workforce motivation in japan

Workforce motivation in Japan: an examination of genderdifferences and management perceptions

Reginald Worthleya*, Brent MacNabb, Richard Brislina, Kiyohiko Itoa

and Elizabeth L. Rosec

aUniversity of Hawaii at Manoa, Honolulu, Hawaii, USA; bThe University of Sydney,Sydney, Australia; cHelsinki School of Economics, Helsinki, Finland

As Japan enters the new century, pending workforce shortages – a function of low birthrates and an aging population – increase the need to address gender issuesin organizations. Throughout the past four decades, the number of female workers inJapan has been growing, although full-time female participation in the Japaneseworkforce remains below the levels of some other industrialized nations. Despite thegrowing importance that the Japanese female labor force is expected to play, relativelylittle is known about women’s attitudes toward work motivation in Japan. Using a two-factor, Herzberg intrinsic/extrinsic approach to motivation, we examine theapplicability of such a model in Japan, and compare the attitudes of female andmale workers, as well as management and non-management. Our findings include:(1) support for the applicability of a Herzberg, two-factor model in Japan; (2) Japanesemen in the workforce tending to value intrinsic motivators more than extrinsic factors;(3) female workers in Japan rating extrinsic factors higher than their male counterparts;and (4) managers’ opinions of what motivates employees not constituting a refinedmatch to those of female employees, especially with respect to extrinsic motivation. Inmulti-gender Japanese organizations, management will potentially benefit from a betterunderstanding and functional integration of important gender nuances into theirmotivation strategies.

Keywords: gender; Herzberg; Japan; motivation; workforce

Introduction

After World War II Japan experienced exceptional economic growth, and is currently the

second largest economy in the world. As such, it is expected to remain an important global

player for the foreseeable future. However, the Japanese economy faces constant

challenges. Among the major concerns for Japan’s economic future are its low birth rate

and the related labor shortages.

In 2004, the National Institute of Population and Social Security Research in Japan

reported the birth rate as 1.29 children per couple. This is well below the 2.1 rate per couple

that would maintain constant population figures, which means that Japan will need to

address the issue of future worker shortages, in both the professions and trades, within the

next 20 years. This situation is made more acute when one considers Japan’s rapidly aging

population. While potential relief can be expected from avenues such as productivity gains

via technological advancements and further reduction of unemployment rates, it is

ISSN 0958-5192 print/ISSN 1466-4399 online

q 2009 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/09585190902983421

http://www.informaworld.com

*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]

The International Journal of Human Resource Management,

Vol. 20, No. 7, July 2009, 1503–1520

generally understood that new workforce sources will be required for Japan to remain

competitive. Potential sources for addressing the pending labor shortage in Japan include:

ethnic Japanese immigrants from other nations like Brazil (Tsuda 1999); non-ethnic

Japanese immigrants from other nations familiar with the Japanese culture (Douglas and

Roberts 2000); and greater integration of Japanese women into the workforce (Staley

2002). The first two options have been difficult to implement. Some researchers (e.g.,

Abegglen and Stalk 1985; Douglas and Roberts 2000; Staley 2002) have viewed Japan as

an ethnically homogeneous nation that is likely to continue to exhibit caution toward the

acceptance of mass integration of outsiders. While Brazil has a large population of ethnic

Japanese, many of these families are well-established and successful members in their

adopted home country, and their migration to Japan in large numbers is not viewed as

being likely.

Japan’s integration of females into the workforce is moderate, compared to that of

other industrialized nations like the US and Canada (Tsuda 1999), so developing female

participation in paid work may be a useful approach to addressing labor shortages. While

more women have been entering the Japanese workforce over the past two decades, which

is contributing to lower birthrates by extending the average age at which childbirth occurs

(Renshaw 1999), there remains a largely untapped female labor potential, especially

within the management ranks of large Japanese organizations (Gelb 2000). More female

participation in the workforce represents one feasible solution to some of the issues facing

the Japanese economy.

Socially, there are signs that Japan is attempting to come to terms with the new

realities. For example, there is recent evidence of ‘second career’ mothers re-entering the

workforce during middle age, to fill part-time jobs. In addition, the Equal Employment

Opportunity Law of 1986, along with more recent amendments, is designed to provide

more rights to, and to encourage participation among, female workers (Nakamura 1996;

Gelb 2000). This legislation has received mixed evaluations. While there have been some

steps forward, such as increased interest among women in management positions

(Mainichi Shinbun 1996), other issues remain, including one of the most serious gender-

based wage gaps in the industrialized world (Gelb 2000; Yuasa 2005). Despite the

ambiguous outcomes of legislative efforts, it is becoming increasingly difficult for

organizations operating in Japan to ignore these legal, social, competitive, and

demographic realities (Kamiya 1995; Renshaw 1999).

While these developments may represent incremental steps away from traditional

practice, especially with respect to management-level positions, there is ample evidence

that Japan is capable of making dynamic social shifts in order to address socio-economic

challenges (Abegglen and Stalk 1985). For example, since the mid-1990s, many large

Japanese firms have engaged in downsizing, which is a departure from recent tradition

(Mano 2001). There is also evidence to suggest that one of the so-called ‘pillars’ of

Japanese organizational practice – lifetime employment (Abegglen 1958) – may now be

less important than a more individuated ‘lifetime employability’ perspective (Brislin,

MacNab and Worthley 2005). Facing pressure from foreign competition like Samsung and

Apple Computer, Sony Corporation recently announced its intention to eliminate 10,000

positions, worldwide, by March 2008, with 40% of the job losses being in Japan. While

this short-term downsizing is a competitive reality for select Japanese organizations,

a more long-term and macro labor shortage is likely to compel Japanese industry toward

change of another type.

Given the growing importance of female workers in Japan, there is a need to develop a

better understanding of gender-related issues in workforce management. As global

R. Worthley et al.1504

competition drives the need for greater workplace and organizational efficiency,

understanding the realities of female workforce motivation becomes even more critical.

However, this area represents a gap in the literature.

Because the literature on workforce motivation tends to center on a western –

particularly a US – perspective (Aguinis and Henle 2002), there is a need for motivation

research to be undertaken in different contexts. Comparatively little research has been

undertaken on workforce motivation in Japan (Godkin, Endoh and Cahill 1996), and even

less on gender-related theory development and analysis (Ebrahimi 1999); as such, further

studies are necessary. In this paper, we examine the applicability of a two-factor, Herzberg

intrinsic/extrinsic motivation model to the Japanese setting.

The female workforce and culture in Japan

Female workforce

Over half of Japan’s female population is engaged in the labor market, although the

percentage of women reaching the ranks of management is low, compared to other

industrialized nations (Renshaw 1999; Tsuda 1999; Staley 2002). The total number of

women in Japan’s labor force grew from 19 million in 1965 to nearly 24 million in 1985.

In 1994, there were 27 million women in the Japanese workforce. The 1994 female labor-

force participation rate was 50.2% in Japan, which was higher than rates in Germany,

Spain, Italy, and France, and comparable to the United Kingdom (52.9%) and Australia

(52.7%), although lower than the United States (58.2%) and Canada (57.6%) (Tsuda 1999).

However, Japanese female participation in management is considerably lower than in

other industrialized nations (Renshaw 1999; Taylor 2000), despite the fact that the female

workforce in Japan is among the most educated in the world (OECD 2006). Many women

in the Japanese labor force occupy lower-level clerical positions, usually in service to men

(Staley 2002). Compared to the rates of female executives in the US (44.3%) and Germany

(26.6%), large Japanese organizations have a scant 1.2% of their executive roles filled by

women (Amaha 1999; Gelb 2000). There is concern that an impact of the 1986 Equal

Employment Opportunity Laws in Japan has been the development of a two-track career

system: the managerial track or sogoshoku (in which women have not typically been able

to participate within large organizations), and the clerical track or ippanshoku (which, for

large organizations, is comprised mostly of women). The effect has been to further

distance females from executive positions in large Japanese organizations (Gelb 2000).

Comparative research in the western and Japanese contexts suggests that women in the

workforce share common challenges in industrialized nations, including income

differentials, childcare responsibilities, promotion difficulty, and the gender gap (Adler

and Israeli 1994; Strober and Chan 1999). However, the ability of women to actually reach

management positions is apparently a much larger problem in Japanese firms (Staley

2002). Often, female employees in Japanese organizations are referred to, rather

condescendingly, as onnanoko or ‘the girls’ (Ogasawara 1998), and there are indications

that Japanese women tend to view corporate attitudes toward their employment as

unfavorable (Mainichi Shinbun 1996).

The traditional Japanese perspective is that a woman’s position in society is primarily

that of family caretaker and mother. Indeed, it has not been uncommon for Japanese to

view a woman’s participation in the workforce as a temporary stage of her life, with the

expectation that she will eventually marry, leave the workforce, and raise a family (Staley

2002). The anticipation of eventual departure from employment may help to explain why

over 30% of the female workforce in Japan consists of part-time workers (Gelb 2000).

The International Journal of Human Resource Management 1505

The expectation that women will leave the workforce in order to take on domestic

responsibilities is strong, and some researchers have identified this as an important

rationale for companies’ resisting the recruitment of females for management positions

(Joshi and Chosa 1995). Ogasawara (1998) examined the importance of the female role in

Japan, noting that, considering their power in terms of managing the home environment,

the general attitude toward women in the Japanese workforce is a paradox.

Renshaw (1999) discussed the evolving reality in Japan toward acceptance of women

in management positions, suggesting that resistance toward female management and

leadership is steeped in complex national history and Japan’s socio-cultural fabric.

Considering organizational types on a continuum from ‘traditional-feudal’ (not open to

gender integration in leadership and management roles) to ‘evolving-open’ (where gender

integration in leadership and management roles is a possibility), Renshaw (1999)

suggested that female managers in Japan are people in transition. Japan’s capability, with

respect to internalizing and managing this social shift, represents an important challenge.

Although female management participation is currently an exception in Japan, especially

in large organizations, this likely represents a pending early-phase, socio-cultural shift.

Staley (2002) suggested that this shift may be required in order for Japan to economically

navigate the early twenty-first century. Adler and Israeli (1994) emphasized that

economic and demographic conditions present in Japan are expected to continue to be

important drivers for bringing females more actively into the workforce and into

management roles.

Several foreign firms operating in Japan have noted the lower management

participation rates among women, and are making attempts to alter the gender mix in their

organizations. For example, Hewlett-Packard has developed special management

mentoring programs for women to help increase the number of female managers in

their Japanese regional offices. While these focused efforts tend to be viewed as the

exception, they could also be indicative of an emergent shift driven by previously

identified socio-economic realities (e.g., aging population and low birth rates, laws

encouraging female worker rights and participation, increased interest among women in

Japan for management roles, and increased university education rates for women).

Culture

A cultural system can be defined as people sharing similar beliefs, customs, categorization,

norms, and ‘mental programming’ (Hofstede 1997), encapsulating a group’s characteristic

way of perceiving its social environment. Definitions of culture typically involve human

made elements, shared through communication, increasing the probability for survival,

and resulting in greater satisfaction for those in the community. Culture is to a region or

people what personality is to individuals, and includes the objective (e.g., food, artifacts,

and clothing) as well as the subjective (e.g., attitudes, beliefs, and values).

Hofstede (1980) proposed that cultures differ based on four dimensions: uncertainty

avoidance; power distance; individualism-collectivism; and masculinity-femininity. The

Hofstede (1980) cultural framework, while remaining a relevant platform for examination

of management phenomena, is not the only framework available (e.g. Schwartz 1994;

Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner 1998; House, Hanges, Javidan, Dorfman and Gupta

2004) and has not escaped some valid critique (e.g., McSweeney 2002). While all of the

proposed cultural dimensions arguably play roles in shaping national perceptions toward

women in the workforce, it may be the masculinity-femininity dimension that most clearly

explains the apparent Japanese mindset toward this issue.


Masculinity-femininity, a multi-dimensional and complex cultural construct, is related

to a society’s attitude toward the strength of traditional gender roles and perspectives on

material success and assertiveness. Both of these aspects were investigated in the GLOBE

study of 62 societies (House et al. 2004), under the terms ‘gender egalitarianism’ and

‘assertiveness’. Masculine, or low gender egalitarian, cultures tend to have strong attitudes

toward traditional roles for men and women in society. Strongly feminine cultures (e.g.,

Sweden) are typically more accommodating toward the shifting of traditional gender roles

(e.g., working mothers and stay-at-home fathers). Hofstede (1997) listed Japan as a

relatively strongly masculine culture, and House et al. (2004) found that Japan ranked

fortieth of 62 cultures, in terms of gender egalitarianism. Both of these results suggest

lower acceptance and slower transition toward the integration of women into a

traditionally male dominated workforce, particularly with respect to management

positions. This is consistent with the current situation in Japan. The extent to which this

situation is culture-bound highlights a challenge, because changes in this regard will

require a shift of social values. As core aspects of culture, societal values are extremely

challenging to change (Hofstede 1997). Even in societies like Japan, which support crucial

economic decision-making roles in the family, these traditional roles do not necessarily

translate to power within organizations (Adler and Israeli 1994).

However, Japan does have a record of being able to accomplish dynamic socio-

economic shift in the face of macro challenges and global competition (Abegglen and

Stalk 1985). Renshaw (1999) observed the very gradual, but noticeable, integration of

non-Japanese women into the management ranks of some organizations with offices in

Japan, as well as the emergence of a few successful female Japanese entrepreneurs. In a

study by House et al. (2004), Japanese middle managers expressed the opinion that Japan

should move toward a more gender egalitarian society. Gelb (2000) noted rising rates of

female enrollment in four-year universities in Japan, while Adler and Israeli (1994) related

the increased educational achievement to stronger female workforce participation. Such

societal shifts, born from global interaction and competition, have been described as

‘crossvergence,’ whereby organizations and cultures are capable of shifting specific

practices and values while retaining others (Ralston, Holt, Terpstra and Kai-Cheng 1997;

Kelley, MacNab and Worthley 2006).

Herzberg motivation theory

Gender

In management research, motivation has been defined as inputs that initiate, direct, and

maintain movement toward desired work behaviors (Campbell and Pritchard 1976; Pinder

1998). Motivation can also be viewed as the willingness to exert high levels of effort to

reach organizational goals, moderated by the ability to satisfy needs, desires, or wants.

Recognized as the driver for arousal, direction, magnitude, and maintenance of job-related

effort (Katzell and Thompson 1990), motivation is dependent upon contextual

(e.g., occupational socialization), cultural, and individual influences.

Herzberg’s motivation-hygiene, or two-factor, theory explains that intrinsic factors are

related to job satisfaction and motivation, while the lack of extrinsic elements is linked to

job dissatisfaction (Herzberg, Mausner and Snyderman 1959). Hygiene (or extrinsic)

factors are elements that help to eliminate job dissatisfaction, or when present, allow the

gateway for actual motivation to open; they are generally viewed as being ‘external’ to

the actual work. Motivators (intrinsic elements) increase job satisfaction, and are generally

related to the work itself, but typically cannot be realized before basic hygiene elements.


Herzberg’s argument is that only intrinsic factors (e.g., challenge of the work, personal

growth, and importance of contribution) can actually create high levels of motivation.

Extrinsic factors (e.g., working conditions, compensation, and company image) do not

actually motivate employees; however, not paying attention to these elements may lead to

sub-optimal devotion to one’s work (Park, Lovrich and Soden 1988). Wiley (1997)

observed that overlapping can exist between these categorizations.

Studies have used the Herzberg two-factor motivation model in several national

contexts. Hines (1973) examined the theoretical structure in New Zealand, while Park et al.

(1988) found empirical support for the model using a Korean sample. More broadly,

Huang and Van De Vliert (2003) used the extrinsic/intrinsic structure to examine the both

cultural and socio-economic influences on worker motivation. Brislin et al. (2004) found

that the Herzberg model can be applied in the Japanese context; this provides a basis for our

use of the approach for a comparative, gender-focused examination of motivation in Japan.

Management theory and research provide a rich body of work related to motivation

and its effect in the work environment. Examples include early management thought on

the humane treatment of workers’ leading to a more productive work environment (Owen

1825) and motivation research (Munsterberg 1913) that had created the foundation for

modern theory and research that addresses human motivation in relation to life, work, and

productivity (Maslow 1954; Herzberg et al. 1959; McGregor 1960; McClelland 1961;

Katz 1964; House 1971; Herzberg 1982).

The Herzberg model provides a useful avenue for examining group differences related to

workplace motivation, because of the model’s delineation among types of ‘motivators’. The

model is both process- and content-oriented. The former suggests that certain base elements

(i.e., extrinsic or hygiene) must first be met before progression to actual motivation begins,

and the latter suggests that sub-components and larger categories (i.e., extrinsic and

intrinsic) can be identified and measured (Brislin, McNab and Bechtold 2004). While the

two factor motivational approach is supported by scholars, it is not immune from criticism

(Maidani 1991; Wiley 1997), and there have been calls for validation of the model in

non-Western contexts. The model has been selected for the present study, because of its

theoretical soundness, measurability, and prior validation of its structure. Our data also

provide an opportunity to examine the validity of the model in a non-Western context.

Ebrahimi (1999) identified gender as an important consideration in the area of

workplace motivation, and Aycan (2001) called for more research into gender influences

on work motivation. The Osteraker (1999) model of the dynamic triangle of motivation

posits a relation among culture, organizational culture, and individual characteristics in

shaping perspectives of motivation. Because gender is an important personal

characteristic, this model provides a theoretical platform from which to examine

gender-related issues in motivation.

Based on both theory and previous research (e.g., Hofstede 1997; Ebrahimi 1999;

Osteraker 1999; Brislin et al. 2004), we expect that women’s perspectives on workplace

motivation will differ significantly from those of men, considering both intrinsic and

extrinsic aspects of motivation. Therefore:

Hypothesis 1: Males and females in Japan express different propensities related to

intrinsic motivation.

Hypothesis 2: Males and females in Japan express different propensities related to

extrinsic motivation.

While we expect to observe distinctions between the motivations of male and female

employees in Japan, we anticipate that both genders will focus more on intrinsic than


extrinsic motivation. Huang and Van De Vliert (2003) indicated that workers in wealthier

countries with established social welfare systems demonstrate a stronger focus on

intrinsic motivators for job satisfaction. While extrinsic, or hygiene factors, constitute

a fundamental requirement for motivation, Japan’s advanced economic development

suggests that most employees should have their basic hygiene factors addressed in an

effective manner. Therefore, we expect that workers in large Japanese firms will focus more

on higher-order motivational considerations. Thus:

Hypothesis 3: Male workers in Japan place greater importance on intrinsic motivators

than extrinsic (hygiene) elements.

Hypothesis 4: Female workers in Japan place greater importance on intrinsic motivators

than extrinsic (hygiene) elements.

Management vs. employees

Herzberg’s motivation-hygiene theory posits that effective management depends on

understanding what motivates workers (motivators or intrinsic factors), as well as what

eliminates job dissatisfaction (hygiene or extrinsic factors). There is empirical support for the

notion that a two-dimensional understanding of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation is necessary

for sound management practice (Basadur 1992; Luo 1999). By understanding these dynamics

better, an organization can craft a balance to benefit from increased worker productivity

(Utley, Westbrook and Turner 1997), higher morale (Wiley 1997), increased creativity

(Basadur 1992), and improved employee quality of life (Luo 1999; Aycan 2001). Because

effective management of workplace motivation has positive implications for employee

well-being and organizational effectiveness, it can generate competitive advantage for a firm.

Although Japan has encountered recent economic challenges, its growth, industrial

development, and competitive success during the second half of the twentieth century are

well-documented. For example, implementation of total quality management and just-

in-time production helped many Japanese companies achieve excellent results; such

approaches require management to understand how to motivate employees.

However, recent research indicates a gap between management and workers with

respect to perceptions of employee motivation (Kovach 1987; Morse 2003). There is

evidence that the gap may be exacerbated when gender is considered. Ebrahimi (1999)

noted that there is room for greater managerial understanding of the needs and motivations

of female workers in many national settings. In the Japanese context, Joshi and Chosa

(1995) identified unfavorable corporate attitudes toward potential female employees.

Ogasawara (1998) described subversion tactics, including the circulation of humiliating

gossip and other acts of resistance, used by frustrated women, in retaliation toward the

organization and male managers who fail to establish a satisfactory work environment.

Examining motivation among knowledge workers within the Japanese financial service

industry, Kubo and Saka (2002) found a mismatch between factors that motivate workers

(e.g., monetary incentives, human resource development, and job autonomy) and what the

management system provides. Previous research, combined with the expected lower level

of gender nuance with respect to motivation for the Japanese workforce, gives rise to the

following hypotheses:

Hypothesis 5: Managerial perceptions regarding intrinsic workforce motivation differ

from those of female workers in Japan.

Hypothesis 6: Managerial perceptions regarding extrinsic workforce motivation differ

from those of female workers in Japan.


Method

Sample

The hypotheses are tested using data from a survey undertaken in cooperation with

PricewaterhouseCoopers Global Human Resource Solutions (GHRS) in Tokyo. Target

respondents were employed at firms located in the Greater Tokyo Metropolitan area with at

least 500 employees, operating in a wide range of industries: manufacturing; service;

financial; transportation; construction; wholesale/retail; utilities (electricity, gas, and water);

and mining. The web-enabled survey, conducted in 2002, yielded a total of 623 respondents:

209 from managerial ranks (i.e., kacho and bucho levels) and 414 from employee levels.

Table 1 shows the descriptive statistics for the sample. Male respondents dominate both

the managerial and employees subsamples (98.1% and 74.6%, respectively), and managers

are generally older than employees in the sample; these demographics are fairly typical of

Japanese organizations (Ogasawara 1998). The sample contains a relatively even

distribution of company sizes, based on numbers of employees, and the core sectors of

manufacturing, general services, and the banking/finance/insurance are well-represented.

Analysis using 95% confidence intervals for proportions demonstrates that the managers

and employees samples have similar distributions for both company size and industry.

Instrument

In keeping with the Herzberg model, the Japanese language questionnaire was designed to

investigate extrinsic and intrinsic motivators. Managers and employees used the same sets

of items, with employees asked to assess each item’s importance as a potential motivator

or incentive on a personal level and managers asked to assess the items with respect to

their expected impact on employees. Importance assessments were made using a seven-

point Likert scale with 1 ¼ Not at all and 7 ¼ Extremely high.

Table 1. Descriptive statistics for respondents.

Managers n ¼ 209 Employees n ¼ 414

Number Proportion (%) Number Proportion (%)

Gender205 98.1 Male 309 74.64 1.9 Female 105 25.4

Age5 2.4 Under 30 136 32.837 17.7 30-39 213 51.4116 55.5 40-49 56 13.551 24.4 50 and over 9 2.2

Company size31 14.8 Under 1000 93 22.543 20.6 1000-2000 77 18.678 37.3 2001-10000 133 32.157 27.3 Over 10000 111 26.8

Industry87 41.6 Manufacturing 175 42.339 18.7 Services 89 21.525 12.0 Financial 40 9.710 4.8 Transportation 36 8.723 11.0 Construction 32 7.725 12.0 Other 42 10.1


The 16 motivation-related items in the survey instrument are evenly split between

intrinsic and extrinsic motivators. The specific items are based, a priori, on the Herzberg

et al. (1959) two-factor motivation theory, and adapted to the Japanese cultural and

linguistic requirements by academics in cooperation with PricewaterhouseCoopers GHRS

directors and consultants. For example, ‘Growth prospects of the company’ and ‘Company

brand’ were not original Herzberg items, but were felt to be potentially important

motivators in the Japanese context. The wording of the items was reviewed by both

English- and Japanese-speaking collaborators to ensure equivalence of meaning with the

Herzberg framework; see Appendix for English translations of the key items. This

research instrument has been used previously in an examination of workplace motivation

in Japan, with the two factor structure demonstrating divergent and convergent validity,

and good reliability (Brislin et al. 2005).

For this sample, both categories of measures demonstrate acceptable levels of

reliability, with overall Cronbach a coefficients of 0.81 (intrinsic) and 0.78 (extrinsic).

Various subsamples (e.g., managers, employees, men, and women) demonstrate similar

reliabilities for both sets of motivations. Table 2 shows descriptive statistics and

comparisons of means, for each of the 16 items stratified by role (i.e., managers

and employees) and, for the employee subsample, gender.

Analysis

A multi-method approach is adopted for testing the hypotheses, using both the 16

individual motivation items and two factors calculated as the means of the intrinsic and

extrinsic items, respectively.

Both the full sample and the sub-sample of employees are used to test Hypotheses

1 and 2, which posit gender-associated differences with respect to intrinsic and extrinsic

motivations. Comparing the mean factor scores using ANOVA (Table 3) reveals a

significant ( p , 0.05) difference only with respect to extrinsic motivation, which women

rate, on average, more highly than men in both the full sample and the sample of

employees. Thus, Hypothesis 2 receives support, while Hypothesis 1 does not.

Cross-tabulations of the individual items, by gender, provide some additional insight.

Consistent with the lack of significance using the intrinsic factor score, only one item

associated with intrinsic motivation displays a significant difference in the distribution of

responses between men and women. Women tend to rate the company’s growth prospects

as somewhat less of a motivation, relative to the men in the sample. In contrast, four of the

eight extrinsic motivation items are characterized by significant differences (at least 90%

confidence) in the distributions, with women tending to provide higher assessments for

interpersonal relationships, company policy and administration, and fair evaluation, and

fewer low assessments than men for company policy and administration.

Hypotheses 3 and 4 are tested using the subset of employee-level respondents. The

expectation that both male and female employees rate intrinsic motivations more highly

than extrinsic ones is assessed by comparing paired individual values for the intrinsic and

extrinsic factors. Two analyses are conducted: paired difference t tests and the

nonparametric Wilcoxon signed ranks test; the analyses are summarized in Table 4. Both

approaches yield identical decisions, providing evidence that male employees place

significantly more emphasis on intrinsic motivations ( p, 0.01), while female employees

do not. Thus, Hypothesis 3 receives strong support, and Hypothesis 4 receives none.

Cross-tabulation analysis of individual questions suggests that these results represent a

broad trend, rather than being driven by specific items. The three significant distributional


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rper

son

alre

lati

on

ship

5.0

5(5

)1

.13

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4(5

)1

.26

†5

.12

(5)

1.2

35

.60

(6)

1.2

8*

*1

0:

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alit

yo

fsu

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vis

ion

and

lead

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ip5

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12

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mp

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wer

men

t5

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(5)

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bse

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ty4

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94

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05

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alar

y5

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1.0

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rkin

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nd

itio

ns

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0(5

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(5)

1.1

91

6:

Fai

rev

alu

atio

n5

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(6)

1.0

15

.82

(6)

1.0

35

.76

(6)

1.0

25

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(6)

1.0

4*

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tes:

Mea

nis

sho

wn

firs

t,w

ith

med

ian

inp

aren

thes

es;

stan

dar

dd

evia

tio

nis

on

seco

nd

lin

e.bM

ean

sar

eco

mp

ared

usi

ng

on

e-w

ayA

NO

VA

;†p,

.10

,*p,

.05

,*

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.01

.


differences associated with extrinsic motivations all imply that female employees tend to

attribute greater importance to these items than their male counterparts.

Hypotheses 5 and 6, which posit differences between managers and female employees

with respect to both intrinsic and extrinsic motivations, are assessed using ANOVA to

compare the factor means and using cross-tabulations to compare distributions of the

individual items. As the sample includes only four female managers, the managerial

subsample is primarily male managers. At the factor level, Table 3 shows that, while

Hypothesis 5 is not supported, Hypothesis 6 is, with female employees giving extrinsic

motivations higher ratings, on average, than managers ( p , 0.10).

The above analyses are bivariate in nature. In order to obtain more holistic insights into

motivation based on this sample, logistic regressions are estimated for each of the

16 motivation items; see Tables 5 and 6. The dependent variables are constructed by grouping

the two highest response categories and the remaining five, for each item. The explanatory

variables include dummy variables for employees vs. managers, women vs. men, and various

industries, along with the respondent’s age and an ordinal variable representing firm size.

While the logistic regression models are all characterized by low explanatory power,

they do shed some light on motivation in the Japanese context. Consistent with earlier

analyses, Hypothesis 2 receives some support, with female respondents’ tending to rate

three of the extrinsic motivation items higher than their male counterparts, after

controlling for job status, age, firm size, and industry.

The relationship between age and motivation appears to be complex. Marginal to the

other variables in the models, with advancing participant age is associated with a heightened

emphasis on company growth (an intrinsic element) and job security (extrinsic) but also a

lower emphasis with other interpersonal relationships (extrinsic) and self-growth (intrinsic).

Employees at smaller firms are somewhat more concerned with company brand and

employee empowerment, and less concerned with fair evaluation. Relative to the base

Table 3. Comparisons of means for intrinsic and extrinsic factors.

FactorMales (all)n ¼ 514

Females (all)n ¼ 109

Managersn ¼ 209

Female employeesn ¼ 105 Difference?

Intrinsic 5.50 (0.74) 5.49 (0.67) 5.58 (0.68) 5.48 (0.68)Extrinsic 5.25 (0.73) 5.43 (0.77) 5.27 (0.71) 5.44 (0.78) *

Notes: Mean is shown first, with standard deviation in parentheses. Means are compared using one-way ANOVA;† p , .10, * p , .05, ** p , .01.

Table 4. Intrinsic vs. extrinsic motivations.

Male employees n ¼ 309 Female employees n ¼ 105

Mean for Intrinsic (I) 5.45 5.48Mean for Extrinsic (E) 5.21 5.44Mean for difference I-E 0.21 0.05Standard deviation for I-E 0.75 0.75Minimum I-E 22.25 21.63Maximum I-E 2.50 2.00(I-E) , 0 102 45(I-E) ¼ 0 24 10(I-E) . 0 183 50Paired difference t 4.86** 0.64Wilcoxon signed ranks test z 4.94** 0.56

Note: † p , .10, * p , .05, ** p , .01.


Tab

le5

.L

og

isti

cre

gre

ssio

ns

for

intr

insi

cm

oti

vat

ion

item

s(f

ull

sam

ple

).

1:Company

growth

2:Job

advancement

3:Respon-sibility

4:Challenge

5:Sense

of

achievement

6:Company

brand

7:Work/job

recognition

8:Self-growth

Co

nst

ant

20

.42

(0.6

6)

0.3

8(0

.65

)0

.00

(0.6

4)

0.3

2(0

.65

)1

.16

(0.7

2)

0.1

7(0

.67

)1

.80

*(0

.70

)1

.40*

(0.6

49

)E

mp

loy

ee2

0.3

2(0

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)2

0.5

0*

(0.2

2)

20

.09

(0.2

2)

0.3

1(0

.23

)2

0.3

1(0

.25

)2

0.1

3(0

.23

)2

0.7

3*

(0.2

5)

20

.16

(0.2

2)

Fem

ale

20

.53

*(0

.23

)2

0.2

0(0

.23

)0

.11

(0.2

3)

20

.30

(0.2

3)

20

.06

(0.2

5)

20

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(0.2

4)

0.2

9(0

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)0

.13

(0.2

3)

Res

po

nd

ent

age

0.0

3*

(0.0

1)

0.0

1(0

.01

)0

.00

(0.0

1)

20

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(0.0

1)

20

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(0.0

2)

20

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(0.0

1)

20

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(0.0

1)

20

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†(0

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)F

irm

size

20

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(0.0

3)

20

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(0.0

3)

20

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(0.0

3)

20

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(0.0

3)

0.0

2(0

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0.0

6*

(0.0

3)

20

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(0.0

3)

20

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(0.0

3)

Co

nst

ruct

ion

/Min

ing

0.3

7(0

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)0

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(0.3

0)

0.1

8(0

.30

)2

0.1

6(0

.30

)0

.12

(0.3

4)

20

.08

(0.3

0)

0.3

6(0

.34

)0

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(0.3

0)

Fin

ance

20

.30

(0.2

9)

0.0

5(0

.28

)2

0.2

3(0

.28

)0

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(0.2

8)

0.0

9(0

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)2

0.5

7†

(0.3

1)

0.3

9(0

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)2

0.3

6(0

.28

)R

eal

esta

te/S

erv

ices

20

.20

(0.2

3)

20

.12

(0.2

2)

20

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(0.2

2)

20

.29

(0.2

3)

20

.20

(0.2

4)

20

.38

(0.2

3)

20

.15

(0.2

4)

20

.15

(0.2

3)

Tra

nsp

ort

/Uti

liti

es0

.50

(0.3

1)

20

.03

(0.3

0)

0.2

6(0

.30

)2

0.3

1(0

.31

)2

0.0

3(0

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)2

0.4

6(0

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)0

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9(0

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)2

0.0

2(0

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)W

ho

lesa

le/R

etai

l0

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5)

0.1

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4)

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(0.4

0)

20

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20

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Ho

smer

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esh

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0.6

60

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ker

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20

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0.0

40

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0.0

30

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0.0

20

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2%

corr

ect

60

.05

5.5

54

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8.4

73

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4.8

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g-o

dd

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0.4

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/a0

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n/a

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Note

s:D

epen

den

tvar

iable

sta

ke

the

val

ue

of

1fo

rre

sponse

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d7,

and

0oth

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ise;

n¼

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3fo

ral

lm

od

els;

stan

dar

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rors

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es.

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plo

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¼1,

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agem

ent¼

0;

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ale¼

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0;In

du

stry

du

mm

ies

tak

eth

ev

alue

of

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her

val

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firm

s;†p,

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.


Tab

le6

.L

og

isti

cre

gre

ssio

ns

for

extr

insi

cm

oti

vat

ion

item

s(f

ull

sam

ple

).

9:Inter-personal

relationship

10:Quality

of

supervision

andleadership

11:Com-pany

policy

andadmin.

12:Employee

empowerment

13:Job

security

14:Salary

15:Working

conditions

16:Fair

evaluation

Co

nst

ant

0.5

7(0

.67

)0

.75

(0.6

5)

20

.61

(0.6

5)

20

.14

(0.6

6)

22

.54

**

(0.7

1)

0.4

8(0

.69

)2

0.3

6(0

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)2

0.1

9(0

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)E

mp

loy

ee2

0.2

3(0

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)2

0.1

5(0

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)2

0.2

2(0

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0.2

3(0

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)0

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(0.2

5)

0.0

8(0

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(0.2

6)

0.0

6(0

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)F

emal

e0

.60

**

(0.2

3)

0.5

5*

(0.2

3)

0.1

8(0

.23

)0

.13

(0.2

3)

0.4

7†

(0.2

4)

0.1

8(0

.25

)0

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(0.2

4)

0.3

8(0

.25

)R

esp

on

den

tag

e2

0.0

3*

(0.0

1)

20

.01

(0.0

1)

0.0

2(0

.01

)0

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(0.0

1)

0.0

4*

(0.0

1)

0.0

1(0

.01

)2

0.0

2(0

.02

)0

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(0.0

1)

Fir

msi

ze0

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(0.0

3)

20

.02

(0.0

3)

20

.04

(0.0

3)

20

.06

†(0

.03

)2

0.0

1(0

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0.0

0(0

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)0

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(0.0

3)

0.0

6*

(0.0

3)

Co

nst

ruct

ion

/Min

ing

0.1

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)0

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(0.3

0)

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2(0

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)2

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3(0

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)0

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(0.3

2)

Fin

ance

20

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(0.3

0)

20

.53

†(0

.29

)2

0.1

0(0

.28

)0

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(0.2

8)

20

.12

(0.3

2)

20

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(0.2

9)

0.1

0(0

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0.2

1(0

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)R

eal

esta

te/S

erv

ices

20

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(0.2

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20

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*(0

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(0.2

4)

20

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*(0

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)2

0.1

6(0

.26

)2

0.2

0(0

.24

)2

0.2

5(0

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)2

0.0

8(0

.23

)T

ran

spo

rt/U

tili

ties

0.2

8(0

.30

)2

0.1

3(0

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)0

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(0.3

0)

0.1

1(0

.30

)0

.49

(0.3

2)

0.5

8(0

.36

)2

0.1

0(0

.32

)0

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(0.3

2)

Wh

ole

sale

/Ret

ail

0.2

9(0

.34

)0

.06

(0.3

4)

0.1

9(0

.33

)0

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(0.3

3)

0.4

8(0

.34

)2

0.0

4(0

.36

)2

0.2

2(0

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)0

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(0.3

5)

Ho

smer

-Lem

esh

ow

p0

.82

80

.77

0.0

40

.36

0.0

90

.58

0.7

70

.78

Nag

elk

erk

eR

20

.04

0.0

30

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0.0

40

.03

0.0

20

.03

0.0

2%

corr

ect

62

.45

6.2

60

.06

0.0

70

.96

8.1

71

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5.2

Lo

g-o

dd

s0

.82

**

0.4

9*

*0

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**

0.6

9*

*0

.90

n/a

n/a

n/a

Note

s:D

epen

den

tvar

iable

sta

ke

the

val

ue

of

1fo

rre

sponse

sof

6an

d7,

and

0oth

erw

ise;

n¼

62

3fo

ral

lm

od

els;

stan

dar

der

rors

inp

aren

thes

es.

Em

plo

yee

¼1,

Man

agem

ent¼

0;

Fem

ale¼

1,M

ale¼

0;In

du

stry

du

mm

ies

tak

eth

ev

alue

of

1fo

rth

en

om

inat

edin

du

stry

and

0o

ther

wis

e.F

irm

size

isan

ord

inal

var

iab

le,w

ith

hig

her

val

ues

repre

sen

tin

gla

rger

firm

s;†p,

.10

,*p,

.05

,*

*p,

.01

.


industry category of manufacturing, respondents in real estate and general services are less

enticed by three of the eight extrinsic items, while respondents in the finance sector differ

from their manufacturing counterparts with respect to one.

Discussion and conclusions

Among the important economic and social challenges Japan faces in the twenty-first

century are its decreasing birthrate and aging population, which are expected to impact

workforce shortages. Efficiencies in technology and reductions in unemployment may

temporarily alleviate the pending shortage; however, long-term solutions are likely to

require some social adjustments. Staley (2002) noted that increased employment

participation rates for women in Japan would go a long way toward addressing projected

workforce shortages, particularly in large organizations and managerial roles. As women

assume more numerous and substantial roles in the Japanese workforce (Gelb 2000;

Renshaw 1999), there is a need to develop a deeper understanding about gender-based

distinctions with respect to motivation in this context.

Japan, a strongly masculine society in the Hofstede (1980) framework, is characterized by

strong adherence toward gender roles in society and the workforce (Renshaw 1999). Although

there is evidence of some change (Adler and Israeli 1994), substantial challenges remain with

respect to robust integration of women into the workforce. In addition to lower employment

levels, compared to many other developed economies, Japanese women are subject to one of

the largest gender wage gaps in the industrialized world, earning, on average, approximately

66.5% of what their male counterparts earn (Yuasa 2005). In addition, women in Japan

continue to be seriously underrepresented in managerial ranks, especially in large companies.

This study has examined issues associated with workforce motivation for male and

female workers in Japan, using Herzberg’s two-factor model for motivation (intrinsic

and extrinsic). Furthermore, Japanese management perception regarding female

workforce motivation is examined. In addition to providing support for the applicability

of the Herzberg model to a non-US context, our results suggest some gender-related

differences with respect to workforce motivation in Japan. Our analysis suggests that the

accuracy of managerial views of what motivates Japanese female employees can be

improved, particularly in relation to extrinsic elements.

While male employees tend to emphasize intrinsic elements over extrinsic ones,

females do not make a significant distinction between the two types. However, the women

in the sample rate, on average, extrinsic elements as being more important, relative to their

male counterparts. Extrinsic elements that appear to be of specific interest to female

respondents are relationships with others, fairness, job security, and quality of supervision.

Renshaw (1999) noted that the ‘traditional-feudal’ organizational structure in Japan does

not typically focus on such elements. Our sample is drawn from organizations with at least

500 employees; such large organizations in Japan often hold especially traditional views

regarding female worker participation (Gelb 2000), which may hinder efforts to motivate

the increasing number of women in the workforce. Job security and fairness in supervision

appear to be particularly critical to female employees in Japan, many of whom are feeling

the pressure of balancing career and family, in addition to job-related stresses. The finding

that women in the Japanese workplace place high value on relations with others is

consistent with the US-based observations of Centers and Bugantal (1966).

Our second finding for larger Japanese companies reveals that management perception

of what motivates employees does not match the assessments by female employees. This

presents the potential for Japanese managers to glean a wide range of potential benefits by

understanding what motivates this increasingly important segment of the workforce.


While no significant differences are found for most of the 16 motivation items, the most

obvious mismatches are in the areas of interpersonal relations, job security, and the

fairness of evaluation, with female employees’ tending to attribute higher importance than

managers. Some Japanese firms may benefit by undertaking initiatives to address issues

associated with interpersonal relations and job security for female workers.

Based on these results, efforts toward improving interpersonal relationships in the

workplace, such as providing easy to access mediation, job rotation, team building,

monitoring supervisors’ quality, and providing gender-blind job security, may pay

dividends. Some organizations, such as Hewlett-Packard Japan, are moving in this

direction, developing programs that provide mentoring to women who show potential for

managerial positions (Parker-Woods 2005). Such mentorship programs can help to

enhance interpersonal relations and provide training that is likely to improve job security.

Our findings suggest that this is a move in the right direction, with respect to facilitating

motivation among women in the Japanese workforce.

There is a potential dilemma for the Japanese social context, in relation to the

combination of low birth rates, an aging population, and increased integration of women into

career workforce positions. Not only will this integration require a potentially challenging

shift from tradition (Renshaw 1999), but it could actually encourage a further reduction in

birth rates. As more women assume long-term, career positions, they may decide to delay or

completely postpone childbirth. Providing better job security (e.g., ample maternity leave)

and more options for working mothers (e.g., quality at-work childcare) could be useful

approaches to balancing the demographic and social concerns (Amaha 1999).

Furthermore, there is evidence of a fairly complex relationship between age and some

extrinsic and intrinsic factors. With increasing age, the empirical results suggest a de-

emphasis of self-growth, along with a heightened emphasis on job security. Perhaps aging

workers in Japan are more interested in non-work aspects of personal growth, while

maintaining a desire for job security, as preparation for their retirement years.

This study generates several issues for future research. We have examined perceptions of

workplace motivation, as opposed to what respondents actually observe in their work

environments. While perception is important for understanding what motivates employees, it

would also be interesting to compare the perceptions with the reality of what takes place in

organizations. In addition, our sample consists of employees and managers from

organizations with at least 500 employees. These results are not necessarily reflective of

the large number of smaller firms in Japan (Gelb 2000), which are critical to the economy and

understudied in the academic literature. The low participation rate of women in management

roles within Japan meant that our sample does not include enough female managers to permit

comparative analysis of management perceptions by gender. Future studies, with targeted

sampling, may be able to investigate this group of leaders. Last, our respondents are urban and

web-savvy; while this certainly represents an important group for consideration, it would be

useful to replicate the study with other groups of participants and additional regions in Japan.

The applicability of this line of research is not unique to Japan. Other industrialized

nations face similar challenges: low birth rate; aging population; and under-participation

of women in the workforce. While Japan has a particularly highly educated, yet

underutilized, female workforce (particularly with respect to management participation in

large companies), other developed nations, including Germany, Spain, Italy, and France,

also demonstrate relatively low participation of women in the workforce. As global

competition compels economies and organizations to obtain higher levels of workforce

productivity, better understanding of what motivates female employees can be expected to

increase effectiveness and performance.


Japan’s transition toward a more engaged female workforce is currently in progress,

necessitated by economic and demographic realities (Adler and Israeli 1994). However, the

shifting of cultural values is typically a gradual process, which suggests that this transition

will take time. In Japan, there are currently signs of both progress (e.g., workplace regulation

reforms, rising university education among women, and increased female political

representation) and resistance (e.g., persistent social attitudes and continued under-

representation of females in management). Foreign-owned organizations are part of the

change process, as are some smaller, less traditional domestic firms. Renshaw (1999)

identified ‘evolving-open’ companies in Japan, characterized, in part, by stronger gender

integration. Reforms to labor laws during the past decade also provide signs of change, having

‘made life easier for women’ (Amaha 1999, p. 2). Still, there seems to be room for growth, in

terms of both workforce participation by women and implementation of effective initiatives

for motivating and cultivating a new generation of female workers and managers in Japan.

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Appendix

Description of questionnaire items

1. Growth prospects ofthe company

The company’s potential to grow continuously in the future,in terms of brand, employee size, profitability, etc. Also, thestability of the company with respect to being in business fora long time.

2. Job advancement The ability of the employee to grow (in terms of promotion)within the organization.

3. Amount of responsibility The relative weight or importance of job responsibility beinggiven to the employee.

4. Challenging work The nature of the work itself; whether it is bringing out the bestof the employee or not.

5. Sense of achievement The sense of doing something worthwhile; that is, work that isdone for the benefit of the greater good or for a worthy cause.

6. Company brand The status or name recognition of the company within and/oroutside its industry.

7. Job recognition/status The status or image of the employee’s job.8. Self-growth Relates to the personal development of the employee while in

the company.9. Interpersonal relationships Refers to the health of the relationship of the employee with

his/her peers (horizontal) or superiors (vertical).10. Quality of supervision

and leadershipThe ability of the employee’s superiors to guide him/her incarrying out the job properly or guiding the organization to abrighter future.

11. Company policy andadministration

The soundness of the organization’s policies and the fairnessof its implementation across the entire organization.

12. Employee empowerment The ability of the employee to make decisions, when needed,under a certain defined situation and established limits.

13. Job security The company’s assurance for continued employment.14. Salary The amount of remuneration given to the employees

in exchange for services rendered for the company.15. Working conditions The physical condition of the workplace, in terms of safety,

convenience, provision of proper work equipment, etc.16. Fair evaluation The ability of the organization or managers to evaluate

employees fairly based on established performance andevaluation standards, processes, or systems, without regard torace, gender, age, and other discriminatory parameters.

(Note: Translated from Japanese to English)


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