western migration to thailand

The Migration of Westerners toThailand: An Unusual Flow FromDeveloped to Developing World

Robert W. Howard*

ABSTRACT

Thousands of Westerners migrate to Thailand; some go to expatriate jobsand some are self-funded retirees but many are former tourists who liveprecariously for years on small local salaries with insecure visa status. Thepresent study examined demographics, reasons for migration, well-being,perceived assimilation and experiences of Westerners living in or who hadlived in Thailand for at least one year. Westerners were studied in-countryand 1003 current and former migrants completed an online survey. Com-mon migration motives were a preference for Thai lifestyle and culture, lowliving costs, a warm climate, and readily-available, attractive sexual part-ners. Most Westerners in-country reported feeling well-assimilated; half hadThai partners, and most planned to stay for life. Their major reported prob-lems were the difficult Thai language, visa policies, and official corruption.Common reasons for leaving Thailand were financial or disillusionment,occasioned in some cases by perceived poor assimilation. The move appar-ently works out well for many but assimilation often may be illusory andthere are signs of a local backlash against the influx of Westerners.

INTRODUCTION

Migration between the developed and developing world mostly flowsfrom the latter to the former, and for good reasons. Internationalmigrants typically seek better economic and political conditions (Cohen,1997; Castles, 2002; Castles and Miller, 2003) and prefer nations highon quality of life indices (Sirgy et al., 2006). Life in developing nations

* University of New South Wales, Australia.

� 2009 The AuthorPublished by Blackwell Publishing Ltd., Journal Compilation � 2009 IOM9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK, International Migration Vol. 47 (2) 2009and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. ISSN 0020-7985

doi:10.1111/j.1468-2435.2009.00517.x

can be harsh, average incomes are low and corruption and dictator-ships are widespread. Dire conditions in ‘‘failed states’’ such asSomalia induce life-threatening efforts to reach the affluent, safer West(Sorensen, 2006).

Some population transfer does go the other way, although often tempo-rarily. There is return migration and a flow of skilled Western expatriateworkers to fill diplomatic, military, missionary and aid work postings.Westerners help staff universities and company branches in many devel-oping nations, and many receive excellent ‘‘expat’’ salaries and housingto compensate for apparent hardship postings. Many live in wealthyenclaves, such as ‘‘white zones’’ in Central America (Harpelle, 2005) andgated communities in Manila. Another recent flow is of Western retirees,often for low living costs, warmer climates and better treatment of theelderly. Mexico, Costa Rica and the Caribbean island nations are popu-lar (Otero, 1997; Warnes, 2001). Parenthetically, retirees increasinglymigrate within the developed world, perhaps to a locale visited fre-quently as a tourist (Timothy, 2002). Some northern European retireesgo to southern Europe. Spain’s Costa del Sol has a large Britishenclave (O’Reilly, 2000). Many British retirees also go to Australia(Warnes, 2001).

But there also is a little- studied, large-scale migration of Westerners toone particular developing nation: Thailand. Some are on expatriatework assignments and some are retirees, but many fit neither categoryand here are dubbed ‘‘marginals’’. Many first visit as tourists and thenlive in Thailand for years, often on a small local salary, perhaps workingas an English teacher.

This migration to Thailand is interesting for several reasons. First, theflow of ‘‘marginals’’ is a ‘‘man-bites-dog’’ migration, evidently againstthe migrant’s economic and political interests. Many voluntarily acceptconditions that citizens of developing nations move abroad to escape.Thailand is more economically developed than most of its neighboursbut it still is a third world nation ranking well below Western nationson quality of life indices. It has systemic corruption and a questionablerule of law (Phongpaichit et al., 1998), political instability and lowwages. In 2003–4, the minimum daily wage in Bangkok was only 170baht (US$1 = 34 baht in late 2008) and the average monthly wage inThailand was just 7,037 baht (Anonymous, 2004). Westerners face addi-tional difficulties. Career prospects often are limited and Thai is a diffi-cult tonal language. Thai culture is very different, which may result in

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Journal Compilation � 2009 IOM

marriage difficulties as highlighted by Pirazzi and Vasant (2004). Fur-thermore, Thailand wants few migrants and deported 200,000 undocu-mented foreign workers after the 1997 financial crash (Chantavanich,1999). Westerner visa status often is precarious and most Westerners, atbest, have an annually renewable visa.

Indeed, anecdotal evidence abounds about negative experiencesin-country; Westerners down on their luck, even resorting to begging.The British honorary consul in Pattaya, a tourist and expatriateseaside enclave, deals with about 700 cases a year. Many are youngBritons jailed for working without a permit or for visa overstay. Somehave no money but want to stay on. They sleep on the beach and stealfood. Ziesing states that many Westerners in Thailand are troubledand desperate, with alcoholism widespread (1996). Some operate scamsagainst other Westerners. Many have money problems after beingcheated by other foreigners and ⁄or Thai women. A common scenariofeatures a Thai wife who spends all her much older husband’s moneyand then leaves. Anecdotal reports tell of foreign husbands beingevicted from houses they bought in their Thai wife’s name and ofwomen on their second or third foreign husband. Reportedly, somelong-term Western residents are burned-out and are cynical aboutmany Thais. Pattaya has several unexplained deaths each monthof Westerners.

Second, the flow to Thailand is interesting because of other unusualaspects. Most migrants are male and go without wives or children. Theirsocial assimilation apparently is rapid, despite the cultural and languagedifferences. Many quickly partner with a Thai, and some report havingmany Thai friends. Assimilation of ethnically different migrants can belengthy elsewhere and then may occur only by the acculturated secondgeneration (Alba and Nee, 1997). Different ethnic groups have intermar-ried at different rates in the United States (Sassler, 2005).

While there is a lack of research on this type of migration, Rodriguezand Cohen examine a peripherally related but very small migration fromthe former USSR to Costa Rica, a developing nation (2005). Accordingto its 2000 census, Costa Rica had about 600 such migrants, many ofwhom were women who had married Costa Ricans studying in theUSSR. Later migrants often migrated because of the worsening Russianeconomy or a hope to go on to the United States. Many Russians didnot feel well-assimilated in Costa Rica but could not or would notreturn to Russia.

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Existing Work on Western Migrants in Thailand

Little academic research exists on the flow to Thailand, but some pop-ular works exist. Some are how-to migration guides, based partlyon the author’s own experiences (e.g. Ziesing, 1996; Krieger, 2002;Terlecky and Bryce, 2006). Hopkins gives a somewhat sensationalizedaccount of the lives of some prominent Western expatriates in Bang-kok (2005).1 Some works combine the latter with tips on negotiatingThai culture (Redmond, 1998; Kolmodin, 2006). There are also severalwebsites and online forums that deal with expatriate experiences inThailand (e.g., Thai Visa, Mango Sauce, and Stickman’s Guide toBangkok).

Some Thai popular media reports have discussed the mia farang (whiteforeigner’s wife) phenomenon, involving a Thai female who marries aforeigner. An editorial in Thailand’s ‘‘The Nation’’ newspaper on 6 June2004 noted the increasing extent of such marriages, commenting on aThai government report. The editorial stated that 15,000 Isan (Thai-land’s northeastern provinces) women had Western husbands, and thatmany of these women lived overseas. Some villages in Isan have a miafarang corner, with a few houses built by and inhabited by Westerners. .In one village, 25 of 180 families had a mia farang as a family member.Many Isan girls now cite being a mia farang as their main career choice,which the editorial stated brings ‘‘... money, security, stability, an end tocrushing poverty, and ...community acceptance of ... choice in career’’.The mia farangs bring in at least one billion baht annually, an estimatedsix per cent of Isan’s income.

Some reports tell of increasing intolerance towards Westerners, perhapsbecause of the increasing numbers. Fuller highlights a growing backlashand a local perception that some Western residents are ‘‘low-end’’(2007), and mentions the local view that Thailand attracts some malesunattractive to women at home.. Fuller quotes a Thai former bank vicepresident expressing frustration about some such foreigners, ‘‘We aregetting a lot of weird retirees here. They can’t survive in your countryso they come here’’ (ibid). A posting on the Mango Sauce website on 11April 2007 highlighted a perception of ‘‘Thailand’s noticeably coolerattitude towards Western immigrants... those of us who choose to livehere are feeling less and less welcome’’. Internet expat forums discusshow some Thais increasingly use the term farang (white foreigner) withan undertone of contempt.

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There is little scholarly focus on Western migration to Thailand;although a few studies examine expatriate managers’ cultural interac-tions in Thailand (Stening and Hammer, 1992; Clegg and Gray, 2002;Fisher and Hartel, 2003). Cohen studied about 30 male ‘‘marginal far-angs’’ living in or visiting a Bangkok lane in 1981 to 1983 (1984). Theywere ‘‘marginal’’ because they did not fit usual expatriate categories anddid not take part in the wider expatriate community. Most were agedbetween 25 to 45 years old and came from varied educational and occu-pational backgrounds. Some drifted around various countries, othersoscillated between Thailand and work in the West, and a few haddropped out of a regular career due to a crisis such as divorce. Somesupported themselves by legal or semi-legal jobs and occasional involve-ment in criminal activities in Thailand, such as drug dealing. Their livesin Thailand centred on alcohol, drugs and sex; although some grew disil-lusioned eventually with the sex bar scene (described by Steinfatt, 2002).Some had only a little knowledge of and interest in Thai culture andlanguage. Cohen noted common initial enthusiasm about Thailandwhich could dampen into disenchantment and a cynical attitude towardsThais, caused primarily by unfortunate experiences with Thai women.Most moved out of this ‘‘dropout’’ existence after a few years but somepersisted indefinitely.

Humphery-Smith studied 28 Western women who had married Thais,whom they met mostly overseas, and who then moved to Thailand(1995). Some of these women had had romantic notions of a farawayland or thought they were going to Taiwan. Humphery-Smith recordedmany horror stories about such women, who lived in poverty within-laws and whose husbands’ behaviour had changed dramatically uponarrival in Thailand (Humphery-Smith, 1995). According to the womeninterviewed, husbands stayed out all night, led quite separate social lives,and even moved girlfriends into the house. Many interviewees confirmedsuch problems, saying they felt they hardly knew their husbands; oneinterviewee said, ‘‘We suffer a lot to live here’’. A quarter of thesewomen described their marriage as difficult; many felt marginal and thatthey would never feel completely accepted in Thai society. Somereported increasing resentment and hostility toward Westerners in Bang-kok, even as long ago as the mid-1990s.

Aims of the Present Study

Several interesting general research questions arise, some of which areaddressed by the present study. First, how many Westerners have moved


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to Thailand and what are their demographics? Do most fit the ‘‘low-end’’ male stereotype? Second, why do they migrate, often evidentlyagainst their best interests? Some go to expatriate jobs but why do themarginals go? Third, what are their experiences in-country? How welldoes the move work out and how many return home, and why? Are theanecdotal reports of problems representative? Fourth, what is Western-ers’ social and economic impact on Thailand? How is the influx ofracially and culturally different foreigners changing Thailand and howare Thais reacting to this influx? Are reports of an increasing backlashaccurate?

The present study addresses the first three of the abovementionedresearch questions. Specifically, the first aim was to estimate how manyWesterners have moved to Thailand. The second aim was to get someidea of their demographic characteristics. And the third was to gaugethe variety of motives for moving to Thailand and remaining in orleaving the country, as well as major problems confronted, their actualexperiences in Thailand, and their overall well-being and levels ofassimilation.

These questions were addressed through the use of several methods.Study 1 estimated numbers of Western residents from official statisticsand a survey of Western embassies. Studies 2 and 3 looked at theremaining questions, mostly using data from an online survey. The lattermethod allows for wide and diverse samples, and usually yields similarresults to traditional surveys (Birnbaum, 2004). Study 2 examined dataof the entire sample and Study 3 examined data of the migrants of par-ticular interest for migration theory, the ‘‘marginals.’’ The survey datawere supplemented by the author’s in-country observations and a scanof expatriate websites and forums.

But, first some details about Thailand are in order.

THAILAND

Thailand’s population is around 65 million. Thirteen per cent of Thaisare of Chinese descent, this population dominates business but, unlikeelsewhere in South-East Asia, is well-assimilated due to governmentpolicies (Chua, 2003). They speak Thai, have Thai names, and inter-marry with ethnic Thais. Most Thais are Buddhists, but the southernprovinces, where an insurgency rages, are predominantly Muslim. Thai

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society is highly stratified, and wealth is very unequally distributed; therichest 20 per cent hold 60 per cent of the wealth.

Thailand has several distinct regions, the poorest being Isan, which fewtourists visit. Many Isan residents migrate to the overcrowded capitalBangkok for work, often working in Thailand’s tourist-oriented sexindustry. Typically darker-skinned and with distinct facial features, theymay be discriminated against in Bangkok. The author’s impression isthat many Thai women who partner with Westerners are from Isan.Bangkok dwarfs all other cities and has good Western-style facilitiesand several Western enclaves, notably Sukhumvit and Khaosan Road(Howard, 2005).

Tourism is the major foreign exchange earner, with over 11 million tour-ist arrivals in 2004, about 60 per cent from East Asia. Major touristattractions are the friendly people, culture, low costs, warm climate, bea-ches, diving, and the sex industry. The latter exists in all tourist areas,particularly in Bangkok and the beach resorts Pattaya and Phuket. Thaiwomen, perceived as friendly and feminine, are a major lure. Thai pros-titution traditionally is warmer than its impersonal and disapproved-ofWestern variant (Steinfatt, 2002). In the West, there is a sharp boundarybetween relationships of prostitution and non-prostitution, but there isnot in Thailand. A relationship of prostitution may be ‘‘open-ended’’,without a sharp boundary between it and a normal relationship, whichmay confuse many Westerners (see Cohen, 2001). Even with typical rela-tionships between Thais, money can enter. Thai males are expected toshow affection by supporting girlfriends financially and they typicallypay a dowry on marriage. Thai females often support their parentsfinancially and repeated requests for money to Western males can be amajor relationship problem source (Pirazzi and Vasant, 2004).

Thai Immigration and Emigration

Thailand is both a receiving and a sending nation and is a transit pointfor people smuggling (Chantavanich, 1999; Huguet and Punpuing,2005). Huguet and Punpuing give a comprehensive overview of foreignmigration to Thailand and of Thai emigration, focusing primarily on theinflux from neighbouring countries (2005). Many thousands of Thaiswork abroad, male migrants usually work in low-skilled jobs suchas construction, while female migrants sometimes work as entertainers.As of 1996, 22,607 Thais migrated to the Middle East and 160,941 toother Asian nations (Chantavanich, 1999). In recent times, many go to


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Taiwan, as well. Huguet and Punpuing cite 148,600 Thais workingabroad in 2004, about 80 per cent of whom are male; these migrantsremit about US$1.5 billion annually (2005).

Thai government visa policies allow skilled migration into Thailand forshort periods but mainly aim to preserve Thailand for the Thais, discour-aging permanent residence (Iredale et al., 2004; Huguet, 2005). Legalimmigration rates are low (0 per 1000 according to the CIA WorldFactbook), however Thailand has over one million undocumented foreignresidents, mainly from neighbouring Myanmar, Laos, and Cambodia(Amarapibal et al., 2003). Permanent residence and citizenship are hardfor foreigners to acquire. Additionally, foreigners cannot own land. Vari-ous types of visa are available, but most require annual renewals. Evenafter marrying a Thai, permanent residence remains difficult. In 1998,Thailand introduced a retirement visa for foreigners aged over 50 yearsold, who had an amount of at least 800,000 baht in a bank account. Hold-ers of this visa cannot work and must first reside in Thailand for threemonths in order to be eligible for annually renewable visas. Apparently,the main government motive is financial. The author could not get anyofficial statistics on the number of retirees in the country from the Thaigovernment (Huguet and Punpuing, 2005, say that they also could not.Recently, permanent residence quotas of 100 maximum annually pernation were introduced, with citizenship possible only after 10 years con-tinuous residence. Again, it is unclear how many visas are actually offered.

However, individuals of different nationalities could get a free 30 daytourist visa upon arrival, with no apparent limit to the number ofrenewals after exiting Thailand and immediately re-entering. Companiesoffered ‘‘visa run’’ services, involving a quick return bus trip to a bor-der. Many lived in Thailand for years by monthly exits. This loopholewas closed in late 2006 and now only three visas on arrival are allowedin a six month period.

STUDY 1: NUMBER OF WESTERNERS LIVING IN THAILAND

The present estimate of the number of white Westerners currently living inThailand is based on official statistics and a survey of Western embassies.

Here, a Western nation is defined as one of the following countries: theUnited States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Israel,and those in Western Europe. The number is difficult to estimate and

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some typical indirect methods could not be readily applied (Zaba, 1987).Official statistics miss many individuals on successive tourist visas orwho reside only part of the year. Embassies have estimates and numbersregistered, but many citizens do not register. An oft-cited Thai mediaestimate is 100,000 white foreigners resident in Thailand, but its sourceis unknown. This number also includes whites from non-Westernnations in Eastern Europe and Latin America, which have low touristarrival numbers, except for Russia (see Table 1). Pattaya actually has asizeable Russian population, including many female sex workers.

TABLE 1

OFFICIAL STATISTICS AND EMBASSY ESTIMATES OF TOURIST ARRIVALS AND ⁄ OR

VARIOUS FOREIGN RESIDENTS. FOR THE WESTERN NATIONS, BLANK SPACES

MEAN THAT NO DATA WERE AVAILABLE

TouristArrivals2004

ResidentsThai

Census2000

ResidentsImmig.Dept.2002

ResidentsEmbassyEstimates2005–6

ResidentsEmbassy

Registered2005–6

Australia 396,959 1400 735 7000Austria 52,066 2000 450Belgium 53,565 1000–2000 625Canada 107,505 1400 268 8000Denmark 89,672 300 894 1000–1500Finland 72,230 1000France 252,458 700 968 7679 5679Germany 449,765 3400 1307 10,300–30,000GreeceIcelandIreland 2000 1000Israel 89,804Italy 119,639 600 381LuxembourgNetherlands 137,582 900 1079 7,000New Zealand 71,612 300 188 1,400*Norway 77,684 381 940Portugal 400 1190 240* 120South Africa 40,745Spain 52,386 390Sweden 223,031 100 592 400Switzerland 129,347 2200 614 4166 4166U.K. 634,750 2300 5577 21,338* 10,669U.S.A. 566,726 5200 2394 10,000–14,000Total above 3,736,492 19,200 16,568 98,453Eastern Europe 70,413Russia 118,966Latin America 28,444East Asia 7,070,994All nations 11,737,413

*Author’s estimate. See text for details.


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Official statistics are difficult to obtain. The author repeatedly wrote toand visited the Thai Immigration Department headquarters in Bangkokto secure official statistics or estimates and government policies concern-ing Westerners, but to no avail. Some data are given in the latest 2000Thai census (see Table 1).

Huguet and Punpuing had more success, gaining the Thai ImmigrationDepartment statistics shown in Table 1 and the following statistics: in2004, Thailand had 102,446 registered foreign professional workers,mostly from Asia, for example 18.4 per cent from Japan and seven percent from China (2005). They cite data from only three Western nations:the United Kingdom, with 6,880 workers, the United States, with 5,278,and Australia, with 2,630. They cite a Radio Thailand report statingthat 19,233 foreign students were studying in Thailand in 2003, but it isunclear how many are Westerners. They state the following figures ondetainees and deportees from the Thai immigration detention centre inBangkok: in 1999–2002, a total of 178,909 persons were detained(including 1,835 from Europe, 197 from North America and 78 fromAustralia and New Zealand) and 176,777 were deported (1,719 fromEurope, 180 from North America, and 65 from Australia and New Zea-land). In 2003, a total of 61,623 were detained (307 from Europe, 39from North America, and none from either Australia or New Zealand)and 61,930 were deported (310 from Europe, 38 from North America).According to Huguest and Punpuing, the Ministry of Labour reportsthat 503,000 individuals from 178 nations entered the nation legally butover-stayed their visas. In 2003, 82,341 were deported. The over-stayersin 2003 included more than 10,000 each from the United Kingdom andthe United States and more than 4,000 from Germany. Over-staying is aserious offence when apprehended in-country and may result in prisonand deportation. However, if an individual is detected at a border, he orshe is usually only charged a fine.

The author sent emails and ⁄or letters to all Western embassies or con-sulates in Thailand for estimates of their citizens living in Thailand,including the number registered, and how many of these individualswere retirees. Non-responders were phoned, which gained many moreestimates. A few stated that estimates were confidential, and severalstressed the difficulties of estimating numbers (also noted by O’Reilly,2000, for Westerners living in Spain). Some provided estimates and someprovided only numbers registered. Only a few had data on retirees, thusretiree data is not dealt with here. The number of individuals registeredmay or may not underestimate the totals. For instance, Switzerland

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requires all citizens living in-country for at least a year to register, butmost others do not. The embassies of Portugal and the United Kingdomprovided only registered totals, so these were doubled to estimate overallnumbers, but Switzerland’s was not. The embassy of New Zealand sta-ted that residence figures were confidential, however, since its ratio toculturally-similar Australia for census estimates and tourism arrivalsvery roughly equals that for their home populations (at 5 to 1) this sug-gests that there are about 1,400 New Zealand residents. Three countriesfor which the author not could get any embassy estimates for were: Ice-land, Luxembourg and Greece. These embassies have no official touristarrivals listings, perhaps because numbers are too few. None of theonline survey respondents came from these countries or from Portugal,but four respondents came from South Africa and three from Israel. Fif-teen survey respondents came from Ireland, but it is unclear why thereis no official tourist arrival count. Perhaps these arrivals are includedwithin the UK count.

Table 1 presents various official Thai statistics on immigration and tour-ist arrivals and the embassy estimates. Tourism statistics probably inflateactual visitor numbers in a sense, because Thailand is a hub for travelto Indochina and the same tourist may enter Thailand several times onthe same journey. Additionally, some arrivals are really residents onsuccessive 30 day visas. The 2000 Thai census figures and 2002 Immigra-tion Department totals of 19,300 and 16,568 Westerners are quite lowcompared to embassy estimates.

The embassy estimates have gaps for some Western nations, while someembassies give a range. Taking the midpoint of each range and addingall the estimates up yields an estimate of around 100,000 Westerners,including some non-whites. Adding a few thousand more for countrieswith no estimates and subtracting some for non-whites gives 100,000white Westerner residents as a rough estimate. So, the oft-cited mediafigure of 100,000 probably is not far off the mark.

Now let us examine the demographics, motives, and experiences in Thai-land of all surveyed Western migrants.

STUDY 2: OVERALL SAMPLE RESULTS

Study 2 aimed to answer the abovementioned questions concern-ing motives, experiences, and perceived assimilation, for all survey


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respondents. Data of all are presented in a separate section becauseWesterners in Thailand are very diverse and may have quite differentmotives for migrating, as well as different experiences living in Thailand.Someone on a generous expat package sent to Thailand by a companyhas different motives and perhaps has different experiences from aretiree or a young former tourist teaching English.

Method

Data were gathered using several methods. The author lived in Bangkokfor nearly six months in 2004 to 2005 and visited various provinces andsome Western enclaves for several weeks in 2005 to 2006. The authorobserved expatriate areas in Bangkok, such as Sukhumvit, where hespoke to many expats. The author also visited Pattaya, Chiang Mai,and the Isan cities of Khon Kaen and Udon Thani, which all haveWestern populations. The author attended one session of the PattayaExpats Association, which meets weekly. The author also scanned manyexpatriate websites and forums, in which Westerners discuss their ownimmigration experiences, as well as various issues.

The online survey took about ten minutes to complete and had twoforms. One form was for white Westerners currently resident in Thai-land for at least a year. The second was for white Westerners who hadlived in Thailand for at least a year, but no longer did so. The surveyasked for basic demographic data, reasons for moving to Thailand, whatthey liked least and most about Thailand, major problems in-country,and knowledge of Thai culture and language, and concluded with anopen-ended invitation for any general comments. Many questionsoffered several alternatives and an ‘‘other’’ category with invitations toexpand. Respondents who had left also were asked about reasons forleaving and if they would return under various circumstances (e.g.,winning US$10 million in a lottery).2

A survey advertisement specified that the survey was anonymous andwas limited to white Westerners, with several relevant countries specified(including Israel and South Africa), who had lived in Thailand for atleast one year. The advertisement stated that the survey purpose was tolearn about them and their experiences in Thailand. The ad and the sur-vey URL were mentioned on many websites for Western expats (such asFarangaffairs, Khaosan Road, Thai Visa, Stickman, and Mango Sauce),repeatedly on two newsgroups (soc.culture.thai and rec.travel.asia),and on the Expat page in Thailand’s ‘‘The Nation’’ English language

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newspaper. The author also published letters to the editor about thesurvey in several of Thailand’s English language newspapers and themagazine ‘‘Farang’’. The survey ran from 19 May 2005 until 20 March2006, by which time no respondent had posted for four weeks.

Results

The author checked all survey responses and eliminated 65. A fewseemed frivolous, some had pressed the form’s ‘‘submit’’ button multipletimes (only their first entry was retained), and a few specified non-Western nationalities (India, Singapore) or did not fit other criteria.Two persons filled out the survey twice, some months apart, an occa-sional problem with online surveys (Birnbaum, 2004). Their demograph-ics and responses were very similar, so the later completion waseliminated. This left 1003 respondents, of whom 312 had left Thailand.

Tables 2 to 6 present summary survey data. Unless otherwise stated,percentages are of the entire sample of 1003, including non-respondersto a question. Of the 1003 respondents, 691 currently lived in Thailandand 67 per cent of whom did so for 11 or 12 months each year. The 312who had left had lived in Thailand at different times, including a fewwho had lived in the country in the 1960s. The median length of stayfor those still in Thailand was 3.5 years (range 1 to 38) and mostintended to stay for life. For those who had left, the median length ofstay was only 1.75 years (range 1 to 20).

The first question concerns demographics. Table 2 shows that almost allrespondents are male, with a median age of 43 years old and a rangefrom 18 to 79 years old. The 34 female repondents included spouses ofThais or expatriate workers, and only a few who migrated indepen-dently. Most Western nationalities are represented, with UK and USnationalities as the most common. Some nationalities are underrepre-sented compared to embassy estimates, particularly German, probablylargely because the questionnaire is in English. A few respondents wereon diplomatic and military assignments. Others are retirees, expatriateworkers on contracts, and ‘‘marginals.’’ Most do not obviously fit the‘‘low-end’’ stereotype. Most are well-educated, with more than 60 percent having at least a bachelor’s degree. Their stated occupations in theWest were varied; journalist, academic, sales representative, manager,and among many others. Nearly half had a Thai spouse or live-in part-ner, but 27 per cent had never married. Most lived in Bangkok and themain tourist locales but a scattering lived elsewhere, including Isan.


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Another research question concerned migration motives. Anecdotallyand from the author’s in-country observations, a common migrationmotive is the availability of attractive sexual partners. Another is theappealing social life and welcoming attitude from locals. Thais seemwarm, friendly and polite, and friendships seem easy to strike up. Whilesuburban streets may be deserted in the West, in Thailand they are oftenreplete with street vendors, sidewalk restaurants, mini-bars and manypeople walking around. Thailand also lacks the overt ageism of theWest. The author often observed Western men, aged 60 years old orover, cavorting in bars like 20 year olds, which is quite acceptable inThailand. Other common motives from the author’s observations arepush factors, such as wishes to escape from various dislikes in the West,

TABLE 2

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ONLINE SURVEY SAMPLE. PERCENTAGES ARE OF THE

TOTAL SAMPLE, INCLUDING NON-RESPONDERS TO A QUESTION

All Respondents(N = 1003)

Marginals(N = 366)

Median age 43 years 38 yearsPercent male 96.61 96.99Most frequent nationalities

UK 30.71 33.61USA 29.01 24.04Australia 13.36 14.75Canada 5.38 5.46Netherlands 3.49 3.57Germany 2.99 3.57

Educational levelHigh school or less 16.25 20.22Some post-secondary 18.45 18.85Bachelors degree 38.99 43.99Postgraduate degree 26.02 16.39

Current marital statusMarried to Thai 30 27.32Live-in Thai partner 17.95 20.22Married to non-Thai 3.1 4.64Never married 27.12 34.7

ResidenceBangkok 54.59 56.56Pattaya 14.37 11.2Chiang Mai 6.49 8.57Phuket 5.79 6.01Hua Hin 1.5 1.64Ko Samui 1.1 1.91Other 16 15.85

Living 11 or 12 months a year in Thailand67 70.22

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particularly assertive Western women, political correctness, high livingcosts and cold winters.

What do the survey data show? Table 3 presents the stated reasons formigration; including eight sets of alternatives and a fill-in ‘‘other’’ cate-gory. A respondent could cite any number of reasons, and many weregiven. About a quarter had come to fill an expat job and about aquarter cited the push factor of disliking aspects of the West. The mostcommon were for Thai lifestyle, low living costs and Thai women ⁄men(e.g., attractive, available partners). The ‘‘other’’ category yielded manyresponses; some had joined family members or went to set up abusiness. Many had liked what they encountered as tourists. Commoncomments were; ‘‘Came for a holiday and ended up staying’’, ‘‘Visited

TABLE 3

STATED REASONS FOR MOVING TO AND LEAVING THAILAND. ANY NUMBER

COULD BE CITED. PERCENTAGES ARE OF THE TOTAL SAMPLE, INCLUDING

NON-RESPONDERS TO A QUESTION


Marginals(N = 366)

Reason ⁄ s moved to ThailandThai lifestyle 53.84 62.84Low living costs 41.67 43.72Thai women ⁄ men 36.49 47.54Climate 35.39 40.98Thai culture 31.42 37.98Dislike home country 27.22 36.34To take up job 26.42 0Other 16.05 22.13Thai partner returned 5.58 0

All Leavers(N = 312)

Marginals(N = 140)

Reason ⁄ s left ThailandFinancial 38.46 58.57Left expat job 33.65 6.43Disillusioned with Thailand 18.59 22.86Visa reasons 10.26 12.14Missed life in West 9.29 12.86Other 24.68 28.57

Would still leaveYes 53.21 52.86Uncertain 21.79 23.57No 23.08 22.14

Would return if won $10 million lottery 54.17 50


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the place three times as a tourist and fell in love with it, especially thewomen’’, ‘‘Arrived as backpacker, fell in love with the country andstayed’’, and ‘‘Lifestyle initially, though it paled quite rapidly.’’ Otherreasons were more idiosyncratic: ‘‘Thai food’’, ‘‘Adventure’’, ‘‘Newexperience’’, and ‘‘Girlfriend was here.’’

Three related open-ended questions give additional perspectives onmotives. One asked about the main advantages of living in Thailand,another about what they most liked about living in Thailand, and athird about what they missed least about life in the West. Common rea-sons cited in all questions included dislike of aspects of life in the Westsuch as taxes, competition, loneliness, high prices, and Western women.Comments were: ‘‘Escape from [the] rat race’’, ‘‘Age is respected and liv-ing is cheap’’, ‘‘Escaping Western women and culture’’, ‘‘Until I leftAustralia, I had no idea how miserable life [in Australia] was’’, ‘‘Neverlonely. Feel popular’’, ‘‘An abundance of women’’, I can live life as I

TABLE 4

VISA AND JOB STATUS IN THAILAND. PERCENTAGES ARE OF THE TOTAL SAMPLE,

INCLUDING NON-RESPONDERS TO A QUESTION


Marginals(N = 366)

Visa statusBusiness 27.31 23.590 day 22.14 30.8730 day tourist 14.76 18.31Retirement 11.96 0Other* 17.25 27.6

Job statusHold work permit 40.37 40.71Never held job while in Thailand 31.7 28.42Retirement pension only 9.77 0English teacher 14.26 28.96Dive instructor 1 2.19Bar work 1 2.19Via Internet in another nation 7.48 10.93Part-time in another nation 3.29 3.01Other 46.46 28.69

Main source ⁄ s of finance in Thailand(More than one could be cited)Savings ⁄ investments 37.39 49.73Local job on local salary 26.52 46.45Expat contract job 21.93 0Retirement pension 13.16 0Other 20.14 9.56

*The ‘‘other’’ category does not include those with permanent residence or stayingillegally.

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please’’, ‘‘I can have a sex life....unavailable in the U.S. for older men’’,‘‘Available women. Period.’’, ‘‘If you want cheap sex and booze, itsgreat’’, ‘‘Paradise for a single man’’, ‘‘I can immerse myself in a vibrant,fascinating culture’’, ‘‘No real stress’’, and ‘‘Paradise for farang if havemoney’’. Common responses about what was least missed about theWest were the people, who were described as aggressive, materialistic,miserable, and unfriendly), the weather, the cost of living (prices, taxes)and political correctness. These are some examples: ‘‘Oh what a longlist.’’, ‘‘... angry women’’, ‘‘Materialism... sterile, suburban neighbour-hoods’’, and ‘‘Political correctness’’. Ironically, a few specified immi-grants at home; ‘‘Filipino immigrants’’ and ‘‘Before ... I lived inLondon; a dirty, polluted, expensive, immigrant-infested dump’’.

Another research question concerned experiences in Thailand. How welldoes the move work out, how do they support themselves and how dothey spend their time? The majority of respondents still in Thailand werehappy with their move; most intended to stay for life, stating that theywould stay in Thailand if they won US$10 million in a lottery. Tworelated open-ended questions asked about what they liked least aboutliving in Thailand and what the main disadvantages of living there were.The most common problem (cited by 23.53% of the 1003) was languageand communication difficulties, followed by visa ⁄work permit issues

TABLE 5

KNOWLEDGE OF THAI LANGUAGE AND CULTURE. PERCENTAGES ARE OF THE

TOTAL SAMPLE, INCLUDING NON-RESPONDERS TO A QUESTION


Marginals(N = 366)

Knowledge of Thai cultureExcellent 15.15 16.12Good 54.14 54.92Some 26.92 25.14Little 2 2.46Little to none 0.9 5.46

Want to learn more about Thai cultureYes 59.92 59.02In between 28.41 29.23No 10.67 10.66

Fluency in Thai languageVery fluent 3.29 3.83Fluent 12.86 13.39In between 31.61 35.79Some 35.39 31.69Little or none 15.75 14.21


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(12.86%), racism from Thais (5.39%), local corruption (4.39%) and aperception of few or no legal rights for foreigners (3.69%). Commondislikes were being seen as an ATM, double pricing (foreigners payingdouble what Thais pay in many circumstances), a weak intellectual cul-ture, and the alleged lies and dishonesty of locals. Sample commentswere; ‘‘General low level of education’’, ‘‘Lack of educated friends’’,‘‘Mafia police’’, ‘‘Police extortion’’, ‘‘Thais are very racist but in a niceway’’, ‘‘No civil rights for foreigners’’, ‘‘After 12 years, Thais still try tocheat me out of money’’, ‘‘Being a foreigner and having no rights’’,‘‘Closed society, legal insecurity’’, ‘‘Dishonesty. Everything is false.You never know where you stand. It drives you crazy’’, ‘‘Danger justbelow the surface’’, ‘‘I do not trust Thai people. I cannot find friendshere’’, ‘‘Thais exclude farangs and treat them as an ATM’’, ‘‘Insincere,

TABLE 6

RATINGS OF WELL-BEING AND ACCEPTANCE IN THAILAND. PERCENTAGES ARE

OF THE TOTAL SAMPLE, INCLUDING NON-RESPONDERS TO A QUESTION


Marginals(N = 366)

Own well-beingExcellent 39.08 33.06Good 47.76 50.55Neutral 9.47 11.48Poor 2.39 3.28Very poor 0.3 0

Other farangs’ well-beingExcellent 20.14 14.75Good 54.84 54.37Neutral 17.95 24.59Poor 4.39 3.01Very poor 1.1 1.37

Acceptance of farangs in generalExcellent 11.27 9.02Good 47.96 44.81Neutral 25.42 29.78Poor 11.37 12.02Very poor 2.89 3.28

Feel accepted oneselfYes 55.03 49.18Somewhat 36.89 40.44No 6.78 8.2

Persons mainly socialized withOther farangs 46.06 41.26Thai friends 22.23 21.58Thai spouse 8.47 8.2Thais in bar scene 5.83 7.38Other 15.75 19.13

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dishonest people’’, ‘‘Non-stop lies and overwhelming corruption’’, and‘‘Being a powerless minority in such a corrupt environment’’.One notedthat ‘‘after a while you lose [the] connection to your homeland and cul-ture.’’ Some complained about other Westerners, calling them ‘‘low life’’and ‘‘ill-behaved’’ farangs.

How did they spend their time in Thailand? Many had jobs. Table 4shows that about 40 per cent held a work permit but some worked ille-gally. Many lived off pensions, savings and ⁄or investments. The tableshows much variation, with many jobs held. Some were on local salariesbut some were working on lucrative expat contract jobs. Many workedas English teachers. A few reported commuting to neighbouring coun-tries to work or living off rent on a UK house, for example, and someworked by sending and receiving information over the Internet. Themedian income for those who stated an income in Thailand was 90,000baht a month (N = 709). Some stated that career prospects for mostforeigners in Thailand were poor, and indeed, some gave this as areason for leaving. Others complained about the Thai working culture;‘‘...employers demand much and give little.’’ Table 4 shows that visastatus varies, but many were on successive 30 day tourist visas.

An open-ended question asked about main leisure activities. Commonlycited activities were similar to those in the West: reading, Internet use,playing golf, going to the cinema, going to the beach, and going to bars.A few just stated ‘‘work.’’

Why do migrants leave? The leavers cited many reasons, but most com-mon were financial (savings ran out or a job ended), poor assimilation,or to avoid their children being educated in the weak Thai educationsystem. Some were disillusioned with life in Thailand or its rigors, suchas visa runs, and some disliked its perceived weak intellectual culture.Most still were happy with their decision to leave but many expressedreluctance to have done so, and would return if they won US$10 millionin the lottery. Some comments were: ‘‘Right decision for my kids, butpersonally I would rather be there’’, ‘‘Not good for young children’’,‘‘Forced to leave, Thai family nearly killed me’’, ‘‘Always a tourist’’,‘‘Could not accept being a farang all my life and not being given achance to assimilate’’, ‘‘Thais look down on whites. They don’t like usand I got tired of it’’, and ‘‘Unfairness, corruption and racism.’’

Do the Westerners perceive themselves as well-assimilated into Thaisociety? Do they try to assimilate? Many factors may affect how well an


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individual assimilates; personality characteristics, attitudes, holding ofan expat job, and so on, but assimilation into any new society can bequite difficult. O’Reilly noted how poorly many British residents inSpain were assimilated into Spanish society, many speaking little Span-ish after many years of residence (2000). According to the author’sobservations and anecdotal evidence, Thais very much stick together,siding against foreigners. The author was struck by how quickly Thaisestablish a close rapport with each other. It also is an anecdotal com-monplace amongst foreigners that they will never be completely accepted(Hopkins, 2005). Thai visa policies also suggest exclusiveness.

There is evidence of poor assimilation. Many Westerners live in Westernenclaves, for instance. Western males complain of having no male Thaifriends, because there are no commonalities, which is echoed by somesurvey respondents (Ziesing, 1996). The author rarely saw Westernerswith Thai men. Even with Thai women, gaps in culture and educationallevel often are huge. Anecdotally, some foreigners report moving to Thai-land for the apparent friendliness of the Thai people but eventually hav-ing an ‘‘aha’’ experience in which they realized things are not what theyseemed and the apparent friendliness may have hidden motives. Somesurvey respondents echoed this; ‘‘Disillusioned with Thai people’’, ‘‘I real-ized the true face of the Thai people’’, and ‘‘Thais regard farangs with astrange mixture of disdain, amusement and opportunity’’. As notedabove, some respondents cited poor assimilation as a reason for leaving.

However, there is some evidence of good assimilation. As mentioned,nearly half had a Thai spouse or live-in partner, though many such rela-tionships really are based on money, and end if and when the moneyruns out. Overall survey responses suggest reasonably good perceivedassimilation for most and that most want to assimilate. Table 5 suggeststhat many do want to assimilate, stating that they have a good knowl-edge of Thai culture and want to learn more about it. Yet, many arenot fluent in the language, even after years of residence. Table 6 suggeststhat most had a good sense of well-being in Thailand. Most believedthemselves and other farangs, in general, were well-assimilated. A sam-ple comment was: ‘‘Overall I am happy here’’. However, Table 6 alsoshows that about half of respondents primarily socialize with other for-eigners or with Thais in the bar scene.

Some respondents reported poorer assimilation; about five per cent citedxenophobia and racism as what they liked least about Thailand. Somerelevant comments were: ‘‘There is no way a Westerner could ever start

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a meaningful relationship or friendship with a local. No matter howhard you try to assimilate, you’re still a foreigner’’, ‘‘[There is] extremeracism and resentment of foreigners’’, ‘‘Thais are a little racist’’, ‘‘West-erners cannot integrate here...we are basically unwanted’’, ‘‘Officials tendto regard farang as white trash’’, ‘‘Thais exclude farang and treat themas an ATM’’, ‘‘...the government and the people have it in for farangs’’,‘‘Impossible integration as a foreigner’’, ‘‘We are tolerated but notaccepted’’, ‘‘Hard to find a real proper niche outside the expat commu-nity’’, ‘‘Many expats lead segregated lives’’, ‘‘... rarely truly accepted’’,‘‘Thais hate us all underneath it all’’, and ‘‘Thais regard farangs as thirdclass citizens.’’

A final open-ended question asked for any general comments about thequestionnaire topics. Some comments reveal ambivalence towards Thai-land, and others suggest that would-be migrants need a few years to seeif living there really suits him or her. Comments were: ‘‘Heaven and hellin the same place’’, ‘‘Many foreigners who live here have a love ⁄haterelationship with Thailand’’, ‘‘We are all treading on eggshells’’, ‘‘Some[farangs are] really happy, but many have miserable lives’’, ‘‘Basically tolive in Thailand you need money...Cash is king’’, ‘‘Alcoholism is a prob-lem among many’’, ‘There are a lot of bitter and cynical farangs here’’,‘‘Good if you can adapt to the culture and way of life’’, ‘‘I see an increas-ing number of people struggling to survive on a grossly inadequateincome; 25 per cent are very happy, 75 per cent [are] depressed and notliving in the right place’’, ‘‘Living here is not for everyone. I see manyfarangs who I don’t think should be here because of their attitude. A lotof adaptation is required which is probably why many take their Thaiwives home’’, ‘‘Paradise if you have money but woe betide you if you runout’’, and ‘‘ Was very happy for vast majority of my time here, just wornout now..

Some non-stayers reported that living in Thailand was an overall goodexperience while others seemed little changed by it. Sample extremeswere: ‘‘Appreciated my life in the West more after living in a culture sodifferent’’ and ‘‘Just another place to work for me.’’

So, the overall results may be summarized as follows: motives are variedbut common ones are s preference for the Thai lifestyle and culture, attrac-tive partners and a warm climate. The stay apparently works out well formost in the short-term, but some complained of poor assimilation.

Now let us examine just the marginals.


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STUDY 3: SURVEY RESULTS AND OBSERVATIONS OF

‘‘MARGINALS’’

Study 3 examines survey and observational data of the’’marginals,respondents who migrated to Thailand for reasons other than an expa-triate job (such as diplomatic or aid work postings), or because a spousewanted to return, or to retire on a pension and ⁄or investments. Many inthis category arrived as tourists and decided to stay on after the first- ora later visit, in a perceived enchanted land. This category has vagueboundaries; individuals can shift between categories, some may becomeretirees, stay on, return after holding an expat contract job, or gain sucha position after spending some time in Thailand. Data on this group areparticularly interesting because of the ‘‘man-bites-dog’’ nature of theirmigration.

The author encountered many marginals in-country, a few apparentlydown on their luck. Two young Westerners were street vendors; one sell-ing clothes at the bar area, Patpong, and the other selling views of theMoon through a telescope at the backpacker tourist enclave, KhaosanRoad. Another young Westerner was begging in the Sukhumvit touristdistrict, claiming to need money to get home after being robbed. A rep-resentative example is ‘‘George’’, an Englishman aged about 50 yearsold who had lived in Thailand for nearly a decade and did not want toreturn to the United Kingdom. He had an estranged Thai wife. Heworked every night as a doorman outside a Western-oriented bar, bring-ing in customers, for 3000 baht a month. He stated that he also didsome website design and English teaching. He lived in one room, with anon-functioning air conditioner, in a Thai area. His philosophy was towear a broad smile in Thailand but to watch your back. He had beenphysically attacked several times by Thai men, once with a knife at 3am. He said that the police often would do little and recounted anothercase of a Westerner dead of multiple knife and gunshot wounds, whichpolice ruled a suicide.

A second example is ‘‘Hans’’, whom the author met briefly at Bangkokairport as he returned from a visa run to Vietnam. He was German,aged about 30 years old, and had lived in Thailand for four years, flyingout every 30 days. He worked over the Internet and did not want toleave. A third case is ‘‘Stickman’’, a 38 year old New Zealander, whomthe author has corresponded with but has not met. He arrived as a tour-ist and has lived in Thailand for over eight years, initially mostly

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because of Thai women. However, after some years ago, he married aThai. He now works as a teacher in Bangkok and also runs a detectiveagency. Much of his business involves checking on whether Thai bargirlswho are being supported by foreigners overseas have actually stoppedworking in bars (from his experience they usually have not). He set up avery popular website dealing with expat and tourist issues.

Method

Some quite strict criteria were applied to the online survey data toexclude expat workers, retirees and those who migrated for variousother reasons. Any individual who fell into one of these categories wasdeleted: went to Thailand for a job or to complete a course or whosespouse had migrated for these reasons (this included all diplomatic andmilitary postings and a few students), went specifically to start a busi-ness, and anyone who had married a Thai overseas. Also deleted wasanyone whose main source of income was a retirement pension, whowas on a retirement visa, whose Thai partner could not get a visa to theWest, who was an offshore worker (e.g., in oil) or whose income inThailand was a very substantial 200,000 baht a month or more. A sam-ple of 366 of the 1003 remained (11 female), with 226 still resident inThailand. Most of these individuals lived in-country for 11 or 12 monthsa year. Doubtless some other marginals were eliminated and the samplemay include a few who are not marginals.

Results

Tables 2 to 6 present the results, and rather surprisingly show few majordifferences between data of the marginals and the overall sample. Theyare a bit younger (median =38 years, range 19 to 66 years old) and lesseducated. Their median income was lower at 20,000 baht a month(range 0 to 150,000, N = 273 reporting an income). For those with ajob, the median income was 40,000 baht a month (range from 3,000 to150,000, N = 149). Nearly half had a local job on a local salary butmany lived on savings and ⁄or investments, some reporting no incomefrom work in Thailand. Many worked as English teachers while otherswere journalists, had started businesses, or worked in several jobs. Onestated, ‘‘I have run a food stand, a breakfast bar and managed an apart-ment building and cafe.’’

The median length of stay for those still in Thailand was 2.5 years(range 1 to 32, N = 226) and for those who left, 1.75 years (range 1 to


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20, N = 140). Reasons for migrating and leaving were roughly similarto the overall sample, except that none had come to an expat job andnone was a retiree and more had left for financial reasons. Morereported reasons of liking Thai lifestyle, disliking their home country,and liking Thai women. As one put it, ‘‘I think most men are here forthe women.’’ Various ‘‘other’’ category reasons for migrating were;‘‘Met girl’’, ‘‘For unusual experience’’, ‘‘People suck in my country’’,and ‘‘[I came for the] party atmosphere.’’ A few had secured an expatjob while in Thailand, reporting its end as a reason to leave. Other rea-sons for leaving were, ‘‘Relationship breakdown’’, ‘‘Life here is toocheap’’, ‘‘Felt it was time to come home’’, ‘‘Had enough of visa runs’’,‘‘Girlfriend wanted me to make a life with her in the West’’, ‘‘After get-ting married, could no longer survive on a Thai salary’’, ‘‘Felt I neededto use my brain more than I did in Thailand’’, and ‘‘Motorcycle acci-dent’’. Some reported the other Westerners in Thailand as a reasonto leave; ‘‘Hated foreigners in Thailand’’ and ‘‘Dealing with lowlifescumbag.....Westerners’’.

General comments also reflect experiences and views like those of theoverall sample; ‘‘Initially Thailand seems like a dream come true. Aftertime, the novelty wears off and one sees the real Thailand. Warts andall, I still enjoy living in Thailand... issues are rights to own land, notbeing fully accepted.... Will I end up like some washed-up Westernerwith nothing to show for my life?’’, ‘‘Most proper expats earn fabuloussalaries and can afford a much more comfortable lifestyle than backhome’’, and ‘‘Periods of loneliness were difficult.’’ Some commentsreflect extreme views – either happiness or sadness about living in Thai-land. Some comments also reflect a negative impression of other farangs;‘‘Westerners do not generally prosper in Thailand’’, ‘‘Don’t move here’’,‘‘Thailand attracts marginal, dysfunctional farangs’’, and ‘‘Farangstigma is fuelled by an influx of sex-crazed barflies.’’ Some were veryhappy; ‘‘Will probably die here, and even if it was next week, I feel Ihave had enough happiness for one lifetime-every week!’’, ‘‘I considermyself extremely lucky to be able to live here for the rest of my life’’,and ‘‘Most people go through life looking for something, when I foundThailand I found what I was looking for.’’

So, to summarize, responses of marginals overall were not that differentfrom those of the overall sample. This is partly because they are a largeproportion of the overall sample, but also perhaps because manyexperiences of Westerners and their motives for moving to Thailandmay overlap.

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CONCLUSION

The main findings may be summarized as follows. The oft-cited mediafigure of 100,000 is a reasonable rough estimate of numbers of Western-ers living in Thailand. The online survey data suggest that the Western-ers predominantly are male, but are otherwise quite diversedemographically. Many survey respondents are not ‘‘low-end’’, despitethe stereotype, although it is unclear how representative the survey sam-ple is of the overall population. Many are graduates and professionals.The author’s fieldwork suggested that some Westerners indeed really arefairly ‘‘low-end’’ and, particularly by Thai standards, may seem gaucheand insensitive. Some survey comments echoed this view (‘‘Thailandattracts marginal, dysfunctional farangs’’). My observations confirmedthese instances of insensitivity; once on Bangkok’s overhead monorail‘‘Skytrain,’’ the author observed a young Western male clad in shortsextend his very long and hairy leg halfway across the space in front ofan adjacent seat, oblivious to its Thai female occupant who was visiblyshrinking away.

The present study found that common reasons for migration were anappreciation for the Thai lifestyle and culture, the warm climate, low liv-ing costs, and the availability of attractive sexual partners, particularlyfor the marginals. However, many survey respondents migrated to Thai-land because of an expatriate position or they disliked some aspects oflife in the West. Indeed, some are economic migrants, as their expatriatesalaries or their savings, investments, and pensions go much further inlow-cost Thailand. Previous studies of Western retirees in other coun-tries show climate and low living costs as powerful lures (Otero, 1997;Warnes, 2001). However, many marginals accept low incomes, poorcareer prospects, and visa insecurity to live in Thailand. Their majormotives often are two powerful rewards perhaps lacking in the West; theavailability of attractive sexual partners and of many opportunities forsocial interaction with warm, friendly people. Indeed, Pirazzi and Vasantgive a Thai perspective on the loneliness and sterility of much Westernlife compared to Thailand’s rich social life, which many Westerners findso appealing (2004). Therefore, the present study extends migration the-ory by adding to the list of common migration motives and by showingan interesting example of a strongly gendered migration.

Another major aim was to see how well the move works out and howwell assimilated the Westerners feel. The move apparently works out


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well for many, at least in the short-term, often they plan to stay for life.Despite anecdotal tales of many problems in-country that were men-tioned earlier, most survey respondents reported feeling well-assimilatedand content. However, assimilation may be illusory for many. Apparentacceptance may be just on the surface and impoverished Westernersmay get little sympathy. Some survey comments were; ‘‘This heaven canquickly become hell for the unwary’’, and ‘‘Farangs are accepted asguests to bring in money but [not] to live as equals, citizens’’. A websiteposting noted, ‘‘Things can go wrong or quickly turn sour in this coun-try... I know more than a few people who ... after a while are literallyscreaming to get away from Thailand!’’ Indeed, for a few respondents,poor assimilation was a motive to leave. Also, many survey respondentsreported socializing mainly with other foreigners. Many Westerners livein Western enclaves; there is an expat community, with expat associa-tions and clubs. The atmosphere at the Pattaya Expats Associationmeeting attended by the author was very jovial. Many members seemedpreoccupied by health concerns, and much of the meeting featured atalk by a local doctor on new diagnostic equipment. However, there islittle evidence for networks aiding migration, as with much ethnic migra-tion elsewhere, aside from advice on websites and in how-to books(Alba and Nee, 1997). Probably few need such advice, given the relativewealth of Westerners and their previous visits to Thailand as tourists.

Furthermore, although a major motive for migration is for making theacquittance of Thai partners, it is a commonplace opinion thatThai ⁄Westerner relationships have many problems. Age, cultural, andeducational gaps between partners often are large, a major risk factorfor marriage stability. The author observed many mixed couples in expatareas and, although the usually much older Western male often seemedquite content, few Thai women did. Thai women often are in such rela-tionships for the money, and seemed happier when paired with the Thaimen, with whom they share a common culture. Anecdotal reportsabound of Thai wives having Thai boyfriends or even husbands ofwhom the foreign husband is unaware. As one survey respondent put it,‘‘The girl told me lies from the first time I saw her. I was supporting herfamily and two Thai husbands.’’ Posts on expat websites repeatedly ech-oed this scenario, especially common after marriage to a former sexworker, who may only simulate romance (Steinfatt, 2002). One post onthe expat website Mango Sauce likened the Thai reality for Westernersto the film ‘‘The Matrix’’ where humans live in an illusory computer-projected world; ‘‘Thailand is the Matrix but as long as you don’t wakeup then who cares.’’

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A key factor in satisfaction may be length of stay. The median lengthof stay in the survey sample still resident in Thailand was only3.5 years. After some years, perceptions may sharpen, negatives eventu-ally may outweigh positives, or values may change. The disadvantagesof living in a developing nation with visa insecurity may become moresalient. Upon marriage and children, for instance, Thailand may loseits major appeal of many available partners. Some long-term residentsbecome ambivalent about Thailand and some become disillusioned.Cohen also found that initial enthusiasm tended to wane and some inHumphery-Smith’s study also had soured on Thailand (Cohen, 1984;Humphery-Smith, 1995). Cited problems are poor career prospects, theweak intellectual culture, cultural differences, and shallow personalrelationships. One survey respondent said, ‘‘Initially great, eventuallyworse than home. Real honest friendships and relationships sadly lack-ing’’. Indeed, Humphery-Smith (1995) noted that some respondents feltlonely, saying that close friendships were rare amongst Thais. One web-site poster said, ‘‘The next stage of staying too long is to get a regulargirl in when you’ll be sharing the delights of pidgin English, misunder-standings and the loneliness of not being understood....’’. Some reportthat after some years there, when they can speak Thai well, local Thaislose interest in them. Some survey respondents cited a four year honey-moon period and then a downward satisfaction spiral; ‘‘In the begin-ning it was great and after four years I had enough’’, ‘‘Most farangs Iknow become worn down after ten years or so and return home. Thehoneymoon period lasts for about four years’’. The practical implica-tion is that any would-be migrant should give the move a few yearstrial and should ensure that the bridges back to the West are intact ifit goes wrong.

The present study has several limitations, including that the surveysample is large but it is not clear how representative it is of the over-all Westerner population; Germans are underrepresented and the sur-vey only focuses on whites. The problematic marginals may beunderrepresented as well, and future research might investigate thisinteresting group further. Length of time in-country for many alsowas not great. Some in the sample reported being gay, but too fewdid for a meaningful analysis of their experiences. The survey samplehad few women, and further research might look at women migrants,as anecdotal evidence suggests that many women who migrate aloneoften soon leave, since they lack the compelling sexual motive ofmany males. Some female respondents report that Western males in-country are not interested in them; one survey respondent complained


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of a ‘‘... lack of single intelligent Western men interested in farangwomen’’ and another said ‘‘farang men here seem interested in onlyThai women.’’

Further research could tackle various other issues, including the long-term viability and welfare of the Westerner population determined toremain long-term, especially retirees. Some major problems are visainsecurity and possible rising living costs. Thailand still may turn intoa more expensive more economically advanced nation. Currently, thebaht is undervalued against the US dollar according to the Economistmagazine’s ‘‘Big Mac’’ index but rose about 20 per cent from 2006to 2007. A continuing rise may render staying on difficult for thoseon overseas-sourced pensions and investments. Another issue is thetypes of social services, which might be needed for a future elderlyWestern population. This has becomes a concern amongst Britishretirees in Spain, for example, with their reduced capacity for inde-pendent living and their weak or disrupted ties with the United King-dom (Hardill et al., 2005). Lloyd-Sherlock, for instance, documentsthe many problems of older Thais. Medical services in Bangkok aregood and inexpensive (2006). A related issue is what happens to thesecond generation. Many Westerners have children with Thais, andtheir future acculturation and acceptance is another topic of interestfor future research.

Further research might also examine the Western enclaves in Pattaya,Phuket, and Sukhumvit and the small clusters of Westerner-occupiedhouses in some Isan villages. The large enclaves have an interestingsocial setup, with few Western women and many mixed couples.Researchers also might look at the marginal Western populations inLaos, Cambodia, and the Philippines. Reportedly, some Westerners pre-viously resident in Thailand moved to Cambodia due to the 2006 limiton visas-on-arrival.

More research is needed on the social and economic impacts of theWesterner influx – both migrants and tourists. Thailand gains economi-cally from highly skilled migrant workers, who start up businesses, bringin investments and pensions, and spend on new housing construction.Tourism is the major foreign exchange earner and the livelihood ofmany Thais. However, mass tourism has expanded the sex industry andhas had environmental drawbacks. In popular areas such as Ko Samuiand Phuket, the main Thai tourism pattern has been rampant over-development and destruction of the natural environment (Cohen, 2001;

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Westerhausen, 2002; Kontogeorgopoulos, 2003). Locals sometimes areforced off their land with little compensation.

Despite the reports of a backlash against Westerners, currently theoverall impact of Westerners may not be perceived as terribly nega-tive because they are seen as bringing in money and providing jobsfor Thais. Indeed, 100,000 residents is a not a large proportion. How-ever, Thais may not readily differentiate the social impact of Westernmigrants from that of the many tourists. There are some data onThai views of tourists, which may give some indication of attitudestoward Westerners in general. Thai newspapers often stereotype West-erners as free-spending holiday-makers, undiscriminating investors,and rich potential husbands. In a radio interview heard by theauthor, Thai-American author Rattwut Lapcharoensap stated that asa child in Bangkok he wondered what tourists were coming to Thai-land to see and how they had so much leisure time. He also notedThailand’s concern about its image as a sexual Disneyland. Howardsurveyed views of Thai visitors and street vendors in Khaosan Road(2005). While most were positive, many visitors had little interest inmeeting foreigners; they liked the area’s international atmosphere(Howard, 2005). Their travel to Thailand is similar to the way West-erners visit a Chinatown in a Western cities, because the area seemsexotic and like being in a foreign country (Timothy, 2002). Moststreet vendors held were positive impressions, commenting that ‘‘tour-ists friendly, cordial’’, ‘‘know many tourists and see [sic] about tour-ists’ lives’’, and ‘‘tourists are OK.’’ However, a few were quitenegative; ‘‘Not good manners’’, ‘‘Tourists drunk and want cheapprices’’, and ‘‘Many tourists have bad habits and temper. [Are]Bull[ies]. and [are] Cheap Charlies.’’

The present study has some policy implications. Thailand might look attax arrangements for retirees and should consider improving visa condi-tions. Westerners are welcomed primarily as short stay tourists or astemporary skilled workers. Many survey respondents complained aboutthe difficulty of obtaining permanent residence and about their insecurevisa status. Retirees must renew their visa annually and so take quite arisk if they have sold property at home but eventually must return dueto non-renewal. The Thai goverment might also look at extending stayson work permits and making permanent residence easier for foreigners,especially for those with Thai partners. Many Thais live and work per-manently in other nations and perhaps their visa arrangements could bereciprocated.


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NOTES

1. Here, an expatriate is defined as any Western resident. A genre of booksdocuments positive experiences of Westerners living in Thailand, for exam-ple Wormsley (2000).

2. Survey form copies are available from the author.

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