ATLANTIC TREATY ASSOCIATION

Atlantic Voices, Volume 5, Issue 6 1

- Flora Pidoux

Illegal trafficking of all sorts poses

grave problems to the international

community, and especially to sovereign

states as smuggling neither respect neither

regulations nor borders. It is even more

dangerous when considering that drugs

and arms are the most illegally traded

goods, therefore undermining the efforts

of the international community to ban

such traffic.

The collapse of the USSR played an

important part in small arms trafficking as

weapons were stolen and illegally traded

all the way to Africa and South America,

and now used by local militias, spreading

instability throughout the continents.

Arms smuggling from the ex-USSR made

it possible for deprived groups to start

conflicts based on ethnical reasons, and to

seize power by force.

The smuggling of drugs and arms are

closely intertwined with terrorism, as the

revenues generated by those activities

often feed acts of terror, both in terms of

finance and means to spread such fear.

With the resurgence of such attacks,

more initiatives need to be put on the

table to effectively prevent illegal trade.

Countering Illicit Trafficking

And Organized Crime Worldwide

Volume 5 - Issue 6 June 2015

Contents:

Countering Arms Smuggling

Ms. Hanna Nykänen analyzes the international initiatives that have been put in

place to counter arms smuggling, be it dedicated treaties, cooperation, border

controls, etc. The negative impact of illegal arms trade is also explored, linking

it to the development of terrorism.

NATO’s Impact On Drug Trafficking

Ms. Kathryn Gudmunson explores the issues linked to drug trafficking, from

the case of Afghani poppy producers, to the traffic routes and the demand. This

article also details various measures that have been put in place to stop this ille-

gal and dangerous trade.

Arms and Opium in Afghanistan (Photo: RT.com)

Atlantic Voices, Volume 5, Issue 6 2

By Hanna Nykänen

T his essay briefly introduces the problem of

trafficking small arms. Trafficking and

smuggling are used somewhat synonymous-

ly although it is acknowledged that they have some differ-

ences. First there is a short introduction to the treaties

that have been created to counter arms trafficking. After

that, arms trafficking will be explored, before moving on

to some reflections on the role of the international organi-

zations such as NATO in tackling the problem. It needs

to be noted that international treaties have an important

role in limiting arms trade and trafficking but they are not

a panacea for dealing with the new threats. International

organizations also have a limited effects on countering

arms trafficking.

Arms Trade Treaty

During the last decades,

important treaties have lim-

ited the acquisition and the

use of the most destructive

arms systems. The Conven-

tional Forces in Europe

(CFE) Treaty, the Vienna

Document and the Open

Skies Treaty are all treaties

that NATO regards as important in the field of arms con-

trol. One of the most important treaties that would set

standards and limit the international arms trade (at least

according to the UN) was only signed last Christmas. A

treaty to limit the trade of conventional and small arms

had been discussed for years, but it was only accepted by

the UN Security Council on 23 December 2014. The way

to the treaty was long and filled with obstacles. There is

no clear consensus among countries on how guns should

be regulated, even though the treaty itself neither has an

effect on domestic laws nor does it limit the right to bear

arms.

The purpose of the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) is to

regulate the international trade in conventional weapons

such as small arms. The treaty sets international standards

for regulating the international trade in conventional

arms. It aims to reduce human suffering especially in areas

where arms control is weak and where inter-state con-

flicts may occur. It also has the objective to increase trans-

parency and co-operation between its signatories. Last but

not least, it aims to pro-

mote international and

regional peace with in-

creased accountability and

transparency. There are

coercive tools such as

sanctions to implement in

the principles of the agree-

ment.

The treaty is an im-

portant endeavor to limit

the trade of conventional arms but it has only been rati-

fied in 69 countries, many of which many are member

states of the European Union where the regulation was

strict even before the ATT. Out of the world’s top 10

arms producers, only half have ratified the treaty.

Countering Arms Smuggling

The Arms Trade Treaty was approved by the UN General Assembly on 2 April

2013 (Photo: UN)

Atlantic Voices, Volume 5, Issue 6 3

International Arms Trafficking In the New

Security Environment

International arms smuggling is one of the threats that

emerged after the end of the Cold War. It is part of the

new security environment among other threats such as

cyber-attacks, human trafficking, drug smuggling, envi-

ronmental threats and fast-spreading infectious diseases.

All these new threats have at least one thing in common

which is their unpredictable nature. States have tradi-

tionally had a hard time dealing with these issues since

they often involve actors other than foreign states. The

emergence of the new non-state actors like terrorists and

the transnational co-operation between them also point-

ed out the weakness of the traditional nation state. These

new stateless actors pose a threat to the legitimacy of the

whole state – the inability to

protect its own territory

against individuals of groups

is a serious problem.

Gun trafficking is not as

new as some other threats

mentioned above but the

problem rose to the policy

makers’ and researchers’

attention in the 1990’s.

Globalization, with its inter-

dependency among states, is one example which links

closely to the arms trade and trafficking. The decade

was characterized by the rise of international crime and

terrorism, which peaked on 9/11. Soon after the 9/11

terrorist attacks, the United Nations published Resolu-

tion 1373, in which they expressed a deep concern to-

wards arms trafficking, organized crime, drugs and ille-

gal movement of nuclear, chemical, biological and other

deadly materials.

The smuggling of small arms and light weapons has an

impact on several fields in society. First, arms smug-

gling is closely linked to terrorism and transnational

criminal activities. It also has an explicit effect on

mortality, crime rate and human rights. Small arms

are used in inter-state conflicts, civil wars and gang

fights. According to the EU Council, conventional

arms cause the death of almost 500 000 people every

year, with Third World countries being the most af-

fected.

Arms trade is closely linked to terrorism. Interna-

tional crime is obviously not a synonym for terrorism

but the two are somewhat related. The main differ-

ence between international criminals and terrorists is

the goal of their actions. Terrorists wish to have a po-

litical effect whereas criminals are interested in creat-

ing profit. To put it simp-

ly, terrorists need guns and

international criminals can

provide them with what

they need. Therefore in-

ternational crime organiza-

tions are co-operating with

terrorist groups in many

areas. According to some

scholars terrorism and in-

ternational crime should be

studied in together in order to help to create a com-

prehensive view on the issue of arms smuggling.

Small arms are produced in nearly half of the

world’s countries. The amount of small arms is esti-

mated to be around 550 million weapons, and it is

increasing steadily. More than 50 % of small arms are

owned privately and the rest is owned by military and

police forces. There is no clear consensus on what is

licit or illicit when it comes to arms trade. In general,

arms trade is based on the UN’s charter in which

Destruction of Small Arms during Disarmament ceremony in Cote d’Ivoire.

(Photo: UN Photo/Basile Zoma)

Atlantic Voices, Volume 5, Issue 6 4

states have the right to export and import firearms for

individual and collective self-defense. In practice, arms

trafficking means “the international trade in conventional

arms which is contrary to the laws of States and/or inter-

national law.”

The possibilities of controlling arms trafficking varies

greatly. First, the level of control depends on the legisla-

tion which varies greatly between states. Though there

are contracts that set limits to the international trade,

domestic laws concern-

ing guns are different

everywhere and so are

the attitudes towards

owning guns. Another

factor in arms control is

the level of corruption of

the border agency, mili-

tary, and police officials.

The environment also

has a role in the ability of

the customs officials to

oversee the border. In

South East Asia where the border between Thailand and

Burma, the jungle is so thick that it is almost impossible

to detect illegal crossings or activities. There can be other

problems like political, socio-cultural or even a language

barrier that are harmful for countering the arms traffick-

ing, which is the case in the U.S.-Mexican border.

The Role Of International Organizations

There has been a lively discussion among international

relations scholars about the role of international organiza-

tions and their ability to facilitate co-operation between

states. Like in international relations in general, there are

two primary schools debating the subject: realists and

liberals. The traditional realists have a doubtful view

when it comes to the international treaties and state co-

operation. In their view, states only go along with the

treaties if it is somehow useful to them and promotes

their interests. The challenging liberal view emerged in

the 1980s and suggests that international treaties cer-

tainly matter and enable state co-operation in situations

where it would otherwise be very challenging. Dr. Asif

Efrat, an expert on arms and drugs trafficking, suggests

that the level of compliance depends on the subject of

the treaty. According to him, international institutions

play an independent yet

limited role against illic-

it trade. This has been

the case with campaigns

against drug smuggling

and money laundering.

The role of international

organizations in small

arms trafficking has also

been quite modest

which supports the real-

ist view introduced

above.

NATO’s role in countering arms trafficking can be

seen as somewhat modest too. It was added to the Alli-

ance’s agenda in 2010 when the newest strategic con-

cept “Active Engagement, Modern Defence” was intro-

duced. Arms trafficking is mentioned in the security

environment chapter and it is linked to terrorism. It is

also mentioned that instability beyond NATO borders

can affect the security situation in member states. Ac-

cording to NATO’s Strategic Concept, NATO is com-

mitted to conventional arms control and willing to

“strengthen the conventional arms control regime in

Europe on the basis of reciprocity, transparency and

host-nation consent” which summarizes Efrat’s ideas on

the role of international organizations in arms traffick-

ing. NATO is only able to operate within its member

Sculpture against arms trafficking in front of the UN

(Photo: Oxfam)

Atlantic Voices, Volume 5, Issue 6 5

states, most of which are European Union member

states who already have strict control on arms trading.

When it comes to other countries NATO is only able to

co-operate, and not act on its own.

Where co-operation is concerned, NATO is working

together with the United Nations and the European Un-

ion. The European Union is providing education to bor-

der officials in countries where arms trafficking occurs,

though it has been recognized that a consistent enforce-

ment is highly challenging. NATO’s role in controlling

arms trafficking outside its member states’ borders can

also be questioned. Before the release of the 2010 Stra-

tegic Concept, there was discussion on the role NATO

should play internationally. Some arguments were made

that NATO should focus only on the member states and

military issues and leave other areas for the UN, whereas

some were demanding a broader view.

When it comes to trafficking, the problem is mainly

about how countries secure their borders; as long as

there is no unified method to do so, arms trafficking will

remain a problem. As mentioned earlier, arms traffick-

ing, like other illegal activities such as human trafficking

or drug smuggling is linked to international crime and

terrorism. Researchers need a comprehensive under-

standing of trafficking in order to provide information to

policy makers. It is vital that nation states co-operate,

for which international organizations such as the Europe-

an Union, Interpol, and NATO, to name a few, offer the

appropriate fora. Co-operation, education and shared

intelligence are the key words to tackle the problem

when formal treaties can only provide a partial solution,

as reflected by the limited number of countries who ac-

tually ratified the ATT.

Hanna Nykanen holds a Master degree in Social Sci-

ences from the University of Helsinki. Her research

interests are intelligence oversight and co-operation and

the Nordic security environment.

Boris O. Saveedra. 2007. Transnational Crime and Small Arms Trafficking and Proliferation in Thachuk, K. L. (Ed.). Transnational threats: smuggling and traffick-ing in arms, drugs, and human life. Greenwood Publishing Group.

David Capie. 2012. Arms trafficking in Mainland Southeast Asia. in Chouvy, P. (ed.) An Atlas of Traffick-ing in Southeast Asia : The Illegal Trade in Arms, Drugs, Peo-ple, Counterfeit Goods and Natural Resources in Mainland Southeast Asia. London: I.B.Tauris.

Dina Mahmoud. 2012. A Short Guide to The Arms Trade Treaty.

Efrat, A. (2012). Governing guns, preventing plunder: In-ternational cooperation against illicit trade. Oxford Univer-sity Press. Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis. 2010. A Compre-hensive Approach to Combating Illicit Trafficking. pp. 32-36.

NATO. 2014. http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_48896.htm (accessed on 30th May 2015)

Tamara Makarenko. 2004. The Crime-Terror Continu-um: Tracing the Interplay between Transnational Orga-nized Crime and Terrorism. Global Crime, 6:1, pp. 129-145.

United Nations Security Council. 2001. Resolution 1373.

About the author

Bibliography

Atlantic Voices, Volume 5, Issue 6 6

By Kathryn Gudmunson

D rug trafficking is an international

threat that continues to elude law

enforcement agencies. Drug trade is

currently the most profitable illicit business

worldwide, with hundreds of billions of dollars

estimated to be changing hands annually.

Globalization has enhanced drug trafficking

capabilities, with additional factors such as political

turmoil providing ample opportunity for new market

entrants. Further, the exploitation of established

trade routes and unstable governments has allowed

for growth in the drug trade, which is evidenced by

the explosion of opium production in Afghanistan

following military intervention by the US-led

coalition in 2001. Political instability has also

influenced the capabilities of cocaine traffickers in

Latin America, in some cases leading to extensive

political power by drug cartels. The transnational

nature of these organizations has made it impossible

for any one country to claim victory through purely

national efforts, and it is rare for a country to make

any headway in controlling the drug supply. This

transnational quality also explains the involvement of

NATO. Though the drug trade does not traditionally

fall under NATO’s jurisdiction, NATO forces have

been tasked with countering drug trafficking as one

of few international politico-military organizations

working in drug sourcing nations. This paper

examines the role of NATO in combatting drug

trafficking, both the complications encountered and

progress made, particularly in regards to

Afghanistan. It also addresses the NATO relationship

with Colombia and how that might impact drug

trafficking on the other side of the Atlantic.

Drug Trafficking In Europe And Central Asia

Heroin is the drug that causes the most concern in

Central Asia. Along with other opium derivatives,

heroin is produced from poppies grown almost

exclusively in Afghanistan. Each year, more people die

from Afghan heroin than any other drug worldwide.

While there are two primary sources for heroin – the

Golden Crescent (Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan) and

the Golden Triangle (Myanmar, Laos, and Thailand), 80

percent of the world’s opium was produced in

Afghanistan as of 2014. Although this percentage

fluctuates from year to year, the percentage change is a

greater reflection of the amount produced in Myanmar

and the Golden Triangle, rather than a significant

reduction in Afghan production. Opium production in

Afghanistan has followed an increasing trend since

2001. Heroin from the Golden Crescent is mostly

directed at the European, Central Asian, and Russian

markets while the Golden Triangle has traditionally

provided heroin to Australasia and Eastern Asia.

Afghan heroin, like most drugs, typically follows

established trade routes. These include the Balkan route

to Europe, the Northern route to Russia, and the

Southern route through Pakistan. The Balkan route

leads from Afghanistan through Iran, then splits in the

region of South-Eastern Europe. Some drugs are

diverted to Western Europe through Greece and the

remaining shipments take routes through Central

Europe. While Russia is the final destination for

approximately 20 percent of Afghan heroin, some will

NATO’s Impact On Drug Trafficking

Atlantic Voices, Volume 5, Issue 6 7

continue on from the Northern route into Western

Europe. The Southern route, through Pakistan, has the

most branches, supplying heroin to South-East and Eastern

Asia, Africa, and the Americas.

As law enforcement efforts and market demands

change, so do the trade routes. It has been reported by the

United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)

that the Balkan route is losing popularity with traffickers.

While there are still large amounts of drugs seized at the

end points of the Balkan route, the amounts of heroin,

amphetamines, and precursors seized at the mid-points

have decreased. This is potentially due to increased law

enforcement activity

along the route, leading

to the formation of new

divisions along the Balkan

pathway. The routes into

Eastern Asia are also

increasing in popularity,

despite being already

supplied by the Golden

Triangle, indicating a

possible weakness in law

enforcement along the Southern route out of Afghanistan.

The increasing production and export of heroin is thus a

primary concern for the destination countries.

Role Of NATO

NATO’s role in combatting drug trafficking is

complex. Ultimately, the organization is meant to protect

national security for its member states, which can involve

curtailing illegal activities; however, NATO is not a police

force and is generally only involved in large-scale politico-

military operations. While drug trafficking could be

considered a security threat, it is non-traditional, and thus

more difficult to fit under the auspices of NATO’s

responsibilities. The primary argument for NATO

working in the drug trafficking field seems to be its

involvement in Afghanistan. While the goal of NATO

assistance there has been targeted towards counter-

insurgency, and not the prevention of drug

trafficking, the Alliance has taken on this role due to

the financial support insurgents receive from the drug

trade and the impact that Afghan drug production has

on neighboring countries. NATO has been involved in

operations in Afghanistan since 2001, and has headed

the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF)

since 2003. The official statement from NATO

Operation Plan 10302, is “Given the threats to

stability arising from

the drugs trade, ISAF

will also support

Afghan government

counter narcotics

efforts, within agreed

guidelines” (OPLAN

10302, 2005). This

basically outlines

NATO’s role as an

assistance force to the

Afghan government, rather than a leader in

combatting drug trafficking, but the international

community has not based their opinions on NATO’s

responsibility on the official statement. The ISAF was

disbanded in December 2014, amid concerns that

Afghanistan was unprepared to deal with the return of

insurgent groups. It was replaced by the Resolute

Support Mission, a NATO-led operation with 14

partner countries, which is meant to assist and train

Afghan security forces to enable them to maintain

stability in the future. It continues to include counter-

narcotics training for local law enforcement.

Drug Trafficking Routes (Image: CIA)

Atlantic Voices, Volume 5, Issue 6 8

Counter-Insurgency

Counter-insurgency efforts in Afghanistan are

closely linked to the drug trade and are complicated

by the variety of insurgent groups involved and their

equally complex involvement with drug trafficking.

The Taliban, the driving force for the US offensive in

Afghanistan, had a particularly convoluted

relationship with drug traffickers. In the 1990s, they

allowed opium cultivation and collected taxes from

farmers. In 2000, they changed course and declared

opium cultivation against Islam’s principles,

demanding the destruction of all crops. The invasion

by the US-led NATO

forces that took the

Taliban out of power

thus led to a rapid

expansion of opium

cultivation in 2001,

when the anti-opium

enforcement of the

Taliban was removed.

T h i s u n i n t e n d e d

consequence then increased the funding of other

insurgent groups with the profits of drug trafficking.

After the resurgence of the opium problem, NATO

forces were compelled to initiate crop eradication

programs, which put the relationship between NATO

and the rural Afghan population at risk. The tenuous

relationship that NATO forces have with local

farmers is an additional complication. Though drug

trafficking is definitely benefitting organized criminal

groups and contributing to instability in the region,

farming opium also provides work for millions of

Afghan people, putting NATO in a difficult position.

Attempts to eradicate poppy crops led to hostilities

with locals, forcing people out of work, and leading

some of them to join the Taliban. In order to mitigate

tension with the farmers, NATO has attempted to

replace opium crops with food crops or provide other

compensation, but nothing has been as profitable for

the farmers as opium. This precarious relationship

with farmers has caused NATO forces to be hesitant

about widespread crop eradication, which has been

criticized by surrounding countries, particularly

Russia, Pakistan, and Iran.

In addition to the Taliban, other armed militant

groups (some of which use terrorist tactics) also

benefit from the drug trade both in and around

Afghanistan. Al-Qaeda, a multi-national organization,

receives funding through

the opium trade in both

Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Islamic militant groups in

Central Asia have also

benefitted as trafficking

has become more

prominent through the

region. Rerouted drugs

from more heavily

patrolled trade routes pass through Central Asia,

funding insurgent groups. The majority of the drugs

that pass through these regions are not seized, so

there is little impact from law enforcement efforts.

Corruption is also rampant, making national law

enforcement attempts limited and often futile in the

face of organized crime. Counter-insurgency

operations in Afghanistan often do not extend to these

nations, but could be assisted by better control of the

drug market.

Counter-Narcotics Training

NATO did make progress in the policing of drug

trafficking due to cooperation with the UNODC.

Through this partnership, training was developed to

NATO and UNODC launch counter-narcotics training in Central Asia

in May 2015 (Photo: NATO)

Atlantic Voices, Volume 5, Issue 6 9

assist local law enforcement in counter-narcotics

endeavors, and activities were coordinated that led to the

interruption of drug trafficking routes and the

confiscation of large seizures. In particular, a training

program developed with the NATO-Russia Council

(NRC) made major progress in training local police to

handle drug trafficking, making them less reliant on

NATO forces and able to work better in their home

countries. It also extended NATO assistance beyond

Afghanistan, providing needed training to the nations

impacted by the export of Afghan heroin.

The NRC Counter-Narcotics Training Project –

created under the NRC with the assistance of the

UNODC and the support of 21 member countries, plus

Finland and Ukraine – trained 3,500 officers between

2006 and 2014. It focused on training law enforcement

officers from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Central Asia.

Training included organized crime investigation, forensic

investigation, surveillance techniques, and working with

canine units. Officers trained by the NRC were

responsible for some of the largest seizures in Central

Asia, demonstrating the effectiveness of the program. It

was Unfortunately suspended in 2014. The project was

no longer viable due to NATO’s strong condemnation of

Russia’s military actions against Ukraine, which led to the

suspension of cooperation between Russia and NATO,

and the dismantling of the NRC. With the success of the

training however, NATO is looking for non-NRC

methods to continue training officers and positioning

counter-narcotics experts throughout the region.

Political Complications

The dissolution of the NRC was a major blow to

NATO’s effort against drug trafficking. NATO’s complex

relationship with Russia is only further complicated by

the counter-narcotics effort, as Russia is one of the most

affected countries by Afghan heroin and most in need of

NATO cooperation, but also one with a difficult

history regarding NATO. While Russia was the first

country to sign on to the Partnership for Peace in

1994, the relationship has been fraught with tension

over the years. Russia objected to NATO operations in

Kosovo in 1998. More recently, NATO withdrew

support for Russia following Russian military action

against Georgia in 2008. Although after each of these

incidents the two entities would reunite via a common

cause, the break that occurred in 2014 over Ukraine

has still not been remedied. NATO’s objection to the

Russian occupation caused a rift which not only led to

the breakdown of the NRC, but increased hostility

from the Russian government. Drug trafficking has

become a key area of dispute from the Russian side of

the divide.

Russia is one of the primary destination countries

for heroin from the Golden Crescent and drug abuse

has increased exponentially in recent years. As a result,

the country has been insistent that NATO should be

doing more to control the drug trade. Since efforts

thus far have been only marginally successful, and

primarily in the form of training officers, Russia has

adopted the view that NATO is purposely not working

against traffickers and instead may be colluding with

them. Both Pakistan and Russia have claimed that

NATO officials are involved directly in trafficking

drugs from Afghanistan. These accusations reflect

previous anti-NATO complaints regarding the

regulation of the drug trade. Since the mid-1990s,

when NATO was involved in the Kosovo conflict,

there have been accusations that US and NATO forces

allowed drug trafficking to continue in order to fund

resistance troops that would work for them. Similar

claims that NATO only stops Taliban-related

trafficking while tacitly allowing other organized

criminal groups to continue are now being made in

Atlantic Voices, Volume 5, Issue 6 10

Afghanistan, damaging NATO’s reputation in the

region. Iran has also joined in the complaints, but only

to the extent of claiming that NATO has not been

doing enough to stop trafficking, rather than direct

accusations of collusion. In addition, there are

suspicions among the Afghan people that the local

government is corrupt and directly benefitting from

drug trafficking, further fueling the distrust in

political and military powers.

Future Endeavors

As mentioned previously, NATO is still seeking a

non-NRC partner to continue the counter narcotics

training that seemed to be successful. The Alliance is

also continuing programs of aid to farmers,

attempting to pull them away from growing opium

without threatening their livelihood, as well as

continued training of Afghan security forces. Even

though NATO troops have been significantly reduced

in Afghanistan, the Resolute Support Mission still has

a prominent presence in the country and is continuing

to work against insurgents and drug trafficking.

In addition to the efforts in Afghanistan, NATO

has also begun working on the obstruction of cocaine

trafficking from Latin America. In 2013, NATO

signed an agreement with the government of

Colombia to allow the transfer of information for

security purposes. As Colombia is an important figure

in the cocaine trade, this agreement and future

cooperation could lead to greater control of cocaine

trafficking across the Atlantic. Although Colombia is

not a NATO member, and does not wish to become

one, it has supported NATO operations in the past.

The Colombian government supported NATO’s

interventions in Libya and Afghanistan, and has

offered to provide air-to-air fuel transfers to NATO

member countries. It is therefore not surprising that

it has committed to assisting NATO by agreeing to

provide communications support. The agreement

with Colombia did not, however, occur without

controversy. Neighboring countries are concerned

that this will open the area to NATO operations,

leading to the occupation and bombing of their

territories. The Colombian government has insisted

that cooperation is only on communications, and that

NATO will not conduct operations on Colombian

soil; but this has not been much comfort to the

governments of Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Bolivia.

Having issues arise before involvement commences

does not bode well for the potential cooperation of

NATO and additional Latin American nations, even if

Colombia remains on board.

Conclusion

The role of NATO in the control of drug

trafficking is complicated and has led to political

opposition in both Afghanistan and Latin America.

This raises the question of how much responsibility

NATO should be entrusted with in regard to the drug

trade. In the case of counter-insurgency efforts in

Afghanistan, attempts at crop eradication have been

met with not only resistance, but outright hostility

from the local population. Conversely, reluctance to

pursue crop eradication has increased tensions with

Russia, Pakistan, and Iran, which are key countries in

the fight against both drug trafficking and insurgency

and would be useful allies. This puts NATO forces in

a difficult position, with few options for appeasing all

parties involved. Ultimately, the best plan of action is

likely the one that has already proven effective.

Training local counter narcotic officers in Afghanistan

and its wider region has been supported by all

countries and met with little resistance. While it has

not stopped the flow of drugs from Afghanistan,

Atlantic Voices, Volume 5, Issue 6 11

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Russian official berates NATO over Afghan drug trafficking. (2010, Dec 08). BBC Monitoring Former Soviet Union Retrieved from http://0-search.proquest.com.wam.leeds.ac.uk/docview/816400592?accountid=14664

Sanchez, W. A. (2014). Geopolitical Considerations of the NATO-Colombia Cooperation Agreement. E-International Relations.

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United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime. (2010). World Drug Report 2010. New York, New York: United Nations

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training agents has led to larger drug seizures, made

nations more self-sufficient in controlling drug

trafficking, expanded NATO assistance beyond

Afghanistan, and not caused additional political turmoil.

With current political complications and anti-NATO

sentiment, implementing and expanding training

programs allows for drug trafficking intervention without

alienation. As NATO moves forward from the conflict in

Afghanistan and potentially engages with drug trafficking

control from Colombia, the importance of training and

local support should remain a priority.

Kathryn Gudmunson is a PhD student at the

University of Leeds, studying the effects of drug

decriminalization on organized and violent crime. She

holds an MPA from Seattle University and was previously

employed as a Legislative Performance Auditor for the

State of Nebraska."

Chossudovsky, M. (1999). Kosovo" Freedom Fighters" Financed by Organized Crime. Peace Research, 29-42.

Iran blames NATO for increasing drug production, trafficking in Afghanistan. (2012, Dec 10). BBC Monitoring Middle East. Retrieved from http://0-search.proquest.com.wam.leeds.ac.uk/docview/1224528573?accountid=14664

Law enforcement; drug trafficking to remain unchanged after NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan - Russian Drug Control Service Head. (2013, Sep 27). Interfax : Russia & CIS Military Information Weekly Retrieved from http://0-search.proquest.com.wam.leeds.ac.uk/docview/1441303229?accountid=14664

Mikhos, A. (2006). Analysis: Afghanistan's drugs challenge. NATO Review. Retrieved from http://www.nato.int/docu/review/2006/issue1/english/analysis.html

NATO refuses to cooperate with CSTO infighting drug trafficking - Bordyuzha. (2014, May 28). Interfax : Russia & CIS Diplomatic Panorama. Retrieved from http://0-search.proquest.com.wam.leeds.ac.uk/docview/1530016066?accountid=14664

North Atlantic Treaty Organization Release of Unclassified Version of Saceur Oplan 10302 (revise 1). IMSM-091 2-2005. December 2005

North Atlantic Treaty Organization. (2011, July). NATO-Russia Council Project on Counter-Narcotics Training of

About the author

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