bandit 0.73 2.19 2.19 12.41 31.39 34.31 16.79 Thelma and Louise 3.48 6.96 11.30 25.22 20.00 26.09 6.96 Coal Miner's Daughter 1.50 4.50 4.50 19.00 26.00 28.50 16.00 Forrest Gump 2.94 2.94 0.00 17.65 11.76 38.24 26.47 Ferris Bueller's Day Off 28.30 19.81 16.04 26.42 6.60 0.94 1.89 Dancing Outlaw 0.91 0.91 0.46 9.59 14.61 34.70 38.81 Sling Blade 0.51 1.02 1.02 7.65 17.86 47.96 23.98 Deliverance 2.08 0.00 1.56 7.29 20.31 39.06 29.69 Field of Dreams 4.81 3.85 6.73 30.77 34.62 17.31 1.92 Pee Wee Herman 1.57 4.72 6.30 8.66 25.20 29.92 23.62

52

Video Response Discussion

“Gone With the Wind”

As expected, the majority of “Yes” students found this clip to be “Totally

Southern” for both physical and cultural characteristics. “Strongly Southern” was the

next most popular category for both classifications.

Contrary to the prediction that all students would find the clip to be “Totally

Southern,” the majority of “No” students found this segment to be “Strongly Southern”

physically and “Totally Southern” culturally. After that, “Totally Southern” was the next

most popular category physically and “Strongly Southern” was the next most popular

culturally.

“Blair Witch Project”

Although the majority of the “Yes” group indicated that this clip “Could Go

Either Way” physically (as predicted), surprisingly the majority felt that it was “Not

Really Southern” culturally. After that, “Not Really Southern” physically and “Totally

Not Southern” culturally were the most populous categories.

For both physical and cultural “southerness,” the “No” group responded as

predicted, indicating that this video “Could Go Either Way.” The classification to

receive the second highest ranking for both physical location and cultural

characterizations was “Not Really Southern.”

“Smokey and the Bandit”

When questioned about the “southerness” of this movie segment, the “Yes” group

responded as expected. The majority ranked this clip to be “Strongly Southern,” both

physically and culturally. In keeping with the very southern impressions, the next

highest-ranking category was “Totally Southern.”

While believing this segment to be “A Bit Southern” physically, the “No”

respondents did not meet the expectation to rate this clip as very southern. However, the

majority did indicate that the movie portion was “Strongly Southern” culturally. For

physical and cultural “southerness,” the next highest categories were “Strongly Southern”

and “A Bit Southern,” respectively.

53

“Thelma and Louise”

Contrary to the prediction that this video would receive very few rankings high on

the “southerness” scale, the majority of “Yes” students ranked it as being “A Bit

Southern,” both culturally and physically. Both the “Could Go Either Way” and the

“Strongly Southern” categories received large numbers of responses as well.

The majority of “No” responses for this clip also indicated that it was at least

somewhat southern, both culturally and physically. A large number of students also

indicated that it could go either way in terms of its “southerness.” Very few ranked it as

being very un-southern.

“Coal Miner’s Daughter”

Although in my opinion this clip is more Appalachian in nature, the majority of

“Yes” students indicated that it ranked high as being both physically and culturally

southern. For physical and cultural “southerness,” the majority of this group ranked it as

“Strongly Southern” and “Totally Southern,” respectively.

The majority of “No” students believed that this movie “Could Go Either Way” in

terms of its physical characteristics. The next highest response was “A Bit Southern”. In

terms of cultural attributes, most perceived this movie to be “Strongly Southern”. After

that, this clip was “A Bit Southern” culturally.

“Forrest Gump”

The clear majority of the “Yes” group believed this video segment to be “Totally

Southern,” both physically and culturally. A large number of students also believed that

these attributes were “Strongly Southern.” These responses clearly concur with the

predicted notion that this clip is extremely southern.

The majority of those unfamiliar with “Forrest Gump” also found the clip to be

extremely southern physically and culturally, ranking it as “Strongly Southern.” The

categorization to receive the next highest amount of votes is the “Totally Southern” class.

“Ferris Bueller’s Day Off”

As predicted, the majority of “Yes” students found this movie clip to be “Totally

Not Southern” both physically and culturally. Many other students believed this clip to

be “Strongly Not Southern” physically and culturally.

54

Surprisingly, the majority of “No” students believed that this clip “Could Go

Either Way” physically. As predicted though, the majority believed that this clip was

“Totally Not Southern” culturally.

“Dancing Outlaw”

Although this documentary is filmed in the West Virginia Appalachians, the clear

majority of “Yes” students believe that this video is both physically and culturally

southern. The second-highest rankings indicate that the biography is “A Bit Southern”

physically and “Strongly Southern” culturally.

The majority of “No” students think that this segment is “Strongly Southern”

physically and “Totally Southern” culturally. This agrees with the prediction that the

students would find the film to be very southern.

“Sling Blade”

Although I predicted that the majority of “Yes” students would think this video

segment was only somewhat southern, most felt that it was “Strongly Southern”

physically and “Totally Southern” culturally. After that, the students ranked the film as

being “Totally Southern” physically and “Strongly Southern” culturally.

However, my predictions that the “No” group would rate the film as being very

southern held true. The majority found that this clip was “Strongly Southern,” both

physically and culturally. The second highest-ranking categories for physical and

cultural attributes were “A Bit Southern” and “Totally Southern,” respectively.

“Deliverance”

As expected, the clear majority found this survey clip to be “Totally Southern,”

both physically and culturally. After that, the majority found both attributes to be

“Strongly Southern.”

Surprisingly, the majority of “No” students found this video to be “Strongly

Southern,” instead of the predicted “Totally Southern.” However, the bulk of the

remaining respondents also indicated that the movie was more southern than not.

“Field of Dreams”

Oddly, most “Yes” respondents indicated that this clip was “A Bit Southern,”

both physically and culturally. However, many indicated that the video was not very

southern.

55

The “No” section also indicated a surprising trend in that the majority found the

film segment to be “A Bit Southern” physically and culturally. The remaining majority

also indicated that the film was southern both in regards to physical location and cultural

characteristics.

“Pee Wee Herman”

The results for this clip are completely different than expected. Instead of the

majority ranking this movie low on the “southerness” scale, the clear majority indicated

that it was “Totally Southern” physically and “Strongly Southern” culturally. Almost all

responses for this “Yes” group rate Pee Wee’s movie as being southern to some degree.

The “No” responses for this film are similar to the “Yes” group in that the

majority indicate the segment to be “Strongly Southern” culturally, with there being a tie

between “Strongly” and “Totally Southern” physically. Here too almost all classify the

movie as being southern to a certain degree. Very few students ranked this video low on

the “southerness” scale, which is the complete opposite of what was predicted.

(4.2.3) Cities Ranking

The following table lists the number of responses ranking each individual city in

terms of “Southerners.”

Table 17

(Responses are %)

1 Totally Not

Southern

2 Strongly Not

Southern

3 Not Really

Southern 4 Either

Way 5 A Bit

Southern 6 Strongly Southern

7 Totally Southern

1. Springfield (IL) 47.08 20.00 18.75 11.25 2.08 0.00 0.83 2. Indianapolis 48.96 22.41 16.60 7.88 3.32 0.00 0.83 3. Columbus (OH) 48.96 24.90 13.69 7.47 3.32 1.24 0.41 4. Wheeling 32.92 16.25 18.75 16.67 9.58 2.92 2.92 5. Annapolis 43.75 28.33 13.75 8.75 4.58 0.42 0.42 6. Jefferson City 26.97 22.82 18.26 19.50 9.54 1.66 1.24 7. Evansville 19.09 24.48 17.84 23.24 11.20 3.32 0.83 8. Cincinnati 39.42 25.31 18.67 8.30 5.81 2.07 0.41 9. Frankfort 7.08 10.83 13.33 22.50 27.50 15.00 3.75 10. Charleston (WV) 4.17 7.92 12.50 13.75 25.83 24.58 11.25 11. Washington D.C. 51.05 19.25 9.62 13.39 4.60 1.26 0.84 12. Springfield (MO) 17.50 17.50 23.33 20.42 17.08 2.92 1.25 13. Carbondale 15.00 21.67 21.67 23.75 15.42 1.25 1.25 14. Blacksburg 0.83 2.50 8.75 16.67 37.50 27.08 6.67 15. Richmond 5.83 10.42 17.08 22.50 25.83 12.08 6.25 16. Virginia Beach 10.83 13.75 19.17 25.42 20.42 6.67 3.75 17. Tulsa 7.88 8.30 14.94 27.39 27.80 9.54 4.15

56

18. Oklahoma City 5.83 8.75 16.67 20.42 28.33 15.42 4.58 19. Jonesboro 3.32 5.81 8.71 17.84 36.51 19.09 8.71 20. Nashville 0.42 0.83 3.33 4.58 20.83 38.75 31.25 21. Knoxville 0.00 0.42 2.08 7.08 20.83 37.50 32.08 22. Raleigh 1.66 4.15 7.47 15.35 25.73 29.88 15.77 23. Charlotte 1.24 3.73 7.88 12.45 28.22 31.95 14.52 24. Little Rock 0.83 1.25 4.58 14.58 19.58 36.25 22.92 25. Tupelo 0.83 0.42 2.08 12.50 25.00 32.92 26.25 26. Birmingham 0.42 0.84 1.26 6.30 12.18 31.93 47.06 27. Atlanta 2.90 7.05 6.64 10.79 17.43 25.73 29.46 28. Columbia 2.08 1.25 6.25 13.33 21.25 27.92 27.92 29. Myrtle Beach 4.17 10.00 10.83 19.58 20.83 20.83 13.75 30. Dallas 2.49 2.90 4.15 11.20 16.60 31.54 31.12 31. Jackson 0.00 0.83 1.24 3.32 14.52 31.12 48.96 32. Montgomery 0.00 0.42 0.42 2.50 8.33 29.17 59.17 33. Columbus (GA) 0.00 0.00 1.67 6.67 17.50 31.25 42.92 34. Charleston (SC) 1.24 0.41 2.49 5.81 17.84 33.61 38.59 35. Savannah 0.41 0.41 0.41 3.73 9.54 27.39 58.09 36. Austin 2.92 2.50 3.75 7.08 12.08 25.00 46.67 37. Houston 3.35 2.93 2.51 12.55 12.97 20.50 45.19 38. Shreveport 0.84 0.42 1.67 7.53 15.90 28.87 44.77 39. Baton Rouge 1.26 1.67 3.35 6.28 8.79 22.18 56.49 40. New Orleans 2.51 2.93 5.44 9.21 10.88 22.59 46.44 41. Tallahassee 2.50 8.75 8.33 15.42 22.92 15.42 26.67 42. Jacksonville 3.75 5.00 12.92 17.92 17.92 21.25 21.25 43. Orlando 15.00 13.33 18.75 13.33 16.25 6.67 16.67 44. Miami 24.89 16.03 13.50 12.24 12.24 6.33 14.77 *Numerical discrepancies are a result of omitted responses

(4.2.4) Correlations

Once tabulated, the figures for each “Yes” and “No” category for both Cultural

and Physical familiarity questions (of both images and videos) were compared to those of

the cities ranking in order to establish individual correlations. The resultant correlations

indicate the likelihood to which respondents ranked the image/video in question to each

individual city in terms of “Southerness.” For example, a high positive correlation (close

to 1) indicates that the same pattern of ranks for the city “Southerness” were similar to

those experienced for the image/videos “Southerness.” Conversely, a high negative

correlation (close to –1) indicates a dissimilar pattern for city “Southerness” compared to

the image/video “Southerness”.

The results for images are as follows:

57

Table 18

Physically ~ YES Images Cities Little House D.C. Skyline Andy Griffith K.K.K. Waltons J.R. Ewing Dukes of Hazzard Miami Vice 1. Springfield (IL) 0.1748 0.9682 -0.6987 -0.6230 -0.6426 -0.7150 -0.5955 -0.1397 2. Indianapolis 0.1034 0.9392 -0.6729 -0.6053 -0.5942 -0.6801 -0.5679 -0.1363 3. Columbus (OH) 0.0442 0.9096 -0.6485 -0.5883 -0.5902 -0.6631 -0.5614 -0.1550 4. Wheeling 0.3808 0.9912 -0.8105 -0.7677 -0.6466 -0.8462 -0.7338 -0.2592 5. Annapolis 0.0162 0.8875 -0.7106 -0.6454 -0.6293 -0.7187 -0.6091 -0.2162 6. Jefferson City 0.3162 0.8816 -0.9177 -0.8717 -0.7607 -0.9591 -0.8428 -0.4341 7. Evansville 0.3490 0.6667 -0.8914 -0.8807 -0.7597 -0.9629 -0.8802 -0.5887 8. Cincinnati 0.1231 0.9186 -0.7419 -0.7018 -0.6646 -0.7601 -0.6620 -0.2705 9. Frankfort 0.6160 -0.2099 -0.0355 -0.3404 0.2629 -0.1963 -0.3914 -0.5894 10. Charleston (WV) 0.2719 -0.6819 0.6385 0.2972 0.6454 0.4929 0.2040 -0.2670 11. Washington D.C. 0.1016 0.9214 -0.6126 -0.5478 -0.5321 -0.6404 -0.5383 -0.0988 12. Springfield (MO) 0.6730 0.6578 -0.8892 -0.9562 -0.5431 -0.9439 -0.8916 -0.6055 13. Carbondale 0.5123 0.5522 -0.8947 -0.9067 -0.6031 -0.9357 -0.8547 -0.5963 14. Blacksburg 0.3630 -0.5557 0.4962 0.1549 0.6585 0.3548 0.0858 -0.3020 15. Richmond 0.6670 -0.2030 -0.1352 -0.3692 0.2304 -0.2372 -0.3673 -0.5087 16. Virginia Beach 0.7269 0.2565 -0.5956 -0.7141 -0.2437 -0.6857 -0.6991 -0.5809 17. Tulsa 0.6802 -0.0493 -0.2265 -0.4179 0.1813 -0.3268 -0.4191 -0.4489 18. Oklahoma City 0.6788 -0.2522 0.0187 -0.2975 0.3297 -0.1238 -0.3249 -0.5455 19. Jonesboro 0.3523 -0.5036 0.3324 0.0450 0.6900 0.2485 0.0408 -0.2705 20. Nashville -0.3329 -0.8079 0.9768 0.8803 0.7358 0.9656 0.8031 0.3857 21. Knoxville -0.3410 -0.8219 0.9723 0.8951 0.7483 0.9687 0.8197 0.4154 22. Raleigh 0.0716 -0.7789 0.8184 0.5620 0.7082 0.6973 0.4422 -0.0214 23. Charlotte 0.0936 -0.7504 0.8058 0.5139 0.7165 0.6784 0.4028 -0.0762 24. Little Rock -0.1442 -0.8013 0.9585 0.8039 0.6471 0.8659 0.6574 0.2223 25. Tupelo -0.2021 -0.8229 0.9219 0.7987 0.8051 0.8932 0.7214 0.3154 26. Birmingham -0.5633 -0.7521 0.8676 0.9845 0.6624 0.9799 0.9754 0.7147 27. Atlanta -0.4587 -0.8771 0.9122 0.9333 0.7519 0.9801 0.9065 0.5402 28. Columbia -0.2294 -0.8317 0.9093 0.8574 0.8013 0.9272 0.8083 0.4475 29. Myrtle Beach 0.1705 -0.7665 0.6014 0.3835 0.5474 0.4783 0.2661 -0.1559 30. Dallas -0.3897 -0.8207 0.9586 0.9447 0.7051 0.9771 0.8702 0.5072 31. Jackson -0.5737 -0.7541 0.8512 0.9673 0.7040 0.9815 0.9821 0.7219 32. Montgomery -0.6370 -0.6801 0.7700 0.9618 0.6147 0.9368 0.9962 0.8102 33. Columbus (GA) -0.4946 -0.7922 0.8892 0.9593 0.7510 0.9894 0.9550 0.6604 34. Charleston (SC) -0.4542 -0.7934 0.9325 0.9522 0.7461 0.9969 0.9216 0.5896 35. Savannah -0.6326 -0.6804 0.7585 0.9565 0.6308 0.9322 0.9983 0.8211 36. Austin -0.5957 -0.7052 0.7828 0.9613 0.6611 0.9457 0.9967 0.8021 37. Houston -0.5844 -0.6909 0.7141 0.9317 0.6632 0.8952 0.9811 0.8343 38. Shreveport -0.5296 -0.7674 0.8539 0.9650 0.7306 0.9774 0.9750 0.7180 39. Baton Rouge -0.6305 -0.6492 0.6903 0.9292 0.6024 0.8908 0.9937 0.8607 40. New Orleans -0.5876 -0.6928 0.7401 0.9487 0.6276 0.9173 0.9933 0.8259 41. Tallahassee -0.3214 -0.8466 0.6006 0.6766 0.8562 0.7557 0.7691 0.5065 42. Jacksonville 0.0085 -0.8076 0.7725 0.7235 0.6599 0.7677 0.6630 0.3323 43. Orlando 0.1788 0.3257 -0.6075 -0.3712 0.0633 -0.3350 -0.0668 0.2944 44. Miami -0.1112 0.8137 -0.6603 -0.4332 -0.3238 -0.5131 -0.2767 0.2330

58

Table 19

Physically ~ NO Images Cities Little House D.C. Skyline Andy Griffith K.K.K. Waltons J.R. Ewing Dukes of Hazzard Miami Vice 1. Springfield (IL) -0.6376 0.5797 -0.5537 -0.7198 -0.4599 -0.8483 -0.8151 0.1883 2. Indianapolis -0.6851 0.5843 -0.6040 -0.7281 -0.5164 -0.8319 -0.8140 0.0931 3. Columbus (OH) -0.7008 0.6199 -0.6149 -0.7127 -0.5207 -0.8208 -0.8024 0.0652 4. Wheeling -0.5125 0.5785 -0.3695 -0.7508 -0.2569 -0.7620 -0.7318 0.3841 5. Annapolis -0.7350 0.7117 -0.6363 -0.7596 -0.5227 -0.8331 -0.8278 0.1013 6. Jefferson City -0.5218 0.8045 -0.3504 -0.8032 -0.1851 -0.7554 -0.7426 0.5277 7. Evansville -0.3331 0.8511 -0.1415 -0.7101 0.0478 -0.5844 -0.5762 0.6942 8. Cincinnati -0.6902 0.6775 -0.6256 -0.8311 -0.5369 -0.8644 -0.8739 0.1188 9. Frankfort 0.6457 -0.1700 0.8133 0.0534 0.8052 0.6160 0.5713 0.3611 10. Charleston (WV) 0.8234 -0.6669 0.7563 0.4583 0.5870 0.8654 0.8040 -0.2349 11. Washington D.C. -0.6179 0.5525 -0.4768 -0.5932 -0.3646 -0.7305 -0.6761 0.1535 12. Springfield (MO) -0.1416 0.5239 0.0197 -0.7689 0.1216 -0.4115 -0.4619 0.6371 13. Carbondale -0.1825 0.6723 0.0089 -0.6890 0.1657 -0.4034 -0.4352 0.7256 14. Blacksburg 0.7787 -0.6109 0.8061 0.3972 0.6747 0.8791 0.8216 -0.1370 15. Richmond 0.6185 -0.1880 0.7717 0.0121 0.7684 0.5702 0.5129 0.4479 16. Virginia Beach 0.2837 0.2579 0.5039 -0.3341 0.6067 0.0831 0.0655 0.7672 17. Tulsa 0.5410 -0.1145 0.7743 0.0198 0.8199 0.5107 0.4941 0.5564 18. Oklahoma City 0.7012 -0.3182 0.8054 0.0438 0.7455 0.6413 0.5711 0.2768 19. Jonesboro 0.6575 -0.5292 0.7658 0.3318 0.6798 0.8857 0.8112 -0.0741 20. Nashville 0.5146 -0.7842 0.3426 0.8005 0.1692 0.7171 0.7237 -0.5950 21. Knoxville 0.5235 -0.7808 0.3763 0.8447 0.2195 0.7461 0.7638 -0.5483 22. Raleigh 0.8157 -0.7344 0.7522 0.7138 0.6031 0.9110 0.9076 -0.2668 23. Charlotte 0.7905 -0.7414 0.7037 0.6293 0.5305 0.8854 0.8571 -0.3496 24. Little Rock 0.7280 -0.7495 0.6045 0.8623 0.4590 0.7919 0.8396 -0.3343 25. Tupelo 0.6323 -0.7967 0.5557 0.8581 0.4162 0.8735 0.8909 -0.4304 26. Birmingham 0.2493 -0.6749 0.1107 0.8582 0.0085 0.5550 0.5968 -0.5252 27. Atlanta 0.4222 -0.7249 0.2973 0.8783 0.1776 0.7343 0.7501 -0.5044 28. Columbia 0.5990 -0.8321 0.5100 0.8958 0.3760 0.8428 0.8682 -0.3997 29. Myrtle Beach 0.8531 -0.5253 0.8760 0.6705 0.8093 0.9034 0.9156 0.0820 30. Dallas 0.4961 -0.7495 0.3632 0.9062 0.2347 0.7140 0.7583 -0.4676 31. Jackson 0.2131 -0.6889 0.0744 0.8242 -0.0355 0.5643 0.5872 -0.5797 32. Montgomery 0.0921 -0.6054 -0.0410 0.7917 -0.1227 0.4422 0.4791 -0.5329 33. Columbus (GA) 0.3246 -0.7423 0.2006 0.8666 0.0829 0.6591 0.6843 -0.5448 34. Charleston (SC) 0.3803 -0.7646 0.2347 0.8541 0.0961 0.6688 0.6913 -0.5757 35. Savannah 0.0897 -0.6094 -0.0306 0.7981 -0.1071 0.4579 0.4946 -0.5216 36. Austin 0.1452 -0.6471 0.0280 0.8230 -0.0551 0.5070 0.5436 -0.5115 37. Houston 0.1361 -0.6051 0.0825 0.8606 0.0404 0.5401 0.5931 -0.3920 38. Shreveport 0.2686 -0.7133 0.1562 0.8676 0.0548 0.6218 0.6541 -0.5217 39. Baton Rouge 0.0439 -0.5780 -0.0614 0.7762 -0.1205 0.4218 0.4600 -0.4673 40. New Orleans 0.1325 -0.6228 0.0239 0.8213 -0.0447 0.4838 0.5264 -0.4487 41. Tallahassee 0.3600 -0.6462 0.3971 0.7762 0.3513 0.8703 0.8431 -0.2852 42. Jacksonville 0.7601 -0.7951 0.6880 0.8626 0.5781 0.8391 0.8794 -0.0833 43. Orlando -0.4430 0.0051 -0.3491 -0.4171 -0.3100 -0.2007 -0.3053 0.0894 44. Miami -0.8451 0.4641 -0.6896 -0.5549 -0.5669 -0.6822 -0.6746 -0.0007

59

Table 20

Culturally ~ YES Images Cities Little House D.C. Skyline Andy Griffith K.K.K. Waltons J.R. Ewing Dukes of Hazzard Miami Vice 1. Springfield (IL) -0.5068 0.9954 -0.6969 -0.6194 -0.7923 -0.6951 -0.5877 0.9338 2. Indianapolis -0.5232 0.9950 -0.6660 -0.5945 -0.7591 -0.6628 -0.5591 0.9358 3. Columbus (OH) -0.5470 0.9839 -0.6421 -0.5782 -0.7514 -0.6380 -0.5513 0.9194 4. Wheeling -0.3298 0.9567 -0.8171 -0.7673 -0.8263 -0.8428 -0.7294 0.9498 5. Annapolis -0.5629 0.9619 -0.7053 -0.6371 -0.8022 -0.6889 -0.5959 0.8973 6. Jefferson City -0.3481 0.8364 -0.9345 -0.8852 -0.9362 -0.9316 -0.8307 0.8229 7. Evansville -0.2018 0.5803 -0.9240 -0.9109 -0.8985 -0.9204 -0.8668 0.5879 8. Cincinnati -0.4983 0.9687 -0.7429 -0.6940 -0.8360 -0.7330 -0.6505 0.9139 9. Frankfort 0.8583 -0.3436 -0.0762 -0.3399 0.1834 -0.2409 -0.4100 -0.1004 10. Charleston (WV) 0.8784 -0.7174 0.6082 0.3087 0.7180 0.4608 0.1805 -0.5359 11. Washington D.C. -0.4938 0.9764 -0.6054 -0.5403 -0.6895 -0.6243 -0.5323 0.9298 12. Springfield (MO) 0.1577 0.5060 -0.9189 -0.9624 -0.7419 -0.9646 -0.8898 0.6132 13. Carbondale 0.0396 0.4097 -0.9246 -0.9264 -0.7724 -0.9333 -0.8461 0.4810 14. Blacksburg 0.9199 -0.6043 0.4714 0.1744 0.6617 0.3004 0.0607 -0.3803 15. Richmond 0.8429 -0.3817 -0.1695 -0.3689 0.1430 -0.2988 -0.3838 -0.1455 16. Virginia Beach 0.4912 0.0510 -0.6339 -0.7320 -0.3752 -0.7189 -0.7054 0.2208 17. Tulsa 0.7553 -0.2299 -0.2553 -0.4190 0.0679 -0.3925 -0.4359 0.0034 18. Oklahoma City 0.9389 -0.4014 -0.0202 -0.2900 0.2571 -0.1839 -0.3463 -0.1488 19. Jonesboro 0.8969 -0.5593 0.3224 0.0761 0.6170 0.1659 0.0183 -0.3089 20. Nashville 0.3186 -0.7269 0.9876 0.8928 0.9216 0.9553 0.7891 -0.7201 21. Knoxville 0.3142 -0.7484 0.9851 0.9057 0.9345 0.9557 0.8059 -0.7405 22. Raleigh 0.7221 -0.7884 0.7985 0.5650 0.8465 0.6779 0.4201 -0.6627 23. Charlotte 0.7512 -0.7461 0.7854 0.5244 0.8345 0.6552 0.3800 -0.6084 24. Little Rock 0.4613 -0.7788 0.9459 0.7945 0.8705 0.8744 0.6395 -0.7474 25. Tupelo 0.4796 -0.7817 0.9299 0.8109 0.9566 0.8640 0.7035 -0.7166 26. Birmingham -0.0219 -0.6661 0.9058 0.9946 0.8475 0.9629 0.9708 -0.7385 27. Atlanta 0.2036 -0.8088 0.9386 0.9442 0.9286 0.9583 0.8982 -0.8241 28. Columbia 0.4145 -0.8085 0.9252 0.8682 0.9646 0.8899 0.7920 -0.7659 29. Myrtle Beach 0.7412 -0.8446 0.5707 0.3670 0.6765 0.4676 0.2485 -0.7085 30. Dallas 0.2235 -0.7588 0.9747 0.9473 0.9127 0.9694 0.8587 -0.7790 31. Jackson -0.0094 -0.6597 0.8948 0.9855 0.8643 0.9533 0.9777 -0.7208 32. Montgomery -0.1605 -0.5859 0.8205 0.9765 0.7749 0.9126 0.9959 -0.6835 33. Columbus (GA) 0.1084 -0.7132 0.9262 0.9760 0.9145 0.9582 0.9471 -0.7457 34. Charleston (SC) 0.1609 -0.7098 0.9616 0.9674 0.9221 0.9739 0.9117 -0.7352 35. Savannah -0.1524 -0.5893 0.8110 0.9727 0.7825 0.9029 0.9978 -0.6809 36. Austin -0.0938 -0.6223 0.8328 0.9774 0.8153 0.9134 0.9945 -0.7006 37. Houston -0.1014 -0.6280 0.7684 0.9458 0.7988 0.8538 0.9796 -0.6966 38. Shreveport 0.0432 -0.6890 0.8962 0.9815 0.8895 0.9441 0.9689 -0.7348 39. Baton Rouge -0.1922 -0.5716 0.7472 0.9452 0.7422 0.8552 0.9949 -0.6688 40. New Orleans -0.1198 -0.6255 0.7912 0.9614 0.7835 0.8842 0.9923 -0.7110 41. Tallahassee 0.3517 -0.8403 0.6457 0.7065 0.8891 0.6695 0.7618 -0.7619 42. Jacksonville 0.5361 -0.8819 0.7705 0.7140 0.8470 0.7341 0.6457 -0.8232 43. Orlando -0.0639 0.2413 -0.5493 -0.3189 -0.1869 -0.4662 -0.0617 0.3080 44. Miami -0.6163 0.8862 -0.6106 -0.3974 -0.5533 -0.5539 -0.2650 0.8339

60

Table 21

Culturally ~ NO Images Cities Little House D.C. Skyline Andy Griffith K.K.K. Waltons J.R. Ewing Dukes of Hazzard Miami Vice 1. Springfield (IL) -0.8272 0.5448 -0.6720 -0.5888 -0.5301 -0.8403 -0.8320 0.3799 2. Indianapolis -0.8302 0.5802 -0.6968 -0.5823 -0.5733 -0.8243 -0.8066 0.2912 3. Columbus (OH) -0.8254 0.6097 -0.6922 -0.5687 -0.5665 -0.8035 -0.7863 0.2620 4. Wheeling -0.7445 0.4720 -0.4823 -0.7034 -0.3530 -0.7959 -0.8032 0.5659 5. Annapolis -0.8561 0.6972 -0.6806 -0.6140 -0.5707 -0.8326 -0.8181 0.2991 6. Jefferson City -0.7637 0.6547 -0.3888 -0.7771 -0.2836 -0.8156 -0.8421 0.6936 7. Evansville -0.5898 0.6349 -0.1290 -0.7663 -0.0502 -0.6616 -0.7168 0.8100 8. Cincinnati -0.8542 0.7056 -0.6874 -0.6885 -0.5977 -0.8696 -0.8624 0.3226 9. Frankfort 0.6335 -0.3546 0.8954 -0.3368 0.7903 0.5330 0.4703 0.2995 10. Charleston (WV) 0.9541 -0.6049 0.8192 0.1629 0.6575 0.8920 0.8537 -0.3628 11. Washington D.C. -0.7424 0.4479 -0.5797 -0.5016 -0.4133 -0.7093 -0.6948 0.3337 12. Springfield (MO) -0.4023 0.4147 0.0176 -0.8755 -0.0027 -0.5527 -0.5975 0.7528 13. Carbondale -0.4282 0.4935 0.0467 -0.7862 0.0490 -0.5441 -0.5948 0.8173 14. Blacksburg 0.9208 -0.6264 0.8807 0.0597 0.7304 0.8688 0.8371 -0.2454 15. Richmond 0.5695 -0.3469 0.8505 -0.3341 0.7229 0.4401 0.3846 0.3813 16. Virginia Beach 0.0803 0.0020 0.5314 -0.6047 0.5035 -0.0624 -0.1285 0.7754 17. Tulsa 0.4822 -0.3793 0.8265 -0.3384 0.7638 0.3802 0.3294 0.5049 18. Oklahoma City 0.6820 -0.4110 0.8728 -0.3234 0.7251 0.5487 0.4920 0.2113 19. Jonesboro 0.8408 -0.5822 0.8889 0.0046 0.7191 0.8101 0.7983 -0.1687 20. Nashville 0.7590 -0.6485 0.3549 0.7547 0.2868 0.8274 0.8475 -0.7444 21. Knoxville 0.7725 -0.6832 0.3911 0.7894 0.3346 0.8496 0.8703 -0.7064 22. Raleigh 0.9842 -0.7388 0.7863 0.4527 0.6940 0.9799 0.9517 -0.4290 23. Charlotte 0.9676 -0.6864 0.7457 0.3769 0.6251 0.9533 0.9284 -0.4938 24. Little Rock 0.8867 -0.7504 0.5840 0.6969 0.5632 0.9200 0.8998 -0.5105 25. Tupelo 0.8830 -0.7752 0.5870 0.7147 0.5226 0.9487 0.9603 -0.5976 26. Birmingham 0.5079 -0.5851 0.1198 0.9480 0.1054 0.6320 0.6853 -0.6744 27. Atlanta 0.6975 -0.6420 0.3457 0.8774 0.2828 0.7983 0.8352 -0.6741 28. Columbia 0.8375 -0.8047 0.5270 0.7976 0.4688 0.9018 0.9229 -0.5761 29. Myrtle Beach 0.9492 -0.6679 0.9393 0.3520 0.8648 0.9224 0.8694 -0.0984 30. Dallas 0.7282 -0.7000 0.3640 0.8719 0.3418 0.8173 0.8389 -0.6375 31. Jackson 0.4977 -0.5666 0.1015 0.9272 0.0624 0.6250 0.6880 -0.7209 32. Montgomery 0.3569 -0.4957 -0.0254 0.9509 -0.0374 0.4957 0.5665 -0.6637 33. Columbus (GA) 0.6063 -0.6480 0.2266 0.9131 0.1830 0.7218 0.7747 -0.6987 34. Charleston (SC) 0.6503 -0.6531 0.2500 0.8774 0.2036 0.7530 0.7964 -0.7277 35. Savannah 0.3612 -0.5095 -0.0104 0.9536 -0.0239 0.5029 0.5763 -0.6534 36. Austin 0.4167 -0.5550 0.0471 0.9549 0.0290 0.5518 0.6215 -0.6505 37. Houston 0.4104 -0.5932 0.1118 0.9721 0.1128 0.5587 0.6304 -0.5394 38. Shreveport 0.5505 -0.6322 0.1810 0.9382 0.1491 0.6759 0.7352 -0.6734 39. Baton Rouge 0.3050 -0.4909 -0.0398 0.9508 -0.0502 0.4460 0.5243 -0.5966 40. New Orleans 0.3861 -0.5493 0.0396 0.9616 0.0289 0.5171 0.5863 -0.5910 41. Tallahassee 0.6862 -0.6539 0.5423 0.7260 0.4131 0.7876 0.8470 -0.4507 42. Jacksonville 0.8739 -0.8450 0.6755 0.7017 0.6273 0.8675 0.8560 -0.2828 43. Orlando -0.4149 0.1275 -0.2861 -0.2400 -0.4159 -0.4500 -0.3627 0.1678 44. Miami -0.8410 0.4471 -0.7176 -0.3291 -0.6243 -0.7581 -0.6813 0.1767

61

Please refer to the Appendix for Video correlation tables (Tables 22-25).

(4.3) Summary of Findings

While not unilateral in results, there do exist several apparent truths from which

logical conclusions can be based. In order to expedite explanation, not all possible

correlation combinations will be discussed. Rather, several examples worthy of

discussion will be summarized for analytical purposes. Additionally, the aforementioned

samples will be supplemented by visual aids in the form of maps in order to fully

appreciate the scope of the geographic implications of cognitive mapping. The results

chosen for display were generally those that yielded the largest quantity of strong

correlations. These correlations reveal the most certain perceptions regarding both the

“Southerness” of the city being ranked and the attributes of the image/video in question.

The images with the strongest correlations infer an absolute opinion regarding a city

when compared (correlated) to an image or video. Thus, this process allows for a

statistical extraction of comparison data between individual cities and a variety of mass

media examples.

Keeping in mind that the correlations reflect the respondents’ opinions of an

image/video in comparison to a number of specific geographic places, discussion will

focus on the stronger correlations (above 0.80 or below –0.80) or the lack thereof.

Note: ArcView software used to generate contour interpolations and display correlations.

(4.3.1) Images

(Cultural)

In general, there are a greater number of both high positive and negative

correlations in the “Yes” responses (those familiar with the displayed image) as

compared to the “No” responses (those unfamiliar with the image). Usually, the high

negative correlations are located to the north of the high positive correlations.

Additionally, the strong correlations among the “Yes” responses are more geographically

concentrated in the Southern regions, while the “No” responses are somewhat more

diffused and tend to stray farther north. Good examples of this phenomenon are

responses for images such as The Andy Griffith Show and J.R. Ewing of Dallas (see Andy

Griffith response maps). In both instances there are more high “Yes” correlations that are

62

concentrated farther south. The placement of high negative correlations indicates that

while the image ranks high on the “Southerness” scale, the associated cities do not.

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#0.8962

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0.9386

0.92620.8110

0.9459

0.9058

0.8205

-0.8171

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-0.9189-0.9240-0.9246

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Images: Cultural "Yes"Andy Griffith

63

Andy GriffithImages: Cultural "No"

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0.8192

0.850 50.8807

0.9393

0.82650.8728

0.8954

0.888 9

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1 0

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Another pertinent detail is the great disparity between the “Yes” and “No”

responses for the Waltons image. While the “No” responses yield only one high positive

correlation and no high negative correlations, the “Yes” responses yield seventeen high

positive and five high negative correlations. This indicates that the viewers familiar with

the image have a much stronger opinion in regards to its “Southerness” than do viewers

who are unfamiliar with the image.

The aforementioned images are ones that the majority of respondents ranked

higher on the “Southerness” scale. For images ranked low on the “Southerness” scale

(such as Miami Vice and D.C. Skyline) the opposite trend becomes apparent. In both

cases the high positive correlations are located to the north, while the high negative

correlations are located to the south. This trend indicates that the students perceive both

images to be culturally un-Southern, which is indicated by high positive correlations

when compared to the northernmost cities (which are also ranked as culturally un-

64

Southern). Additionally, the high negative correlations indicate that the students view the

images as not Southern, but perceive the respective cities to indeed be culturally

Southern. Once again, the “Yes” responses contain more high correlations (both positive

and negative) for both images (see D.C. Skyline maps below).

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0.96190.9567

0.97640.9839

0.96870.8364

0.99500.9954

0.8862

-0.8085-0.8446-0.8088

-0.8403 -0.8819

0.0 0

0.100 .2 0

-0.10

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Images: Cultural "Yes"D.C. Skyline

65

D.C. SkylineImages: Cultural "No"

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-0.8047

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Although most “Yes” images present a larger number of high correlations, two

examples of the opposite pattern are the responses for Little House and Dukes of

Hazzard. In these cases, the “No” responses exhibit a higher number of both positive and

negative correlations. However, the “No” responses follow the same basic pattern in that

the high correlations tend to stray farther north than do the “Yes” responses (see Dukes of

Hazzard maps).

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0.94710.9978

0.9708

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-0.8307

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Images: Cultural "Yes"Dukes of Hazzard

67

Dukes of HazzardImages: Cultural "No"

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0.8537

0.8371

0.8389

0.8475 0.8703

0.92290.8694

0.95170.9284

0.96030.8352

0.8470 0.8560

0.8998

-0.8181-0.8032

-0.8624-0.8421

-0.8066-0.8320

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0.00 -0.10-0. 20

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-0 .80

-0.60

0.700.80

- 0.6 0

0 .40

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0. 4

0

0.7 0

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- 0. 8

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0.600.70

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-0.60-0.70

(Physical)

Just as the “Cultural” responses exhibit certain trends, so too do the “Physical”

portion responses of the survey. The responses in this section follow the same general

pattern of “Yes” responses containing a larger number of strong correlations. The Little

House responses once again reveal more strong correlations in the “No” responses than

do the “Yes” responses. However, unlike the “Cultural” responses for the Waltons where

a disproportionate number of strong correlations exist for the “Yes” category as

compared to the “No” category, the amount of strong correlations for “Physical” are

equal for both “Yes” and “No” responses. Although both the “Yes” and “No” categories

contain three strong positive correlations and no strong negative correlations, their

respective geographic locations vary markedly. Once again, the “Yes” responses are

congregated more to the south, while the “No” responses are more diffuse and to the

north and west (see Waltons maps).

68

Images: Physical "Yes"Waltons

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WaltonsImages: Physical "No"

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Another good example of distinctive patterning is the response set for the Dukes

of Hazzard image. Following the general trend, the “Yes” responses contain a larger

number of high correlations that are also concentrated to the south. The “No” responses

for this data set have less high correlations and follow the familiar pattern of being more

diffuse and located farther north (see maps following).

70

Images: Physical "Yes"Dukes of Hazzard

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71

Dukes of HazzardImages: Physical "No"

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(4.3.2) Videos

Just as the responses for the images disclose distinct geographic patterns, so too

do the video responses. Certain patterns emerge, revealed visually by the location of

strong positive and negative correlations. While some patterns are to be expected, others

produce unexpected and interesting results.

(Cultural)

While the “No” responses for Blair Witch yield only one high positive and no

high negative correlations, the “Yes” responses produce thirteen high negative

correlations and one high positive correlation. The distinct pattern indicates that although

the “Yes” respondents have formed definite opinions regarding the cultural

“Southerness” of the film segment, the “No” respondents obviously have not. This is

indeed supported by the fact that the clear majority of students believed that this clip

“Could Go Either Way” in terms of cultural distinctiveness. Perhaps this is because the

video clip gives no physical geographical identifiers, and mixed cultural identifiers.

72

Videos: Cultural "Yes"Blair Witch

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-0.8313-0.8595

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73

Blair WitchVideos: Cultural "No"

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Another pertinent detail is the difference in geographic pattern between the

responses for Smokey and the Bandit. The correlations for those familiar with the video

segment are more prominently to the south and extend farther west, while the “No”

correlations cover areas more to the north and the east. This pattern (as supported by the

rankings data) indicates that the majority of familiar respondents rate the video as more

strongly “Southern.” Conversely, a lesser number of respondents that were unfamiliar

with the clip gave this video a lower “Southerness” ranking.

74

Videos: Cultural "Yes"Smokey and the Bandit

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75

Smokey and the BanditVideos: Cultural "No"

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0.98470.9871

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0.10

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0.3 0

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The correlations for Coal Miner’s Daughter follow this same pattern. However,

the setting for this biography is the Appalachian mountains of Kentucky rather than the

South. Interestingly, the majority of “Yes” respondents find this image to be “Totally

Southern,” while most “No” respondents believe it to be “A Bit Southern” and “Strongly

Southern.”

The Ferris Bueller correlations further reinforce the assumption that inferences are

drawn from mass media. While the “Yes” responses have very few high correlations, the

“No” responses have several strong correlations (most of which are high negative). This

indicates that although unfamiliar with the video, the respondents feel strongly that the

segment is not culturally Southern. Therefore, it can be said that the respondents based

their perceptions (in this case what is not Southern) on the video segment. Additionally,

the high positive correlation in southern Florida indicates that both Chicago (represented

in the video clip) and Miami are perceived as being culturally similar.

76

Videos: Cultural "Yes"Ferris Bueller

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77

Ferris BuellerVideos: Cultural "No"

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-0.9198 -0.9016

-0.8564

-0.8885

-0.8452

-0.8436

-0.8963

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-0.8036

-0.8189-0.40

0.0 0 -0. 3

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0.3 0 0 .40

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0 .5 0

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0.7 00.80

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0.20

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0.30 0.60

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0.10

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0.70-0.10

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Responses for Gone With the Wind exhibit stronger correlations within the “No”

segment as opposed to the “Yes” segment. The geographic orientation for these

responses consists of both sections displaying similar patterns. However, the “No”

responses extend further north (perhaps due to the larger amount of high correlations).

This trend indicates that even though the students were not familiar with the video, they

still perceived a distinct region within which to place the video.

78

Videos: Cultural "Yes"Gone with the Wind

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0.8430

0.90760.9902

0.9468

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-0.8752

-0.8320-0.8327

0.20

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-0.3 00.

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79

Gone with the WindVideos: Cultural "No"

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0.96840.9172

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0 .80

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0.00

0.30

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-0.70

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- 0.9

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-0.9

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-0.60

-0.80

0 .20

0.90

0.100.

9 0

0.90

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0.30

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0.20

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(Physical)

Just as in the Cultural section of the video survey, the Physical segment for Blair

Witch yields significantly more strong correlations for the “Yes” responses. The majority

of these correlations are negative. Due to the familiarity with the video, the respondents

evidently based their decision upon the fact that the film takes place in Maryland.

Conversely, the “No” responses indicate only one high correlation. As previously

mentioned, this is due to the specific scene played during the survey.

Ferris Bueller, in addition to Blair Witch, follows the same geographic patterning

as its Cultural responses. There are more high correlations for the “No” responses as

compared to the “Yes” responses. The majority of these strong negative correlations are

located in the southern United States. This pattern (just like the Cultural response

80

pattern) indicates that although unfamiliar with the scene, the respondents base their

geographic perceptions of what is not Southern on information derived from the video.

Ferris BuellerVideos: Physical "Yes"

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81

Videos: Physical "No"Ferris Bueller

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Another interesting fact that deviates from the norm comes from the responses

from Dancing Outlaw. Although both sets of responses have ten positive high

correlations, there are no high negative correlations for the “Yes” responses but there are

six for the “No” responses. As indicated by the survey rankings, most students believed

this video segment to be physically southern. However, as previously mentioned, this

documentary takes place in Appalachian West Virginia (which yields no correlations on

the Dancing Outlaw maps). This also points to the fact that perceptions can be based

upon limited viewing of videos. In this instance, the media is classified as southern, even

though geographically it is closer to areas indicated as not physically Southern (as

evidenced by the strong negative correlations).

82

Dancing OutlawVideos: Physical "Yes"

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Videos: Physical "No"Dancing Outlaw

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Another segment to follow the aforementioned anomaly is the Pee Wee Herman

section. While both the “Yes” and “No” groups have a similar amount of high positive

correlations, the “No” group has twice as many high negative correlations.

84

Pee Wee HermanVideos: Physical "Yes"

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85

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86

Chapter 5: Discussion

(5.1) Final Comments

As stated at the beginning, the purpose of this thesis was to determine to what

extent mass media popular culture influences place perception among university-aged

students. Doing so allowed for the study of stereotypical regional perceptions while

simultaneously creating a methodology easily replicated for use by other geographers and

educators.

As a result, this study hypothesized that visual representations of people and/or

places conjure pre-determined notions as to the locale of the represented region. The

goal was to demonstrate that people think that they know where the location is (or is

supposed to be) simply based upon the visual cues presented to them in an image or video

clip. The report states that although sometimes this association is in fact the goal of the

creator/distributor of the media, it is often an unintended consequence of mass media

distribution.

Once this relationship is created, it is kept alive by the sheer volume of people

who respond to the association. According to Annie Besant:

“We are all continually affecting each other by these

waves of thought, sent out without definite intent, and what

is called public opinion is large ly created in this way. Most

people think along certain lines, not because they have

carefully thought a question out and come to a conclusion,

but because large numbers of people are thinking along

those lines, and carry others with them” (Besant, 1953, p.

34).

This public sway of opinion is the driving force behind both the creation of and longevity

of the most popular regional stereotypes. Unfortunately, this mass-acceptance of others’

thoughts does nothing to aid in mental development. “The mind does not grow by being

gorged with other people’s thoughts, but by exercising its own faculties” (Besant, 1953,

p. 66).

The core importance of this study lies within the fact that all events on Earth are

spatially related, and that many conceptions are formed based upon mass media

87

influences. As indicated in Spatial Cognition, “Not only is spatial information critical to

object, person, and event perception, but also space comes to be perceived in its own

right in terms of spatial concepts” (Olson, 1983, p. 2). This spatial information is stored

mentally and then represented in the form of mental images (Olson, 1983). According to

Sir Ernst Gombrich, what one is trying to do, together with what one knows, will

determine what information is perceived from the world (Olson, 1983). Our perceptions

of the world, therefore, are based upon what we “know”. We can never separate what we

see from what we know; what we see depends upon what we know (Olson, 1983). For

example, if we “know” that all Californians are beach-bum hippies whose entire lives

consist of partying and surfing, then those characteristics are glaringly obvious to us in

the media. Movies that play off of this stereotype simply reinforce our notion about

Californians. However, movies that portray an entirely different Californian may escape

our conscious thinking and we may simply dissociate that portrayal without even

knowing it. Rather than seeing reality, we are continually altering our perceptions of

reality based upon our regional “knowledge.”

This theory, that factual information is oftentimes overlooked because of pre-

conceived “knowledge,” is validated by Gombrich:

The individual visual information…is entered as it were,

upon a pre-existing blank or formulary. And, as often

happens with blanks, if they have no provision for certain

kinds of information we consider essential, it is just too bad

for the information (Olson, 1983, p. 26).

Basically, Gombrich states that information is unfortunately pushed aside

to make room in individual cognitions for these pre-existing formularies

(i.e., stereotypes).

This process results in the conveyance of “known” characteristics onto

“unknown” regions and/or cultures. For example, suppose that a viewer who is positive

that the majority of southern Virginia residents are coal-mining rednecks is watching a

movie depicting a rowdy coal miner. However, the actual setting of the film is not

revealed to the viewer, but background scenery resembles lush vegetation similar to that

found in the Appalachian region. Whether or not the viewed media actually depicts a

88

southern Virginia miner is irrelevant. The viewer will make that particular association in

the absence of locational/setting information.

As discussed earlier, perceptual filters distort our views and opinions about people

and places of the real world. This warping is evident in numerous aspects of everyday

life. For example, what a child draws is not an accurate printout of the real world, but

rather the visual world recast in terms of what the child has learned (Olson, 1983). Our

opinions of an individual person may not reflect their personal qualities, but rather the

opinions we have formed about the particular area from whence they came.

Within the context of this project, topics such as mental maps, place perception,

and stereotypes were addressed. Definitions of, as well as the formation of and

importance of, these topics were discussed as well. All of these play an important role in

the understanding and explanation of the hypothesis presented within the scope of this

work. Describing these phenomena was necessary in order to understand the goal of the

study. Survey methodology, along with descriptions of the data presented, were also

included to increase reader familiarity with the project.

In addition to these descriptions, my personal opinions and expectations of the

images/videos and their resultant responses were given. This was done in order to offer

insight into my personal views of the survey and what I expected to receive in terms of

respondent results. After the introduction, literature review, and survey summary, only

the results and discussion were left to describe.

In an attempt to expedite explanation, only a handful of pertinent results

were discussed and mapped. While the displayed correlations give good indication of

student feedback, it is imperative to thoroughly study the included data tables for in-depth

understanding of the results. The raw data reveals the specific rankings of the responses

for both the images/videos and the cities included in the survey. By doing so it is

possible to gather even more information and obtain a deeper appreciation for the study.

In summary, the findings of the project are as follows:

• When forced to categorize cultural and physical attributes, students lump

certain locales together. This is evident when both Southern and

Appalachian cultures and/or locations are pigeonholed as being Southern.

89

• Physical location and cultural attributes may be ranked independently.

For example, an image may have very few responses that indicate it is

physically Southern, but the respondents may classify the cultural

attributes of the area to be very Southern.

• Mental Maps are indeed created from interaction with mass media.

Regardless of whether or not correct in their assumption, people base their

place perceptions upon what is presented to them in their environment.

They believe that they know the physical and cultural attributes of an area

and its inhabitants. They base their conclusions on what they see and

hear, even if it is only for a very brief period.

• Although the respondents were unsure of where a certain image or video

was located, they knew where it was not located. This is evidenced by the

strong opinions concerning very un-Southern attributes such as those in

Ferris Bueller.

As a result, it can be concluded that the hypothesis of this work is in fact correct.

Although anomalies are present within this study, as with most others, the results of the

survey and correlations do indeed validate the stated assumption presented in the

beginning of this work. Therefore, it can be asserted that visual representations of

people and/or places in the mass media carry with them a mental construct

(perception) of their associated geographic location(s).

While the results of this project are far from conclusive and all encompassing,

they do shed light on what seems to be an interesting and thought provoking subject. No

known project similar to this exists. However, nothing prevents these procedures from

being replicated to study other geographic regions and/or cultural attributes.

Additionally, students of different age groups from various vernacular regions can

participate in these types of studies, bringing even more attention to the interrelationship

between cultural surroundings and media influence susceptibility.

Along with the opportunity for additional studies come additional questions. Are

all people equally vulnerable to media influence? Do representations of other vernacular

regions evoke mental constructs equal to those associated with the South (are people as

“certain” with regards to physical location and cultural attributes)? What role do maps

90

play in the ranking of cities? Would rankings be the same using only a list of city names?

What influence will widespread telecommunications and increasingly popular

technologies (cell phones, internet, etc.) have on place perception? On mental maps?

Are media portrayals detrimental to certain cultures? To what extent?

In conclusion, we can safely assume that the continuation of these inquiries will

definitely result in a greater understanding of the world around us and how we perceive it

to be.

(5.2) Suggestions for Further Research

As interesting and informative as the previously described study and discussions

were, there still remains many questions and tremendous future research potential.

Considering that the objective of this thesis was to focus on a very specific question

regarding the interrelationship between mass media and mental mapping, a plethora of

possible investigations were unfortunately relegated to future possibilities. The breadth

of academic inquiries seems limitless, and the documented data almost begs for more

detailed analysis by scholars much more capable than myself. To that end, this final

section will briefly discuss suggestions for further research.

One of the most obvious questions posed by this documents is “Who benefits

from stereotypes”? As mention earlier, some stereotypes are created inadvertently while

others may be fashioned purposely for the distortion of truth. Regardless of the causative

agent it is impossible to assume that no one benefits from the existence or transmission of

cultural inaccuracies. States, municipalities, and resorts are perfect examples of entities

that benefit from stereotypes. Regions with positive stereotypes benefit from the added

desirability created from these misconceptions. For example, an area that has been

stereotyped as clean and safe may in reality be littered and plagued by crime. An

example of this is several popular tourist destinations in the Caribbean. Cruise lines tout

the paradise like qualities of many of their Caribbean destinations but neglect to inform

the traveler of the safety hazards and poverty that engulfs the areas just outside of the

destination ports.

Another relevant example of people benefiting from stereotypes is evident in

political campaigning. An Ivy League educated candidate from a well to do family may

take advantage of the slow, uneducated hillbilly stereotypes attached to his Appalachian-

91

raised opponent. Whether or not the opponent is the best man for the job may be a moot

point; the popular image of the Appalachian may be his electoral downfall.

Without a doubt there are many more ways that people and organizations benefit

from persistent stereotypes. Studying this phenomenon in detail will undoubtedly yield

beneficial results that may be used to help understand the concepts presented within this

work.

In addition to studying the benefits of stereotypes as an individual study, it is also

possible to take the images and videos presented during this survey and instruct the

respondents to explain their responses. These descriptive explanations would offer

much-needed insight into the rationale for Southerness rankings and add a valuable layer

to the study methodology. While presenting this alteration to a large group would prove

difficult for detailed investigation, utilizing a smaller sample size would yield valuable

information and facilitate tabulation and analysis.

Another methodology for extrapolating more specific data would be to separate

and analyze the response information based upon whether or not the respondents

classified themselves as southerners. This breakdown would offer insight into the

response discrepancies of those who categorized themselves as southerners as opposed to

those who did not. This same principal could also be applied to the separation and

analysis of responses of individuals from geographically dispersed hometowns or of

different age groups. Completion of these studies would greatly increase the knowledge

of perceptual cognitions and their variations associated with differing cultural influences

across time and/or space.

Rather than creating correlations from images/videos compared to cities

rankings, comparing images or videos to other images or videos would produce even

more data for statistical extrapolation. This technique would allow comparative analysis

of the survey media types presented to the study group.

Separating the “No” responses (based on familiarity of image and knowledge of

location) would provide even further opportunity for detailed descriptions of variations

between these two familiarity classifications. Without a doubt comparing the responses

of those familiar with the image to those unfamiliar would broaden our understanding of

the influence of regional preconceptions. The same technique applied to those who knew

92

the setting of the image/video (in comparison to those unfamiliar with the proposed

location) would also yield valuable data for future research.

One of the greatest questions presented by this study regards the influence of

current technology on personal perceptions. The speed and ease with which information

is transmitted is certain to have suggestive influences on our perceptions of the world and

its many cultures. What effect does this technology have? We are continually

bombarded with a vast array of images, news, and advertisements. Will the global

incorporation of these transmissions serve to facilitate or deter accurate representations of

the world around us? Are active media types such as Internet research and newspapers

more influential than passive forms such as radio and television broadcasts that

inadvertently bombard us with information despite our full attention?

The many questions induced by this study may take years to complete, with no

definitive answers to anticipate. Only through diligent research and painstaking

methodologies may we expect to acquire a better understanding of the media that engulfs

us and its influences on our everyday behavior and perceptions of reality.

93

Works Cited Adams, Paul C. “Television as Gathering Place,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 82(1), 1992, 117-135. Alderman, Derek H. and Daniel B. Good. “Exploring the Virtual South: The Idea of a Distinctive Region on ‘The Web’,” Southeastern Geographer. May 1997, Vol. XXXVII, No. 1, 20-45 Alvarado, Manuel, Edward Buscombe, and Richard Collins, eds. The Screen Education Reader: Cinema, Television, Culture (New York, New York: Columbia University Press, 1993). Besant, Annie. Thought Power: Its Control and Culture (Wheaton, Illinois: The Theosophical Press, Reprint 1953). Birdsall, Stephen S. “Changing Images of the Tourist South Since 1930,” Southeastern Geographer. November 1986, Vol. 26, No. 2, 135-143 Campbell, Edward D.C., Jr. The Celluloid South: Hollywood and the Southern Myth (Knoxville, Tennessee: The University of Tennessee Press, 1981). Clark, Margaret Sydnor and Susan T. Fiske, eds. Affect and Cognition: The Seventeenth Annual Carnegie Symposium on Cognition (Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers, 1982). Downs, Roger M. and David Stea. Image and Environment: Cognitive Mapping and Spatial Behavior (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1973). Downs, Roger M. and David Stea. Maps in Minds: Reflections on Cognitive Mapping (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1977). French, Warren, ed. The South and Film (Jackson, Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi, 1981). Gonzales, Laurence. “Land of the Lost,” National Geographic Adventure. November/December 2001, 82-96, 155-156. Gould, Peter. People in Information Space: The Mental Maps and Information Surfaces of Sweden (The Royal University of Lund, Department of Geography, CWK Gleerup, 1975). Gould, Peter and Rodney White. Mental Maps (New York: Penguin Books, Inc., 1974). Heider, Karl G. ed. Images of the South: Constructing a Regional Culture on Film and Video (Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 1993).

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King, Richard H. and Helen Taylor, eds. Dixie Debates: Perspectives on Southern Cultures (Washington Square, New York: New York University Press, 1996). Kirby, Jack Temple. Media Made Dixie: The South in the American Imagination (Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1978). Laszlo, Ervin and Ignazio Masulli, eds. The Evolution of Cognitive Maps: New Paradigms for the Twenty-First Century (Amsterdam: Gordon and Breach, 1993). Miller, Mark Crispin, ed. Seeing Through Movies (New York: Pantheon Books, 1990). Nachbar, Jack and Kevin Lause eds. Popular Culture: An Introductory Text (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1992). Olson, David R. and Ellen Bialystok. Spatial Cognition: The Structure and Development of Mental Representations of Spatial Relations (Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers, 1983). Reed, John Shelton. One South: An Ethnic Approach to Regional Culture (Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University, 1982). Rissover, Fredric and David C. Birch. Mass Media and the Popular Arts (St. Louis, Missouri: McGraw-Hill, Inc., 1983). Stea, David and Denis Wood. A Cognitive Atlas: Explorations Into the Psychological Geography of Four Mexican Cities (Chicago: Environmental Research Group, 1971). World Wide Web Site: Internet Movie Database. Internet Address: www.imdb.com. World Wide Web Site: All Movie Guide. Internet Address: www.allmovie.com. Zelinsky, Wilbur. Exploring the Beloved Country: Geographic Forays Into American Society and Culture (Iowa City, Iowa: University of Iowa Press, 1994). Zelinsky, Wilbur. The Cultural Geography of the United States (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1973). Zonn, Leo, ed. Place Images in Media: Portrayal, Experience, and Meaning (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 1990).

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Appendix (A) Map Examples: A Cognitive Atlas

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(B) Residential Desirability Viewpoint Maps: Mental Maps

The Mental Map from California

The Mental Map from Pennsylvania

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The Mental Map from Alabama

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(C) Overview of Survey Questionnaire

In order to verify your participation in this questionnaire, please fill in your social security number in the appropriate section. In the “Name” section of the answer sheet, please list the city and state that you consider home (the region that you most closely identify with) and how many years you have lived there. In the space for question #45, indicate your age using the following choices:

1 – 18 years old or younger 2 – 19 3 – 20 4 – 21 5 –22 6 – 23 7 – 24 8 – 25 9 – 26 10 – 27 or older

In the space for question #46, please indicate your gender:

1 – Male 2 – Female

In the space for question #47, please indicate your class level.

1 – Freshman 2 – Sophomore 3 – Junior 4 – Senior 5 – Graduate Student

Question #48: Do you consider yourself to be a Southerner?

1 – Yes 2 – No

Question #49: On a scale of 1-7 how would you rank your travel experience(s) in the south?

1-No experience 5-Slightly above average 2-Very limited experience 6-A good bit of experience 3-Some experience 7– Lots of experience 4-Average experience

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Question #50: Do you consider yourself knowledgeable about the South? 1 – No knowledge 5 – Slightly above average knowledge 2 – Very limited knowledge 6 – Above average knowledge 3 – Below average knowledge 7 – Very knowledgeable 4 – Average knowledge

Question #51: Do you have experience with media (T.V., radio, magazines, etc.) that deal with topics related to the South?

1 – No experience 5 – Slightly above average experience 2 – Very limited experience 6 – Above average experience 3 – Below average experience 7 – Extensive experience 4 – Average experience

For the next series of questions please view the displayed images and answer the corresponding questions using information derived from the image and/or information derived from personal experience. Image 1 #52: Are you familiar with this image? 1 – Yes 2 – No #53: Do you know the supposed location (setting) of this image? 1 – Yes 2 – No #54: Have you personally experienced the area represented by this image? 1 – Yes 2 – No #55: Physically, is this the South? Please rank on a scale of 1 to 7. 1 – Totally not Southern 5 – A bit Southern 2 – Strongly not Southern 6 – Strongly Southern 3 – Not really Southern 7 – Totally Southern 4 – Could go either way #56: Culturally, is this the South? Please rank on a scale of 1 to 7.

1 – Totally not Southern 5 – A bit Southern 2 – Strongly not Southern 6 – Strongly Southern 3 – Not really Southern 7 – Totally Southern 4 – Could go either way Repeated for the remaining seven images (Questions 57-91)

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For the next series of questions please watch the following video segments and answer the corresponding questions using information derived from the video and/or past experience with the film. Video Clip 1 #92: Are you familiar with this video clip?

1 – Yes 2 – No

#93: Do you know the supposed location (setting) of this video clip?

1 – Yes 2 – No

#94: Have you personally experienced the area depicted in this video clip?

1 – Yes 2 – No

#95: Physically, is this the South? Please rank on a scale of 1 to 7.

1 – Totally not Southern 5 – A bit Southern 2 – Strongly not Southern 6 – Strongly Southern 3 – Not really Southern 7 – Totally Southern 4 – Could go either way #96: Culturally, is this the South? Please rank on a scale of 1 to 7.

1 – Totally not Southern 5 – A bit Southern 2 – Strongly not Southern 6 – Strongly Southern 3 – Not really Southern 7 – Totally Southern 4 – Could go either way Repeated for remaining eleven video clips (Questions 97–151). (Questions 1-44: See Map) Based upon information you have acquired through popular culture mediums (radio, television, etc.) rank these cities according to their “Southerness.” Please rank on a scale of 1 to 7.

1 – Totally not Southern 5 – A bit Southern 2 – Strongly not Southern 6 – Strongly Southern 3 – Not really Southern 7 – Totally Southern 4 – Could go either way

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(D) Survey Images Image 1: Little House on the Prairie

Image 2: D.C. Skyline

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Image 3: The Andy Griffith Show

Image 4: Ku Klux Klan

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Image 5: The Waltons

Image 6: J.R. Ewing

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Image 7: Dukes of Hazzard

Image 8: Miami Vice