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Grammaticalization path of the reportative marker in Atayal
Irene Gorbunova
Russian State University for the Humanities / ABBYY
mailto: [email protected]
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APLL8, SOAS, University of London
May 13, 2016
Outline
• Relevant grammaticalization paths (typological view)
• Relevant grammaticalization paths in contacting languages
• Data introduction
• Predicate-like usages of mha (synchronic perspective)
• Grammaticalized instances of mha: a bird’s view
• Mechanisms at work
• Quotative-Reportative path in detail
• Summary
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Relevant grammaticalization paths
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Lexical sources for quotative and reportative
• Heine & Kuteva (2004):
Quotative < Say
< Simile
Hearsay < Say
Complementizer* < Say
<Resemble
*Not the full list of the paths mentioned
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Other grammaticalization paths for SAY
• Heine & Kuteva (2004): 8 paths
Say >Cause
>Complementizer
>Conditional
>Evidential
>Purpose
>Quotative
>Simile
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Other grammaticalization paths for SAY
1. Quotative marker/Complementizer
2. Conditional conjunction
3. Reason / Purpose conjunction
4. Causal conjunction
5. Hearsay marker
6. Marker used with onomatopoeic words
7. Comparative marker
8. Mirative marker
9. Listing constructions
10. Topic marker
11. Self-evidence, warning, echo question
12. Exclamation (clause-initial)
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Chappell (2008): 12
(a compilation of several language-specific works besides those of Heine, Kuteva and Lord)
Other grammaticalization paths for SAY
• Saxon (1988): suggested path to ‘comparative’ through quotation marker and complementizer:
quotative >
quotative/complementizer >
purpose conjunction >
reason conjunction >
marker with question word >
complementizer with embedded question > conditional conjunction >
comparative marker
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Grammaticalization of SAY verbs in Sinitic
1. Quotative marker/Complementizer
2. Conditional conjunction
3. Reason / Purpose conjunction
4. Causal conjunction
5. Hearsay marker
6. Marker used with onomatopoeic words
7. Comparative marker
8. Mirative marker
9. Listing constructions
10. Topic marker
11. Self-evidence, warning, echo question
12. Exclamation (clause-initial)
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Chappell (2008): 8
Complementizer and quotation stratagies in Atayalic
• Atayal (Huang 2015)• Both quotation marker and complementizer functions taken on by mha• Mayrinax Atayal: quotation marker maha, complementizer cu
• Seediq (Tsukida 2015): • optional complementizer ka• quotation construction include the verb m-esa ‘say’
(1) (Seediq)
s<em>ekuxul mannu ka laqi m-esa=ku l<em>eŋeluŋ
<AV>like what NOM child AV-say=1S.NOM <AV>think
‘ “What does the child like?” I thought.’
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Data introduction
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Atayal: data sources
three neiboughring tribes (north to south)
• Syanuh (Squliq group, Gogan dialect)
• Skikun (C’uli’ group, Skikun dialect)
• Pyanan (Squliq group)
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Atayal: relevant features
• Basic order: VOS
• Topicalization (topic marker ga’);
• Bound personal pronouns (enclitics) follow the second stressed word of the clause;
• Verbal morphology: four-way voice/focus system, three moods;
• Sentence make-up: a number of final particles compatible with each other are grouped at the right periphery of the clause (not necessarily the boarder).
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Grammaticalization of SAY verb in Atayal
Huang (1993): mha used as an optional quotation marker with verbs of knowledge and cognition-utterance verbs. Its position in the sentence seems to be unstable:
(2) k-m-an sayun kuziŋ (mha) {musaɁ-kuɁ cisan ŋasan tali}
<M>say Sayun 1S.FN QUOTATIVE ASP-1S.BN visit house Tali
‘Sayun told me (saying) that she would visit Tali’s place’
(3) k-m-an sayun kuziŋ {musaɁ-kuɁ cisan ŋasan tali} mha
<M>say Sayun 1S.FN ASP-1S.BN visit house Tali QUOTATIVE
‘Sayun told me (saying) that she would visit Tali’s place’
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Grammaticalization of SAY verb in Atayal
Huang (2008, 2015): mha
Stage I (mha viewed as a verb)
(4) {hbaq-i nanaq} mha yaya’=mu
wash-LF.IMP self AF.say mother=1S.GEN
‘ “Wash (them) youself,” said my mother’
(5) *mha yaya’=mu {hbaq-i nanaq}
AF.say mother=1S.GEN wash-LF.IMP self
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Grammaticalization of SAY verb in Atayal
Huang (2008, 2015): mha
Stage II (quotative marker, conjunction)
(6) {laxi ø-usa’ m-quriq} mha k<m>ayal qu’ bnkis
NEG AF-go AF-steal AF.say <AF>say NOM old.man
‘ “Don’t go stealing!” said the old man’
(7) k<m>ayal bnkis mha {laxi usa’ m-quriq}
<AF>say old.man AF.say NEG AF-go AF-steal
‘The old man said, ”Don’t go stealing!”’
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Grammaticalization of SAY verb in Atayal
Huang (2008, 2015): mha
Stage III (complementizer, conjunction)
(8) baq-un Tali’ mha {nyux=saku’ m-nbu’}
know-PF Tali’ AF.say IMPRF.PROX=1S.NOM AF-ill
‘Tali’ knows that he is ill.’
(NB. deictic expressions behave as they should in a direct speech construction)
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Grammaticalization of SAY verb in Atayal
Huang (2008, 2015): mha
Stage IV (evidential marker, particle)(9) wal bu-n qu’ ŋarux mha
PRF shoot-PF NOM bear EVI
‘It is said that the bear has been shot.’
(! an inexplicable jump from Stage III, where the order <Quote mha Verb> seems to be unexceptable;
! evolution from stage II (Quote mha say+argument) more likely)
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Morphosyntactic status of mhaWhen used as a predicate
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Basic semantics
Personal data(10) s<n>hi-an=mamu raran ga
<DP>believe-LF=2PL.GEN of.old TOP
nanu mha
what AF.resemble
‘Your previous beliefs, what were they?
(Lit. ‘what did they sound like’)
Huang (2015) and Egerod (1999)(11) <…> mha ke’=nya’
af.say word=3s.gen
‘… so the story goes’
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Basic semantics
Personal data: more evidence(12) m-hoqil l=ga sbu-n pala ga
AF-die IAM=TOP wrap-PF fabric TOP
sbu-n pala ro p-yup-un ro mha hani ro <…>
wrap-PF fabric & CAUS-enter-PF & resemble DEM &
‘When he dies, (they would) wrap him in (a piece of) fabric; wrap him in fabric, and put him inside, and (do) like this (with gesture)’
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Linear order
Personal data(13) nanu siga mha=simu kia ga
what if [AF]resemble=2PL.NOM DEM TOP
babaw=nia ga
SUPER=3SG.GEN TOP
ana utux mnkis ga m.usa m-lhaη
can spirit ancester TOP AF.AUX.MOD AF-guard
‘Well, if you do so, afterwards the spirits of ancesters are goingto guard you.’
Huang (2015)
• Typical predicative position unavailable
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Distributional properties
Personal data(13) nanu siga mha=simu kia ga
what if [AF]resemble=2PL.NOM DEM TOP
babaw=nia ga
SUPER=3SG.GEN TOP
ana utux mnkis ga m.usa m-lhaη
can spirit ancester TOP AF.AUX.MOD AF-guard
‘Well, if you do so, afterwards the spirits of ancesters are goingto guard you.’
Huang (2015)
• Unclear
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Grammaticalization of mhaA bird’s view
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Onomatopoeic
(14) hopa qsia=nia ga si (mha) buloqbuloq qu m-qluy
big water=3SG.GEN TOP AS QUOT (buloqbuloq) DEF AF-flow
‘When the water is big, it flows (with the sound) “buloqbuloq” ’
(15) sbehuy ga baq (mha) kulangkulang qu muyaw qasa
typhoon TOP [AF]can QUOT klangklang DEF house DEM.DIST
‘During the typhoon this house can go “klangklang” ’
(16) sek-sek mha sileq ga
sek-sek QUOT sacred.bird TOP
ana m-usa k<m>alup rgiax la
may AF-go <AF>hunt mountains IAM
‘If the sacred bird (sings) sek-sek, one may go hunting in the mountains’
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Quotative
(17) plwan-an=nha yuranco mha
cry-LF=3SG.GEN tourist.bus QUOT
{ika bento ika bento}
give.IMP bento give.IMP bento
‘They cry out to the bus: “Give me bento! Give me bento!”’
(18) ana nanu k<m>ayal ga {niux utux} m=ga <…>
even what <AF>say TOP EXIS.PROX spirit QUOT=TOP
‘Even thought they said that there was a god’
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Complementizer – halfway?
• Saxena (1988): extention from quotation to complementizing - implicational hierarchy
say/tell < think / know / believe < decide / agree < hope / remember < want (to)
• Atayal: the path has gaps?(20) suxan=nia l=ga=ye baq-un=mu l=ma
tomorrow=3SG.GEN IAM=TOP=& know-PF=1SG.GEN IAM=QUOT
{tiu utux la}
EXIS.DIST spirit IAM
‘The next day I knew there was a spirit over there’
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Complementizer – halfway?
• Atayal: the path has gaps?(21) ana hya uyi ga m-n.kux nanak ro
even 3SG.NOM too TOP AF-DP-fear self &
m-ŋ.luŋ mha {nanu tiu=nha psiaq-an
AF-think QUOT what PROG.DIST=3PL.GEN laugh-LF
ita qa kwara k-kneril qasa}
1PL.INC.NOM DEF all PL~woman DEM.DIST
‘Even she herself got scared and thought, why all those women are laughing at me?
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Complementizer – halfway?
• Atayal: the path has gaps?(22) m-n-kux qu kwara mha
AF-DP-fear DEF all QUOT
{swa mha kia ipay qani
why resemble DEM Ipay DEM.PROX
swa m-yuŋay la}
why AF-monkey IAM
‘They all got scared, why this Ipay is like this, why she is a monkey now?’
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Complementizer – halfway?
• Atayal: the path has gaps?(23) ana laqi memaw skji mha {ika mami mami}
even child almost angry QUOT give.IMP rice rice
‘But the child was angry (and demanded), give me some rice! ’
speaking > knowing and believing > agreeing and deciding > emotion verbs > want (to)
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Reportatove (hearsay)
(24) tuyoq=ta qani ga m-aki tiqah-yi sijun-nia m-ga <…>
spit=1PL.INC.GEN DOM.PROX TOP AF-exist few=& bacteria=3SG.GEN REP=TOP
‘Our spit contains a few bacteria, they say.’
NB! Only reduced form in my data
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Simile
(25) mha kia s-qu gaga tayal raran
resemble DEM ACC-DEF rules Atayal of.old
‘The old rules of Atayal are like this’
(26) (mnkux qu kwara mha)
swa mha kia ipay qani
why resemble DEM Ipay DEM.PROX
swa m-yuŋay la
why AF-monkey IAM
‘(They all got scared, )why this Ipay is like this, why she is a monkey now?’
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Simile
(27) nanu.yasa mha kia qnx-an=mian raran
so resemble DEM live-LF=1PL.EXCL.GEN of.old
‘So our life in the past used to be like that’
NB: the most predicate-like usage
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Listing
(28) nanu.yasa l=ga kwara qa ptyogun pira mha
so IAM=TOP all DEF work like QUOT
(musa yi muyaɁ nanu… n.nanu qu niqun nha ini ga traqis ini ga balic ini ga sehuy lga)
kwara ptyogun qani l=ga
all work DEM.PROX IAM=TOP
si=nha b-qaneq kneril=nha la
AS=3PL.GEN [AF.DEP]CAUS-eat woman=3PL.GEN IAM
‘So all the work like (planting something to eat, beans or taro) - all the work,
their wives actually feeded them’
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False start
(29) kneril ga s-qu m-tyogu mha… squ…
woman TOP ACC-DEF AF-work QUOT ACC-DEF
m-tyog s-qu muyaw=nia la
AF-work ACC-DEF house=3SG.GEN IAM
‘The women would work… well… would work at her home’
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Contact induced?
Sinitic1. Quotative marker/Complementizer
2. Conditional conjunction
3. Reason / Purpose conjunction
4. Causal conjunction
5. Hearsay marker
6. Marker used with onomatopoeic words
7. Comparative marker
8. Mirative marker
9. Listing constructions
10. Topic marker
11. Self-evidence, warning, echo question
12. Exclamation (clause-initial)
Atayal1. Quotative marker/Complementizer
2. Conditional conjunction
3. Reason / Purpose conjunction
4. Causal conjunction
5. Hearsay marker
6. Marker used with onomatopoeic words
7. Comparative marker
8. Mirative marker
9. Listing constructions
10. Topic marker
11. Self-evidence, warning, echo question
12. Exclamation (clause-initial)
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Quotative to Simile path: a considerable gap
quotative >
quotative/complementizer >
purpose conjunction >
reason conjunction >
marker with question word >
complementizer with embedded question > conditional conjunction >
comparative marker
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Mapping the paths
quasi-verb preverb conjunction particle
listing
resemble, simile
false start
(say?) (onomatopoeic)
complementizer
quotation marker
hearsay
The starting point not so clear; poligrammaticalization rather than one unidirectional process
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More common usages
• Quotative
• Complementizer
• Hearsay
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Grammaticalization of mhaMechanisms at work
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Semantic bleaching and extention
• (say )produce sound resemble (false start / listing)
• Introducing direct speech introducing reported facts
• Introducing direct speech thoughts knowledge
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Decategorization
quasi-verb (saying / resembling) >
preverbal marker (quotation / onomatopoeia)>
clause-final conjunction (quotation / complementation)>
particle (complementation, hearsay, listing, false start)
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Phonetic reduction
mhama: quotation marker, semi-complementizer, reportative marker(30) ana nanu k<m>ayal ga niux utux m-ga <…>
even what <AF>say TOP EXIST.PROX god QUOT-TOP
‘Although they said that there is a god …’
(31) suxan=nia l=ga=ye baq-un=mu l=ma
tomorrow=3SG.GEN IAM=TOP=& know-PF=1SG.GEN IAM=QUOT
tiu utux la
EXIS.DIST spirit IAM
‘The next day I knew there was a spirit over there’
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Phonetic reduction
mhama: quotation marker, semi-complementizer, reportative marker ()(32) tayal ga niux utux uyi ma
Atayal TOP EXIST.PROX god too REP
‘Atayal also had their gods, they say’
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Quotative-Reportative pathIn detail
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Mha as the sole quotation marker / complementizer
• Instable linear position of quotation(33) {niux utux} mha k<m>ayal uyi
EXIST.PROX god QUOT <AF>say too
‘They also said that there were gods’ (Older speakers)
(34) p<in>qyu-an=ku yaba=maku mha {m-aki qutux yaw…}
<DP>tell-LF=1SG.NOM father=1SG.GEN QUOT AF-exist one thing
‘My father once told me: “There was one thing…”’ (Younger speakers)
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Several mha in one sentence
• The second mha marking the end of the direct speech(35) k<m>ayal m-n-qwas na squleq mha
<AF>say AF-DP-study GEN person QUOT
squleq ga m-in-kahol yungay mha / *ma
person TOP AF-DP-come.out monkey QUOT
‘The people of education say that mankind came from a monkey’
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From <mha QUOT mha> to <mha QUOT ma>
(36) nanu psiaq-an=nha qa-yi ipay qasa mha
so laugh-LF=3PL.GEN DEF=& Ipay DEM.DIST QUOT
{aaa swa=su niu m-yuŋay l=ga son.nha m}-ro
aaa why=2SG PROG.PROX AF-monkey IAM=Q so.called QUOT=&
So they laughed at that Ipay: “Aaa, why have you turned into a mokey?!”‘’
(37) nia=c kyal-un cquleq mha
RES.PROX=1SG.NOM say-PF person QUOT
{tia m-n-uqin soto=ta la=ma(=ai)}
RES AF-DP-die president=1PL.INC IAM=QUOT(=MOD)
‘Someone told me: “Our presedent is dead!”’
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The path to <V1 ga QUOT ma>
• Hypothesis 1: V1 mha QUOT m(h)a -> V1 ga QUOT m(h)a
• Hypothesis 2 Topicalization: QUOT mha V1 -> V1 ga QUOT m(h)a(37) {niux utux} mha k<m>ayal uyi
EXIST.PROX god QUOT <AF>say too
‘They also said there were gods’
(38) qani qu wayal ini baq-i s-raral ga
DEM.PROX DEF PERF NEG know-DEP.LF ADV-of.old TOP
{niux utux hya} mha
EXIST.PROX god 3SG.NOM QUOT
‘They did not know back then that there is God’
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Loosing the source of information
• ma becomes a reportative (hearsay) marker(39) (kyal-un=nha ga) tayal ga niux utux uyi ma
say-PF=3PL.GEN TOP Atayal TOP EXIST.PROX god too QUOT/REP
‘(It is said,) Atayal also have gods they say’
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A lexical strategy for hearsay?
(40) pong-anga m-ŋuŋu balay utux qu squleq raral ma
hear-LF TOP AF-fear very spirit DEF person of.old REP
‘They say people used to fear ghosts in the old times’
(41) pong-anga m-ira tiux m-qwalax qu tanux
hear-LF TOP AF-resemble PROG.DIST AF-rain DEF outside
‘It sounds like it is raining outside’
No redundancy
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Contact-induced loss?
• Marking the auditive usages additionally, topic marker defying reportative(42) pong-an=mu aku tian m-qwalax tanu h-aw!
hear-LF=1SG.GEN AUX.MOD PROG.DIST AF-rain ouside INFER-MOD
‘It sounds like it’s raining outside’
(43) pong-an=mu ga uka na yungay (m-aki) yyik qani (*ma)
hear-LF=1SG.GEN TOP NEG.EXIS GEN monkey AF-exist under DEM.PROX
‘They say there are no monkeys down here’
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Contact-induced loss?
• Marking the auditive usages additionally, topic marker defying reportative(44) pong-an tanux pira tiu qwalax
hear-LF outside like PROG.DIST [AF]rain
‘It sounds like it’s raining outside’
(45) pong-an ga ini hoqil na squleq qasa (*ma)
hear-LF TOP NEG [AF.DEP]die CONT person DEM.DIST REP
‘They say that man did not die’
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Mapping the constructions: General picture
V1 m(h)a Quot Quot mha V1
V1 mha Quot mha (Quot Focus)
V1 mha Quot ma
V1 ga Quot m(h)a
Proposition ma
(V1 ga) Quot *m(h)a
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Mapping the constructions: Previously pointed out
V1 m(h)a Quot Quot mha V1
V1 mha Quot mha (Quot Focus)
V1 mha Quot ma
V1 ga Quot m(h)a
Proposition ma
(V1 ga) Quot *m(h)a
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Mapping the constructions: Skikun
V1 m(h)a Quot Quot mha V1
V1 mha Quot mha (Quot Focus)
V1 mha Quot ma
V1 ga Quot m(h)a
Proposition ma
(V1 ga) Quot *m(h)a
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Mapping the constructions: Pyanan
V1 m(h)a Quot Quot mha V1
V1 mha Quot mha (Quot Focus)
V1 mha Quot ma
V1 ga Quot m(h)a
Proposition ma
(V1 ga) Quot *m(h)a
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Mapping the constructions: Syanuh
Quot mha V1 V1 m(h)a Quot
V1 mha Quot mha (Quot Focus)
V1 mha Quot ma
V1 ga Quot m(h)a
Proposition ma
(V1 ga) Quot *m(h)a
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Summary
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• Atayal data seems to pose a considerable problem to the hypothesis of the path leading from verbs of saying to simile and listing constructions; there is a gap in the path, although the starting point (complementizer) and the ending point (simile and listing) are present in one and the same variety
• In previous work on grammaticalization of mha some considerable features of the path have not been mentioned
• phonetic reduction can be found in earlier stages of grammaticalization than at the end of the path;• apart from the more common path from a SAY verb to hearsay marker there seem to be several
side paths and it is not clear how those can be put together to form a unidirectional process;• those side paths could not be induced by contact, because there is no such process registered in
the contacting languages;• there is no evidence of mha acting morphosyntactically (or syntactically) as a verb (not at least in
the SAY sense); all the examples that seem to fit into the semantics of saying do not fit into the typical syntax of a predicate and vice versa.
• On the whole, Atayal data poses several questions awaiting a thorough study.
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Acknowledgements
• Special thanks for the data goes to my most devoted informants, Yukan Masing, Losing Takun and Temu Go, among others;
• The field research was funded by the Foundation for Fundamental Linguistic Research (grant No А-29-2015);
• This is a part of a bigger project funded by RFBR grant No 16-06-00226.
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Selected references
• Chappell, Hilary. 2008. Variation in the grammaticalization of complementizers from verba dicendi in Sinitic languages. Linguistic Typology 12.1: 45-98.
• Hsieh, Fuhui. 2012. On the grammaticalization of the Kavalan SAY verb zin. Oceanic Linguistics 51.2: 464-489.
• Huang, Lillian M.-J. 1993. A study of Atayal Syntax. Taipei: Crane.
• Huang, Lillian M.-J. 2008. Grammaticalization in Squliq Atayal. Concentric: Studies in Linguistics 34.2: 1- 4
• Huang, Lillian M.-J. 2015. A cross-dialectal Study of Grammaticalization in Atayal. Paper presented at 13th
International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Taipei, Academia Sinica.
• Klamer, Marian. 2000. How report verbs become quote markers and complementizers. Lingua 110: 69-98.
• Lord, Carol. 1993. Historical change in serial verb constructions. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
• Saxon, 1988. The case of the verb ‘say’ in Tibeto-Burman. Proceedings of the Berkley Linguistic Society 14: 375-388.
• Tsukida, Naomi. 2015. Complementation strategies in Seediq. Paper presented at 13th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics. Taipei, Academia Sinica.
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