Catholic Grievances, Catholic Nationalism: A CommentAuthor(s): Denis O'HearnSource: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 34, No. 3 (Sep., 1983), pp. 438-445Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political ScienceStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/590257 .Accessed: 24/08/2011 17:18

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Denis O'Hearn

Catholic grievances, Catholic nationalism: a comment

SUMMARY

In a previous article in the Britzsh Journal of Sociology Christopher Hewitt attempted to show that discrimination against Catholics in the North of Ireland has been overstated. By using Hewitt's election data (1967), but weighting local councils by population, the present article shows that underrepresentation of Catholics in local councils was 12.1 per cent, instead of Hewitt's 5.6 per cent. Furthermore, Unionists concentrated their gerrymandering on large council districts, and allowed non-Unionists to administer very small districts. Typically, Catholics made up over 62 per cent of the population in Derry City, but held only 40 per cent of the council seats. It is also shown that discrimination in housing cannot be measured simply by the percentage of Catholics in council housing as opposed to Protestants. This is because (1) more Protestants own their home and (2) overcrowding among Catholics is much greater. Finally, evidence is given on discrimi- nation in employment. Richard Rose's 'Loyalty Survey' is criticized because its occupational categories were too broad- i.e., 'manual working class'. When Rose's category is broken down into 'skilled', 'semi-skilled', and 'unskilled' manual workers there is a definite difference in occupational status in favour of Protestants.

Christopher Hewitt's article on the North of Ireland (British Journal of Sociology vol. 32, no. 3, September 1981) is an unfortunate example of a well-researched article, with all of the research seemingly aimed to 'prove' an unsound proposition. Hewitt hopes to show that there is not 'a serious or systematic bias against Catholics' in the six counties. He fails to succeed because of the superf1ciality of his mainly statistical argument. The result is an article most reminiscent of those by American academics who wanted to 'prove' that dis- crimination against blacks was a myth.

The British Journal of Sociology Volume XXXIV Number 3 ORKP. 1983

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Catholic grievances, Catholic nationaltsm: a comment 439

To highlight the weaknesses of Hewitt's exposition, I shall proceed from his own statistics and major points. These are: (a) gerrymander- ing in local councils, (b) discrimination in housing, and (c) discnmi- nation in employment.

(a) GERRYMANDERING

Hewitt's argument that there is not consistent discrimination against Catholics in the North of Irelalld concentrates overwhelmingly on gerrymandering. This is because most analysts have emphasized the role of local governments in distributing housing, jobs, etc. (at least until the 'reforms' of the 1970s).l If loyalists control local councils, they also control a range of social-distributive policies. While other factors not emphasized by Hewitt are also important (e.g., hiring policies of large firms and state bodies), he is correct to identify local democracy as significant.

Most of Hewitt's argument centers on his Table I (p. 366),2 which compares (1) Catholics as a percentage of adult population and (2) the percentage of non-unionist councillors, in a series of local councils. His first point is that due to fertility differences between Catholics and Protestants 'the comparison between Catholics as a percentage of the total population and the percentage of Catholic councillors, which is usually used to show electoral injustice is obviously mis- leading' (p. 365). This point would be well taken if indeed, as claimed, 'the proportion of Catholics in the voting age is noticeably lower.' However, by Hewitt's own Table I we see that the average difference between Catholics as a percentage of total population and as a percentage of adult population is less than 3.3 per cent. This is perhaps 'noticeably' lower, but little more. Indeed, many experts believe that between 1961 (the census year) and 1967 (Hewitt's election year) the Catholic proportion of the Northern Irish popu- lation increased due to fertility rates and lower emigration rates, cancelling at least part of the 3.3 per cent difference mentioned above.

But Hewitt's argument hinges primarily on his contention that the 'average underrepresentation' of Catholics in local councils where they constitute a majority of voters is 'only 5.6 per cent.' Furthermore, he shows that 'while underrepresented in 15 areas Catholics are overrepresented in nine', and that 'only in seven cases did the underrepresentation of the Catholic population lead to an undemocratic outcome in which Unionists controlled the council' (p. 365). This constitutes a glaring example of the misleading use of statistics.

The statistics are misleading because Hewitt gives equal weight in his calculations to Keady Council (pop. 1,637) and Derry City Council (pop. 54,762). To correct for population weights, I have

reproduced Hewitt's Table I, with the local councils ranked by population and with the additional columns 'total population' and 'Catholic gain/loss' (see Table I). A minus sign appears in the gain/ loss column if Catholic underrepresentation is more than 10 per cent. The minus sign is circled lf the Unionists gained control of a Catholic-majority council. A plus sign appears where Catholics are overrepresented by 10 per cent or more.

TABLE I Local council control and gerrymandering in all 'Catholic' areas

Catholics as a % of Rankby % of adult non-Unionist Total Catholic pop. population councillors population gain/loss

1 Dery 61.9 40.0 53,762 9

2 Magherafelt R.D. 51.2 28.6 32,049 e 3 Omagh R.D. 57.0 42.9 30,216 6 4 NewTyNo. 2 R.D. 70.1 72.4 25,550 5 Lisnaskea R.D. 56.8 38.2 17,115 @

6 Cookstown R.D. 52.6 36.8 14,680 e 7 NewuyNo. 1 R.D. 56.4 58.8 13,441 8 Kflkeel R.D. 58.1 75.0 13,140 + 9 NewTy 81.1 66.6 12,429 -

10 Armagh 52.9 40.0 10.062 (g 11 Omagh 57.2 42.9 8,109 ) 12 Strabane 76.3 75.0 7,783 13 Downpatrick 68.8 91.7 4,235 + 14 Warrenpoint 68.9 75.0 3,245 15 Ballycastle 56.5 83.3 2,642 + 16 Keady 79.5 100.0 1,637 +

I contend that loyalists would concentrate their gerrymandering efforts on large councils such as Derry, Magherafelt R.D. and Omagh R.D. They would not, however, put a large effort into gaining control of small nationalist districts such as Keady, Ballycastle, Warrenpoint and Downpatrick (just as, in America, white supremacists in Mississipi were willing to throw a town such as Fayette to the blacks, so as to retain control of the white 'system' as a whole).

This is precisely what the table shows. In all large districts except Newry No. 2 Unionists gained control of the councils by gerry- mandering. Of the sixteen councils in Table I, the seven in which the Unionists gained control are ranked by population 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 10 and 11. The four councils with a plus, signifying large Catholic gains, ranked 16, 15, 13 and 8 in population. In other terms, the mean population of a Catholic-underrepresented council was 22,303 while the mean population of a Catholic-overrepresented council was only 5,4\14.

If the councils are weighted by population, we find that the average underrepresentation of adult Catholics is not the 5.6 per

440 Denzs O'Hearn

cent arrived at by Hewitt, but the much higher figure of 12.1 per cent.

Finally, if we are to explore seriously the question of gerrymander- ing we must go beyond general statistics to the analysis of particular cases. The most important case study is Derry City, the largest Northern Irish council with a Catholic majority. In Derry the Council was divided into three wards, as follows:

TABLE II Gerrymandering in Derry City

Catholic Protestant voters voters Total

South Ward 10,047 1,138 11,185 Nori Ward 2,530 3,946 6,476 Waterside Ward 1,852 3,697 5,549

Total 14,429 8,781 23,210

Source: Cameron Report, p.59.

By this system Unionists returned 8 councillors in the North Ward and 4 councillors in the Waterside Ward, for a total of twelve councillors. Nationalists (non-Unionists) returned only the eight councillors from the South Ward, which was bloated out of all proportion in terms of Catholic voters as well as total voters.

We can only conclude, despite Hewitt's objections to the con- trary, that gerrymandenng was indeed a consistent policy in those large constituencies that were considered 'political plums' by the loyalist ruling class.

(b) HOUSING

Hewitt finds that 'discnmination by Protestant councils' in housing was 'insignificant in its impact and that the greatest bias appeared to lie in the treatment of Protestants by Catholic councils' (p. 367). His sole evidence for this claim is Richard Rose's 'Loyalty Survey',3 which shows that a slightly greater percentage of Catholics (25.9) than Protestants (20.6) lived in council houses in 1968

However, Hewitt's general statistical evidence is refuted by a more thorough investigation. First of all, more Protestants (45 per cent) than Catholics (37 per cent) owned their house, according to the Loyalty Survey.4 Therefore, Catholics were in greater need of council housing than were Protestants. We would find, in the same way, that in the USA a greater percentage of blacks are located in govemment-subsidized housing thall are whites. But this by itself does not refute the fact of discrimination in housing.

Further, while more Catholics than Protestants live in council

Catholic grievances, Catholic nationalism: a comment 441

442 Denzs O'Hearn

housing, a smaller percentage of Catholic families are allocated council housing. This is because of overcrowding in Catholic areas. A study calTied out in 1973 for the Northern Ireland Community Relations Commission identifies twelve areas in Belfast which are 'black spots' in relation to overcrowding.5 All of these are Catholic areas.

Moreover, the Cameron Report, a 1969 Bntish government report, went beyond the statistics to investigate particular problem areas of discrimination in housing. The Cameron Commission found that in 'Unionist-controlled areas it was fairly frequent for housing policy to be operated so that houses allocated to Catholics tended, as in Dungannon Urban District, to go to rehouse slum dwellers, whereas Protestant allocations tended to go more frequently to new families.'6

Finally, it is probably true that non-Unionist councils discrimi- nated in housing as did Unionist councils. But the plain fact is that, partly due to gerrymandering, only 11 of 73 local councils were controlled by anti-Unionists in 1968, representing a population of only 96,500 out of a total population of 1,425,042. Thus, even if discrimination by councils were equal, the brunt of it would fall on the Catholic population.

(c) EMPLOYMENT

Perhaps the most decisive factor determining one's standard of living is the possibility of employment. The impact of unemploy- ment is reduced in a welfare state such as Britain (and in the British- administered North of Ireland), but even so discrimination in employment is probably the most important form of discrimination. Therefore, it is unfortunate that Hewitt admits higher Catholic unemployment, but then dismisses its importance by giving the subject a mere three sentences.

In fact, there is overwhelming evidence from the 1971 census that discrimination in employment was the normal state of affairs du*ng the period under review. The census shows unemployment among Catholics to be two and one half times the rate among Protestants. In comparison, ie rate of unemployment among blacks in the USA is twice that of whites.7 Furthermore, Catholics are employed in very low numbers in modern manufacturing sectors, the most important location of employment, and are concentrated in manual unskilled jobs (see Table III).

The figures in Table III refute Hewitt's contention that Catholics do not differ from Protestants in occupational status. Hewitt's Table III (p. 369), which purports to show that occupational differ- ences between Catholics and Protestants in the North of Ireland

Catholic gnevances, Catholic nationalism: a comment 443

TABLE III Employment of Catholics in selected sectors/jobs

Catholics as No Caffiolics as % of employees of employees

Manufacturing 23.2 Publicans 73 Shipbuilding and Building Labourer 55 Marine Engineering 4.8 Dock Labourer 54 Company Secretaries 7.0 Bricklayer 51 Engineers 1 1.0 Plasterer 51

Chemists/Biolozts 11.0 Waiter, Waitress 50 Production Managers 12.0 Hairdresser 49

Scnior Government Domestic Housekeeper 48 Officials 1 3.0 Draughtsmen 1 3.0 Gas, Water and Electricity 1 5.4 Insurance, Banking, Finance, Business Services 1 6.2 Public Administration and Defense 19.6

Sources: Fair Employmcnt Agency for Northern Ircland, An Industrial and Occupational Profile of the Two Sections of the Population in Northern Ireland, Bclfast, FEA, January 1978; E.A. Aunger, Social Fragrnentahon and Polihical Stability: A Comparative Shxdy of New Brunswick and Northern Ireland, Doctoral Disscrtation, Univcrsity of California, Irvine, 1978.

do not compare with blacks and whites in the USA, suffers from two major problems.

First, the category 'manual working class', used by Hewitt, is too broad. According to a report prepared by the Fair Employment Agency for Northern Ireland, the 1971 census reveals that 'while the median Protestant is a skilled manual worker, the median Catholic is a semi-skilled manual worker.' Further, ie median Protestant male is a skilled manual worker while the median Catholic male is an unskilled manual worker.8

Second, many Catholics are skilled workers, and most of them are well educated. But they are also unemployed or underemployed. While they might go down in Rose's Loyalty Survey as skilled or even professional, they are actually in unskilled jobs or unemployed due to discrimination in employment.

A more realistic picture is presented by E.A. Aunger's analysis of the 19 71 census. Using census data, he discriminates among skilled manual, semi-skilled manual and unskilled manual workers. His most important finding is that while only 16 per cent of Protestant males are unskilled manual workers, 32 per cent of Catholics fall into that category.9 This is quite comparable to the figures for black/white discrimination in the USA.

But even more illuminating are accounts of hiring practices by the largest Northern Irish employers. In 19 70 there were only 400 Catholics among the 10,000 workers in the province's single largest employer, the Harland & Wolff shipyard. Catholics numbered only a handful in the workforces of the two major factories located in Catholic areas of Belfast-Mackie's and Sirocco Engineering Works. Almost all of the new multinational firms which moved into the North of Ireland during the post-war era were situated in Protestant areas, and therefore employed few Catholics.

Finally, Frank Gallagher provided evidence on employment by local councils in 1951,1° which is summarized in Table IV. The Cameron Report finds that the situation did not change between 1951 and 1969. Paragraph 138 ofthe report shows thatin October 1968 only 30 per cent of Derry's administrative, clerical and technical employees were Catholics. Only one of the ten best paying jobs was held by a Catholic. None of these employees irl Dungannon was a Catholic, although the council is 50.3 per cent Catholic. No senior council posts in County Fermanagh (55.4 per cent Catholic) were held by Catholics. The Cameron Report itself refutes Hewitt's claim that Catholic-run councils are more discriminative than are Unionist councils: 'Protestants who are the minority in the Newry area, by contrast to the other areas we have specified, do not have a serious unemployment problem, and in Newry there are relatively few Protestants, whereas in the other towns Catholics make up a sub- stantial part of the population.'ll

TABLE IV Employment in local councils, 1951

No. of non- manual government Number of Catholics as % Catholics as % employees Catholics of employees of population

Antritn 257 19 7.8 22.0 Armagh 129 16 12.5 46.5 Derry 206 16 7.8 43.0 Down 294 56 19.0 30.0 Fermanagh 53 5 9.4 55.4 Tyrone 156 18 11.5 55.3

Totals 1,095 130 11.9 34.0

444 Dents O'Hearn

CONCLUSION

I have shown the evidence presented by Christopher Hewitt to be misleading. Behind his statistics lies the basic fact that in 1968 discrimination against Catholics in the North of Ireland was systematic and pervasive. While the few Catholics in a position to dispense jobs or houses tended to discriminate in favour of other Catholics, there

Catholic gnevances, Catholic nationalism:-a comment 445

were very few Catholics in such positions. Newry is an isolated case, while Derry City is followed by other cities alld counties which practiced discrimination against Catholics.

Denis O'Hearn

NOTES

1. See, e.g. John Darby, Conflict in Northern Ireland: The Development of a Polarssed Community, Dublin, Gill and MacMillan, 1976; Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland: The Orange State, London, Pluto, 1976; and Liam de Paor, L)ivided Ulster, Har- mondsworth, Penguin, 1970.

2. Page references to Hewitt's article are in parentheses in the text.

3. Richard Rose, Governing With- out Consensus: An Irish Perspective, London, Faber & Faber, 1971.

4. Ibid.,pp.503-4 5. F.W. Boal, P. Doherty, D.G.

Pnngle, Social Problems in the Belfast Area: An Explanatory Analysis, Oc- casional Papers no. 12, Department of Geography, Queen Mary College, University of London, pp. 18, 20. 'Black spots' are defined as areas with more than 0.94 persons per room.

6. Disturbances in Northern Ire- land: Report of the Cameron Com- mission, Cmd. 5 32, Belfast, HMSO, 1969, p. 61.

7. US Department of Labor, Man- power Report of the President, various years. See also Michael Reich, 'The Economics of Racism', in D.M. Gordon (ed.), Problems in Political Econ omy: An Urban Perspective, Lexington, Ky., D.C. Heath, 1970.

8. Fair Employment Agency for Northern Ireland, An Industrial and Occupational Profile of the Two Sections of the Population in North- ern Ireland, Belfast, FEA, January 1978, p. 12.

9. E.A. Aunger, Social Fragmen- tation and Political Stability: A Comparative Study of New Brunswick and Northern Ireland, Doctoral Dis- sertation, University of Califomia, Ilvine, 1978, p. 156.

10. Frank Gallagher, The Indivis- ible Island: The IIistory of Partstion in Ireland, London, Gollancz, 195 7, pp. 209-10.

11. Cameron Report, p. 60.