apll8 gorbunova slides

Grammaticalization path of the reportative marker in Atayal

Irene Gorbunova

Russian State University for the Humanities / ABBYY

mailto: [email protected]

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APLL8, SOAS, University of London

May 13, 2016

Outline

• Relevant grammaticalization paths (typological view)

• Relevant grammaticalization paths in contacting languages

• Data introduction

• Predicate-like usages of mha (synchronic perspective)

• Grammaticalized instances of mha: a bird’s view

• Mechanisms at work

• Quotative-Reportative path in detail

• Summary

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Relevant grammaticalization paths

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Lexical sources for quotative and reportative

• Heine & Kuteva (2004):

Quotative < Say

< Simile

Hearsay < Say

Complementizer* < Say

<Resemble

*Not the full list of the paths mentioned

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Other grammaticalization paths for SAY

• Heine & Kuteva (2004): 8 paths

Say >Cause

>Complementizer

>Conditional

>Evidential

>Purpose

>Quotative

>Simile

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1. Quotative marker/Complementizer

2. Conditional conjunction

3. Reason / Purpose conjunction

4. Causal conjunction

5. Hearsay marker

6. Marker used with onomatopoeic words

7. Comparative marker

8. Mirative marker

9. Listing constructions

10. Topic marker

11. Self-evidence, warning, echo question

12. Exclamation (clause-initial)

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Chappell (2008): 12

(a compilation of several language-specific works besides those of Heine, Kuteva and Lord)


• Saxon (1988): suggested path to ‘comparative’ through quotation marker and complementizer:

quotative >

quotative/complementizer >

purpose conjunction >

reason conjunction >

marker with question word >

complementizer with embedded question > conditional conjunction >

comparative marker

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Grammaticalization of SAY verbs in Sinitic

1. Quotative marker/Complementizer




5. Hearsay marker



8. Mirative marker


10. Topic marker



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Chappell (2008): 8

Complementizer and quotation stratagies in Atayalic

• Atayal (Huang 2015)• Both quotation marker and complementizer functions taken on by mha• Mayrinax Atayal: quotation marker maha, complementizer cu

• Seediq (Tsukida 2015): • optional complementizer ka• quotation construction include the verb m-esa ‘say’

(1) (Seediq)

s<em>ekuxul mannu ka laqi m-esa=ku l<em>eŋeluŋ

<AV>like what NOM child AV-say=1S.NOM <AV>think

‘ “What does the child like?” I thought.’

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Data introduction

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Atayal: data sources

three neiboughring tribes (north to south)

• Syanuh (Squliq group, Gogan dialect)

• Skikun (C’uli’ group, Skikun dialect)

• Pyanan (Squliq group)

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Atayal: relevant features

• Basic order: VOS

• Topicalization (topic marker ga’);

• Bound personal pronouns (enclitics) follow the second stressed word of the clause;

• Verbal morphology: four-way voice/focus system, three moods;

• Sentence make-up: a number of final particles compatible with each other are grouped at the right periphery of the clause (not necessarily the boarder).

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Grammaticalization of SAY verb in Atayal

Huang (1993): mha used as an optional quotation marker with verbs of knowledge and cognition-utterance verbs. Its position in the sentence seems to be unstable:

(2) k-m-an sayun kuziŋ (mha) {musaɁ-kuɁ cisan ŋasan tali}

<M>say Sayun 1S.FN QUOTATIVE ASP-1S.BN visit house Tali

‘Sayun told me (saying) that she would visit Tali’s place’

(3) k-m-an sayun kuziŋ {musaɁ-kuɁ cisan ŋasan tali} mha

<M>say Sayun 1S.FN ASP-1S.BN visit house Tali QUOTATIVE

‘Sayun told me (saying) that she would visit Tali’s place’

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Huang (2008, 2015): mha

Stage I (mha viewed as a verb)

(4) {hbaq-i nanaq} mha yaya’=mu

wash-LF.IMP self AF.say mother=1S.GEN

‘ “Wash (them) youself,” said my mother’

(5) *mha yaya’=mu {hbaq-i nanaq}

AF.say mother=1S.GEN wash-LF.IMP self

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Huang (2008, 2015): mha

Stage II (quotative marker, conjunction)

(6) {laxi ø-usa’ m-quriq} mha k<m>ayal qu’ bnkis

NEG AF-go AF-steal AF.say <AF>say NOM old.man

‘ “Don’t go stealing!” said the old man’

(7) k<m>ayal bnkis mha {laxi usa’ m-quriq}

<AF>say old.man AF.say NEG AF-go AF-steal

‘The old man said, ”Don’t go stealing!”’

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Huang (2008, 2015): mha

Stage III (complementizer, conjunction)

(8) baq-un Tali’ mha {nyux=saku’ m-nbu’}

know-PF Tali’ AF.say IMPRF.PROX=1S.NOM AF-ill

‘Tali’ knows that he is ill.’

(NB. deictic expressions behave as they should in a direct speech construction)

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Huang (2008, 2015): mha

Stage IV (evidential marker, particle)(9) wal bu-n qu’ ŋarux mha

PRF shoot-PF NOM bear EVI

‘It is said that the bear has been shot.’

(! an inexplicable jump from Stage III, where the order <Quote mha Verb> seems to be unexceptable;

! evolution from stage II (Quote mha say+argument) more likely)

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Morphosyntactic status of mhaWhen used as a predicate

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Basic semantics

Personal data(10) s<n>hi-an=mamu raran ga

<DP>believe-LF=2PL.GEN of.old TOP

nanu mha

what AF.resemble

‘Your previous beliefs, what were they?

(Lit. ‘what did they sound like’)

Huang (2015) and Egerod (1999)(11) <…> mha ke’=nya’

af.say word=3s.gen

‘… so the story goes’

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Basic semantics

Personal data: more evidence(12) m-hoqil l=ga sbu-n pala ga

AF-die IAM=TOP wrap-PF fabric TOP

sbu-n pala ro p-yup-un ro mha hani ro <…>

wrap-PF fabric & CAUS-enter-PF & resemble DEM &

‘When he dies, (they would) wrap him in (a piece of) fabric; wrap him in fabric, and put him inside, and (do) like this (with gesture)’

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Linear order

Personal data(13) nanu siga mha=simu kia ga

what if [AF]resemble=2PL.NOM DEM TOP

babaw=nia ga

SUPER=3SG.GEN TOP

ana utux mnkis ga m.usa m-lhaη

can spirit ancester TOP AF.AUX.MOD AF-guard

‘Well, if you do so, afterwards the spirits of ancesters are goingto guard you.’

Huang (2015)

• Typical predicative position unavailable

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Distributional properties

Personal data(13) nanu siga mha=simu kia ga

what if [AF]resemble=2PL.NOM DEM TOP

babaw=nia ga

SUPER=3SG.GEN TOP

ana utux mnkis ga m.usa m-lhaη

can spirit ancester TOP AF.AUX.MOD AF-guard

‘Well, if you do so, afterwards the spirits of ancesters are goingto guard you.’

Huang (2015)

• Unclear

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Grammaticalization of mhaA bird’s view

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Onomatopoeic

(14) hopa qsia=nia ga si (mha) buloqbuloq qu m-qluy

big water=3SG.GEN TOP AS QUOT (buloqbuloq) DEF AF-flow

‘When the water is big, it flows (with the sound) “buloqbuloq” ’

(15) sbehuy ga baq (mha) kulangkulang qu muyaw qasa

typhoon TOP [AF]can QUOT klangklang DEF house DEM.DIST

‘During the typhoon this house can go “klangklang” ’

(16) sek-sek mha sileq ga

sek-sek QUOT sacred.bird TOP

ana m-usa k<m>alup rgiax la

may AF-go <AF>hunt mountains IAM

‘If the sacred bird (sings) sek-sek, one may go hunting in the mountains’

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Quotative

(17) plwan-an=nha yuranco mha

cry-LF=3SG.GEN tourist.bus QUOT

{ika bento ika bento}

give.IMP bento give.IMP bento

‘They cry out to the bus: “Give me bento! Give me bento!”’

(18) ana nanu k<m>ayal ga {niux utux} m=ga <…>

even what <AF>say TOP EXIS.PROX spirit QUOT=TOP

‘Even thought they said that there was a god’

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Complementizer – halfway?

• Saxena (1988): extention from quotation to complementizing - implicational hierarchy

say/tell < think / know / believe < decide / agree < hope / remember < want (to)

• Atayal: the path has gaps?(20) suxan=nia l=ga=ye baq-un=mu l=ma

tomorrow=3SG.GEN IAM=TOP=& know-PF=1SG.GEN IAM=QUOT

{tiu utux la}

EXIS.DIST spirit IAM

‘The next day I knew there was a spirit over there’

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• Atayal: the path has gaps?(21) ana hya uyi ga m-n.kux nanak ro

even 3SG.NOM too TOP AF-DP-fear self &

m-ŋ.luŋ mha {nanu tiu=nha psiaq-an

AF-think QUOT what PROG.DIST=3PL.GEN laugh-LF

ita qa kwara k-kneril qasa}

1PL.INC.NOM DEF all PL~woman DEM.DIST

‘Even she herself got scared and thought, why all those women are laughing at me?

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• Atayal: the path has gaps?(22) m-n-kux qu kwara mha

AF-DP-fear DEF all QUOT

{swa mha kia ipay qani

why resemble DEM Ipay DEM.PROX

swa m-yuŋay la}

why AF-monkey IAM

‘They all got scared, why this Ipay is like this, why she is a monkey now?’

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• Atayal: the path has gaps?(23) ana laqi memaw skji mha {ika mami mami}

even child almost angry QUOT give.IMP rice rice

‘But the child was angry (and demanded), give me some rice! ’

speaking > knowing and believing > agreeing and deciding > emotion verbs > want (to)

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Reportatove (hearsay)

(24) tuyoq=ta qani ga m-aki tiqah-yi sijun-nia m-ga <…>

spit=1PL.INC.GEN DOM.PROX TOP AF-exist few=& bacteria=3SG.GEN REP=TOP

‘Our spit contains a few bacteria, they say.’

NB! Only reduced form in my data

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Simile

(25) mha kia s-qu gaga tayal raran

resemble DEM ACC-DEF rules Atayal of.old

‘The old rules of Atayal are like this’

(26) (mnkux qu kwara mha)

swa mha kia ipay qani

why resemble DEM Ipay DEM.PROX

swa m-yuŋay la

why AF-monkey IAM

‘(They all got scared, )why this Ipay is like this, why she is a monkey now?’

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Simile

(27) nanu.yasa mha kia qnx-an=mian raran

so resemble DEM live-LF=1PL.EXCL.GEN of.old

‘So our life in the past used to be like that’

NB: the most predicate-like usage

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Listing

(28) nanu.yasa l=ga kwara qa ptyogun pira mha

so IAM=TOP all DEF work like QUOT

(musa yi muyaɁ nanu… n.nanu qu niqun nha ini ga traqis ini ga balic ini ga sehuy lga)

kwara ptyogun qani l=ga

all work DEM.PROX IAM=TOP

si=nha b-qaneq kneril=nha la

AS=3PL.GEN [AF.DEP]CAUS-eat woman=3PL.GEN IAM

‘So all the work like (planting something to eat, beans or taro) - all the work,

their wives actually feeded them’

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False start

(29) kneril ga s-qu m-tyogu mha… squ…

woman TOP ACC-DEF AF-work QUOT ACC-DEF

m-tyog s-qu muyaw=nia la

AF-work ACC-DEF house=3SG.GEN IAM

‘The women would work… well… would work at her home’

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Contact induced?

Sinitic1. Quotative marker/Complementizer




5. Hearsay marker



8. Mirative marker


10. Topic marker



Atayal1. Quotative marker/Complementizer




5. Hearsay marker



8. Mirative marker


10. Topic marker



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Quotative to Simile path: a considerable gap

quotative >

quotative/complementizer >

purpose conjunction >

reason conjunction >

marker with question word >

complementizer with embedded question > conditional conjunction >

comparative marker

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Mapping the paths

quasi-verb preverb conjunction particle

listing

resemble, simile

false start

(say?) (onomatopoeic)

complementizer

quotation marker

hearsay

The starting point not so clear; poligrammaticalization rather than one unidirectional process

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More common usages

• Quotative

• Complementizer

• Hearsay

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Grammaticalization of mhaMechanisms at work

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Semantic bleaching and extention

• (say )produce sound resemble (false start / listing)

• Introducing direct speech introducing reported facts

• Introducing direct speech thoughts knowledge

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Decategorization

quasi-verb (saying / resembling) >

preverbal marker (quotation / onomatopoeia)>

clause-final conjunction (quotation / complementation)>

particle (complementation, hearsay, listing, false start)

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Phonetic reduction

mhama: quotation marker, semi-complementizer, reportative marker(30) ana nanu k<m>ayal ga niux utux m-ga <…>

even what <AF>say TOP EXIST.PROX god QUOT-TOP

‘Although they said that there is a god …’

(31) suxan=nia l=ga=ye baq-un=mu l=ma

tomorrow=3SG.GEN IAM=TOP=& know-PF=1SG.GEN IAM=QUOT

tiu utux la

EXIS.DIST spirit IAM

‘The next day I knew there was a spirit over there’

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Phonetic reduction

mhama: quotation marker, semi-complementizer, reportative marker ()(32) tayal ga niux utux uyi ma

Atayal TOP EXIST.PROX god too REP

‘Atayal also had their gods, they say’

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Quotative-Reportative pathIn detail

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Mha as the sole quotation marker / complementizer

• Instable linear position of quotation(33) {niux utux} mha k<m>ayal uyi

EXIST.PROX god QUOT <AF>say too

‘They also said that there were gods’ (Older speakers)

(34) p<in>qyu-an=ku yaba=maku mha {m-aki qutux yaw…}

<DP>tell-LF=1SG.NOM father=1SG.GEN QUOT AF-exist one thing

‘My father once told me: “There was one thing…”’ (Younger speakers)

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Several mha in one sentence

• The second mha marking the end of the direct speech(35) k<m>ayal m-n-qwas na squleq mha

<AF>say AF-DP-study GEN person QUOT

squleq ga m-in-kahol yungay mha / *ma

person TOP AF-DP-come.out monkey QUOT

‘The people of education say that mankind came from a monkey’

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From <mha QUOT mha> to <mha QUOT ma>

(36) nanu psiaq-an=nha qa-yi ipay qasa mha

so laugh-LF=3PL.GEN DEF=& Ipay DEM.DIST QUOT

{aaa swa=su niu m-yuŋay l=ga son.nha m}-ro

aaa why=2SG PROG.PROX AF-monkey IAM=Q so.called QUOT=&

So they laughed at that Ipay: “Aaa, why have you turned into a mokey?!”‘’

(37) nia=c kyal-un cquleq mha

RES.PROX=1SG.NOM say-PF person QUOT

{tia m-n-uqin soto=ta la=ma(=ai)}

RES AF-DP-die president=1PL.INC IAM=QUOT(=MOD)

‘Someone told me: “Our presedent is dead!”’

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The path to <V1 ga QUOT ma>

• Hypothesis 1: V1 mha QUOT m(h)a -> V1 ga QUOT m(h)a

• Hypothesis 2 Topicalization: QUOT mha V1 -> V1 ga QUOT m(h)a(37) {niux utux} mha k<m>ayal uyi

EXIST.PROX god QUOT <AF>say too

‘They also said there were gods’

(38) qani qu wayal ini baq-i s-raral ga

DEM.PROX DEF PERF NEG know-DEP.LF ADV-of.old TOP

{niux utux hya} mha

EXIST.PROX god 3SG.NOM QUOT

‘They did not know back then that there is God’

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Loosing the source of information

• ma becomes a reportative (hearsay) marker(39) (kyal-un=nha ga) tayal ga niux utux uyi ma

say-PF=3PL.GEN TOP Atayal TOP EXIST.PROX god too QUOT/REP

‘(It is said,) Atayal also have gods they say’

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A lexical strategy for hearsay?

(40) pong-anga m-ŋuŋu balay utux qu squleq raral ma

hear-LF TOP AF-fear very spirit DEF person of.old REP

‘They say people used to fear ghosts in the old times’

(41) pong-anga m-ira tiux m-qwalax qu tanux

hear-LF TOP AF-resemble PROG.DIST AF-rain DEF outside

‘It sounds like it is raining outside’

No redundancy

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Contact-induced loss?

• Marking the auditive usages additionally, topic marker defying reportative(42) pong-an=mu aku tian m-qwalax tanu h-aw!

hear-LF=1SG.GEN AUX.MOD PROG.DIST AF-rain ouside INFER-MOD

‘It sounds like it’s raining outside’

(43) pong-an=mu ga uka na yungay (m-aki) yyik qani (*ma)

hear-LF=1SG.GEN TOP NEG.EXIS GEN monkey AF-exist under DEM.PROX

‘They say there are no monkeys down here’

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Contact-induced loss?

• Marking the auditive usages additionally, topic marker defying reportative(44) pong-an tanux pira tiu qwalax

hear-LF outside like PROG.DIST [AF]rain

‘It sounds like it’s raining outside’

(45) pong-an ga ini hoqil na squleq qasa (*ma)

hear-LF TOP NEG [AF.DEP]die CONT person DEM.DIST REP

‘They say that man did not die’

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Mapping the constructions: General picture

V1 m(h)a Quot Quot mha V1

V1 mha Quot mha (Quot Focus)

V1 mha Quot ma

V1 ga Quot m(h)a

Proposition ma

(V1 ga) Quot *m(h)a

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Mapping the constructions: Previously pointed out



V1 mha Quot ma

V1 ga Quot m(h)a

Proposition ma

(V1 ga) Quot *m(h)a

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Mapping the constructions: Skikun



V1 mha Quot ma

V1 ga Quot m(h)a

Proposition ma

(V1 ga) Quot *m(h)a

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Mapping the constructions: Pyanan



V1 mha Quot ma

V1 ga Quot m(h)a

Proposition ma

(V1 ga) Quot *m(h)a

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Mapping the constructions: Syanuh

Quot mha V1 V1 m(h)a Quot


V1 mha Quot ma

V1 ga Quot m(h)a

Proposition ma

(V1 ga) Quot *m(h)a

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Summary

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• Atayal data seems to pose a considerable problem to the hypothesis of the path leading from verbs of saying to simile and listing constructions; there is a gap in the path, although the starting point (complementizer) and the ending point (simile and listing) are present in one and the same variety

• In previous work on grammaticalization of mha some considerable features of the path have not been mentioned

• phonetic reduction can be found in earlier stages of grammaticalization than at the end of the path;• apart from the more common path from a SAY verb to hearsay marker there seem to be several

side paths and it is not clear how those can be put together to form a unidirectional process;• those side paths could not be induced by contact, because there is no such process registered in

the contacting languages;• there is no evidence of mha acting morphosyntactically (or syntactically) as a verb (not at least in

the SAY sense); all the examples that seem to fit into the semantics of saying do not fit into the typical syntax of a predicate and vice versa.

• On the whole, Atayal data poses several questions awaiting a thorough study.

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Acknowledgements

• Special thanks for the data goes to my most devoted informants, Yukan Masing, Losing Takun and Temu Go, among others;

• The field research was funded by the Foundation for Fundamental Linguistic Research (grant No А-29-2015);

• This is a part of a bigger project funded by RFBR grant No 16-06-00226.

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Selected references

• Chappell, Hilary. 2008. Variation in the grammaticalization of complementizers from verba dicendi in Sinitic languages. Linguistic Typology 12.1: 45-98.

• Hsieh, Fuhui. 2012. On the grammaticalization of the Kavalan SAY verb zin. Oceanic Linguistics 51.2: 464-489.

• Huang, Lillian M.-J. 1993. A study of Atayal Syntax. Taipei: Crane.

• Huang, Lillian M.-J. 2008. Grammaticalization in Squliq Atayal. Concentric: Studies in Linguistics 34.2: 1- 4

• Huang, Lillian M.-J. 2015. A cross-dialectal Study of Grammaticalization in Atayal. Paper presented at 13th

International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Taipei, Academia Sinica.

• Klamer, Marian. 2000. How report verbs become quote markers and complementizers. Lingua 110: 69-98.

• Lord, Carol. 1993. Historical change in serial verb constructions. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

• Saxon, 1988. The case of the verb ‘say’ in Tibeto-Burman. Proceedings of the Berkley Linguistic Society 14: 375-388.

• Tsukida, Naomi. 2015. Complementation strategies in Seediq. Paper presented at 13th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Taipei, Academia Sinica.

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