Jessica K. Clotfelter

Household Archaeology

Where Are You, Red Fox?

I. Introduction

“One-room schools are iconic emblems of America’s rural past, are mythologized as

material testaments to a simpler time, are conjured as symbols of traditional values, and are focal

points of community place making and identity” (Beisaw and Baxter 2017). Many of America’s

first institutions for learning have been lost due regional consolidation and poor preservation

practices. Unfortunately, this was the case for the Red Fox (also known as Walker and Sand

Creek) schoolhouse located in northwestern Windsor, Illinois. Schoolhouses are some of the first

shared spaces established and used by a community that served as a mechanism for unity and

autonomy (Beisaw and Baxter 2017). It is because of the establishment of these schoolhouses

that the next generations of Americans could obtain education that would otherwise have been

difficult, albeit, impossible. The sad reality is that these structures are often overlooked even

when the proper steps have been taken to relocate and preserve them. What makes the Red Fox

schoolhouse particularly interesting is that it was turned into a residential household after it shut

its doors. The household, as defined by Wilk and Rathje, is “the most common social component

of subsistence, the smallest and most abundant activity group” and stresses that it most

commonly contains the “nuclear family or its fragments” (Wilk and Rathje 1982). This definition

best fits the use of the structure by Grace and Bumps Klein, thus the term household will be used

when referencing the structure under their ownership. The structure change is another aspect the

needs to be looked at critically, as both structures can easily fall under the field of household

archaeology. While I argue that institutions such as one-room schoolhouses can be defined as a

household, I do not have the luxury to delve further on that topic at this time. While household

archaeology is a newer concept in archaeological theory and methodology, there have been

critical, positive strides made within this subfield. I have combined the works of April Beisaw,

James Gibb, and Charles Orser to take a closer look at the archaeological methodology and

theory surrounding historical schoolhouses. In doing so, I am enthusiastic to look at the Red Fox

schoolhouse as a future research and excavation project to rediscover its untold story. By

revisiting the history behind Red Fox, and later the Klein home, I can connect history with the

present, and create deeper sense of community and kinship by exploring the heritage and

memory that is still present within these two structures.

II. History of the Red Fox Schoolhouse and Klein Home

As in most historic archaeology, one must first understand into which the history and

historical context a site or structure falls. Red Fox schoolhouse was built in 1866 in Windsor

Township (Tregillis 1984). This is

interesting because it is right after the end

of the Civil War, when participating states

were still reeling from its effects. While

Illinois’ infrastructure did not suffer like

the southern states, it sadly had the second

highest Union casualties (Portland State

University). Given that half of the troops

provided by Illinois were farmers from agricultural

communities, this significantly took a toll on rural communities whose young men never

returned home (National Park Service). With a significant

Figure 1. Red Fox schoolhouse circa 1911. Photo courtesy of Luzetta Ferguson

amount of the workforce gone, the emergence of this schoolhouse could be representative of, or

an outlier of, capital and economic trends in the area. Red Fox schoolhouse closed in 1946 due to

consolidation which was common in this

time. The property was purchased two years

later by John and Hester Gaston, who lived

close to the schoolhouse (Tregillis 1984).

Hester was a teacher at this school for several

years and her children attended as well1. Most

of the history obtained came from the oral history that was kindly given to me by Luzetta

Ferguson, daughter of John and Hester. It is

unknown now what occurred, or did not occur, at

the schoolhouse for the interim two years before it

was purchased by the Gastons. In 1954 the land was

sold to Grace and Bumps Klein, again, I would like

to stress that, presently, I do not know how the

structure was being used between the time the Gastons

purchased it, and subsequently sold it to the Klein family. What is known is that Grace and

Bumps converted it into a home, or household, which herein lies my research interests:

identifying structure change, capital investment, economic trends, heritage and memory, and

abandonment.

Sadly, Mr. Klein passed away in 1963 and just four years later Grace was notified that

her land was being seized by state powers to construct Lake Shelbyville and Wolf Creek State

1 Luzetta Ferguson, interview by Jessica Clotfelter, April 29, 2017

Figure 2. Red Fox schoolhouse circa 1936. Photo courtesy of Luzetta Ferguson

Figure 3. Conversion under Klein ownership. Photo courtesy of John and Carol Ropp.

Park (United States Army Corps of Engineers 1964). While she vehemently fought again these

powers, whether by writing Walter Cronkite, J. Edgar Hoover, Supreme Court Justices, and the

Committee for Un-American Activities, or taking the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and the

United States Government to court, her home was tragically demolished in 1968. At the time of

the demolition, the structure was 102 years

old2. Petitions and suggestions were made

by Grace Klein and the community to

allow the structure to stand and serve as a

welcome center for Wolf Creek State Park.

The history of this site is

unfortunately not well documented, but the

oral histories given by Luzetta Ferguson and

John and Carol Ropp proved invaluable for this research paper. Without the strict preservation

efforts by the Ropp family, many, if not all, pictures and documents of the structure would have

been lost to history, as would the phenomenal evidence of Grace’s resistance. The same goes for

Luzetta Ferguson, who at 91 years old, provided pictures of

the structure from the early 20th Century. Luzetta also

provided critical ethnographical data and oral history in

regards to the schoolhouse. Beisaw and Gibb state that

schoolhouses serve as a critical mechanism of “transferring

cultural practices that promote community survival” which

is why this history cannot be lost (Gibb and Beisaw 2005). It

2 John Ropp, interview by Jessica Clotfelter, May 2, 2017.

Figure 4. Loft addition by the Klein’s. Photo courtesy of John and Carol Ropp.

Figure 5. Photo courtesy of John and Carol Ropp

allows us to understand a different paradigm in, not only Illinois history, but Windsor Township

as well. I object to the idea that this history is either too lengthy or unnecessary because as

historic archaeologists, this data serves as the foundation for our research interests. Moreover,

documenting a significant aspect of rural history is valuable beyond measure as we will

encounter a point in time where first-hand knowledge and oral histories will not be available to

use. Furthermore, with a century of historical data, albeit brief, I feel confident that a holistic

view and understanding of the site will be understood.

III. Theory

The father of historic archaeology, Charles Orser, focuses on four areas of research which

includes “analytical scale, capitalism, social inequality, and heritage and memory” (Orser 2009).

In regards to capitalism and structure improvement, this is also something that Beisaw, Baxter,

and Gibb all look at. Evidence for “capital investment, repair and maintenance, expansion, and

aesthetics” can be found in the archaeological record as described by these researchers as well

(Gibb and Beisaw 2005). Through the materials found at the site, one can look at when

electricity and indoor plumbing were added to the structure. Also, we might be able to see the

change between the use of slate and slate pencils to paper and lead pencils, and the addition of

tile floor. These are described as “representing different levels of capital investment” that could

give insight to not just the values of education but the economic status of the community at a

given time (Gibb and Beisaw 2005).

Heritage and memory are also highly valued and pertain greatly to the Red Fox

schoolhouse and its conversion into a household. Orser states that historical archaeology has

always been about heritage and in the research and oral histories of my site I found that to be

overwhelmingly true (Orser 2009). As previously stated, archaeologists must “comprehend the

sociohistorical context of the times” to create and understand the heritage surrounding it (Orser

2009). Historical research is critical along with oral history and ethnography when it comes to

the Klein household because of its tragic forced abandonment. The subsequent residual

emotional response from community members, corroborate Orser’s description of heritage as

“the association between monuments and the sociohistorical moments of their creation and

erection” (Orser 2009). To apply this concept with Red Fox, I argue that the schoolhouse serves

as the historical community monument, and combined with the Klein household, which serves as

a symbol of intrusive state powers, the sum equates to the creation of the sociohistorical moment

that is Grace Klein’s forced removal. Within my community, which is where this site is located, I

realized that individuals without a direct tie to either the schoolhouse or Grace Klein exuded a

created memory and emotional tie to the space. This fits Orser’s model that the “meaning of

heritage and the ways in which memory has been created, used, and manipulated” have been

studied by historical archaeologists (Orser 2009). This idea of created memory is not specific to

my site but is a common theme among many. I find this fascinating and take it as a sort of both

individual pride in community and collective pride.

Another aspect of theory pertaining to schoolhouses, mentioned quite frequently by

Beisaw, Baxter, and Gibb, is that of resistance and distrust. While schoolhouses are often thought

of as “innocent” institutions, their resistance to state orders is often overlooked (Beisaw and

Baxter 2017). After schoolhouses of the late 19th century had been established, they became the

targets of “external forces that wished to reform, regulate, and standardize education” (Beisaw

and Baxter 2017). Outside forces coming into a small community to dictate the quality of and

how their students would be taught quite obviously created tensions between state powers and

community residents (Beisaw and Baxter 2017). These archaeologists also make a valuable point

in that “the reasons why communities did not or could not embrace or enact state reforms were

undoubtedly complex and highly local, but they likely involved resistance to reform on both

ideological and financial grounds” (Beisaw and Baxter 2017). Beisaw’s Oella schoolhouse in

Maryland demonstrated the community's attitudes toward state involvement in education and can

be used as a great example of how this can be seen in other historic school houses (Gibb and

Beisaw 2000). Given that Red Fox was such a small schoolhouse and Windsor was a town

dependent on agriculture, their resistance could come from a place of ill financial and economic

status. I want to explore how Windsor Township responded to these demands and

recommendations to see if there is evidence of resistance. Schoolhouses are a direct reflection of

community values and organization so if there is evidence of resistance it is likely that it

positively correlates with community attitudes of the time. Resistance by Grace Klein can also be

seen in the historical record as she vehemently fought the government for four years to save her

land. It is quite possible that signs of her resistance could be seen in the archaeological record as

well. A woman who is sending letters to Walter Cronkite, J. Edgar Hoover, and United States

Congressmen is not one to go quietly into the night. Her resistance could manifest as additional

structures or articles that would have made demolition harder. For example, the day federal

officials came to her house to forcibly remove her, she had refused to pack up her things and

simply go. She forced the United States Army Corps of Engineers to pack up all her belongings

and store them for her. It is possible that we might see material evidence of this if anything had

been improperly discarded by state powers or accidently deposited because of the “move”.

Distrust has unfortunately followed this site, from the powers dictating how this school

should have been operated, and the government that seized Grace Klein’s home3. “Historical

archaeology of specific schools reveals the tensions encoded in these buildings,” those tensions

are what lead to distrust of the outsiders that are “criticizing local efforts” (Beisaw and Baxter

2017). Beisaw and Gibb ask the question “with oral histories, reminiscences, and photographs in

hand, why entrust further work to an outsider” (Beisaw and Gibb 2003). If any excavation or

physical anthropological work should be done at Red Fox in the future, what will the

community’s response be? I feel that as I am a member of the community I might be met with

more accepting attitudes as opposed to an outsider entering the community for this work.

However, with the history and turmoil surrounding the structure, will the attitude from the

community be more suited for that of a grave, cemetery, or sacred site? In short, “do not disturb

this respected space any further.” Perhaps there will be a reluctance to allow or support such a

research project due to the fear that the archaeological record will contradict the accepted beliefs

surrounding the site (Beisaw and Gibb 2003). Oppositely, will the community embrace this sort

of study out of curiosity of what the artifact assemblage can do? According to Beisaw and Gibb,

this can enhance “local knowledge of, and appreciation for, this all–but–forgotten rural school”

and the life and persistence of Grace Klein (Beisaw and Gibb 2003). Grace exuded a reluctance

to share her collection of pictures, documents, letters of resistance, etc., due to a very

understandable development of pain and distrust4. Over its 100 years of history, it is sad to think

that this structure was met and dictated by outside powers until it’s unfortunate forced

abandonment. However, is it because of the efforts of individuals who refuse to let this site be

3 John Ropp, interview by Jessica Clotfelter, May 2, 2017.

4 Ibid.

forgotten, who preserve critical archival and historic data, and orate history to other individuals,

that this site has never truly been abandoned?

IV. Problems and Limitations

I feel it is important to understand the gaps in the research and methodology in order to

fully understand the site. While I commend April Beisaw and James Gibbs for carrying the torch

of archaeological theory and methodology surrounding schoolhouses, I found several holes

regarding their work. In “Theory and Method in Schoolhouse Archaeology”, which they co-

authored, Beisaw and Gibbs conduct their research on schoolhouses that are either still standing,

or whose previous location is well documented due to a relocation for preservation purposes.

This requires the structure to be completely or, at least, partially intact. Unfortunately, this does

not pertain to Red Fox as it has been demolished and pictures vital to understanding the

architecture and materiality are very scant. Beisaw has been fortunate to know exact locations of

schoolhouses even without the extant structure. These researchers state that “the history of [the

community’s] schoolhouse is buried in the memories of their long-time residents and can be

learned through diaries, historical photographs, and interviews (Beisaw and Gibb 2003).

However, how likely is it that these exist or are attainable by the researcher? What would their

alternative suggestions be? Can my research questions and goals be reached?

Schoolhouse aspects such as the “architecture, furnishing, equipment, and personal

belongings” were specifically listed as being extremely vital (Gibb and Beisaw 2005). However,

without pictures or documentation of the interior schoolhouse in the early 1900’s, I will not be

able to collect the material data suggested. Records such as purchase receipts or construction

receipts were not specifically suggested by Beisaw or Gibb but again, one would be lucky to find

such data.

Another aspect that problematized my specific site was the lack of Board of Education

publications or school inspector reports of Red Fox. Regarding Beisaw’s research of the Oella

Schoolhouse in Maryland, she relied heavily on a review of historic maps, school inspector

reports, and state specific Board of Education reports (Beisaw and Gibb 2003). In my

preliminary research, I have not found such documents but this could be because of my reliance

on digital records. While Illinois Board of Education reports and policy might have been

published and disseminated, it is important to keep in mind that many rural communities might

not have had the resources or supports to fully implement them, thus would explain why many

individual school inspector reports might not exist. An example of this is included in Beisaw and

Gibb’s work at the Oella schoolhouse. They state that schoolhouses “can demonstrate a

community's attitudes toward state involvement in education, as the Oella School site suggests in

terms of its adherence to a state recommended, but at the time of construction no longer

mandated, plan for building and furnishing the schoolhouse” (Gibb and Beisaw 2000).

As with any new archaeological field, there will be kinks to sort out and methods to be

improved upon. I am confident that the field of archaeology will reach a point where historic

research alternatives to approaching schoolhouses will be determined, and can help investigate

sites that are in ruins or have been demolished.

V. Data and Research Methods

I have introduced some problems in research methods pertaining to publications of

Beisaw and Gibb and would like to introduce avenues I utilized in my research. I began looking

at plat maps from various decades in order to track land ownership and use to see how it changed

over time. The creation of Lake Shelby and Wolf Creek

State Park forced many residents

and business owners out of their property, and seeing this

in historical documents establishes a solid timeframe and

also corroborates oral history. Figure 6 shows the plat map

of Windsor Township in the 1940’s, but before 1948. The

Red Fox Schoolhouse was located in section 18 with the Kaskaskia River running through it,

south of the schoolhouse. Section 19 shows the property owned by John and Hester Gaston, from

which Hester and Luzetta would walk to school. The plat

map used in Figure

5 is published with an unknown year in the 1940’s. By

using other historical documents and oral histories

pertaining to the purchase of the schoolhouse in 1948,

we know this map had to have been earlier as there is no

recording of Gaston property in Section 18. Figure 7

depicts a plat map from 1974, after the construction of

Lake Shelbyville and Wolf Creek State Park. The

recording of this map would have taken place six years after

Grace Klein was forcibly removed from her property. The Gaston property previously in Section

19 is clearly located in the flood plain and now resides in Lake Shelbyville. It is unknown to me

if they too were forcibly removed from their property or relocated prior to the lake’s creation.

Figure 7. Windsor Township circa 1974

Figure 6. Windsor plat map circa 1940’s

Historical books such as “People and Rural Schools of Shelby County Illinois” told the

story of Red Fox as well as all the other one-room schoolhouses in Windsor Township and

Shelby County (Tregillis 1984). Without this book, I would never

have learned about the Gaston’s or their daughter, Luzetta

Ferguson, who provided the oral history of this site. Tregillis also

explains the transfer of property which is corroborated in

historical documents and teachers and school children who

attended the school (Tregillis 1984). Significantly more

information could be found in her book about other schools that

could be used to possibly fill the gaps, or interpret information

missing from Red Fox’s historical or archaeological record. Beulah Gordon, in Figure 8, was the

only other author I could find that wrote historically about Windsor Township (Gordon and

Shelby County Historical and Genealogical Society 1972). While Beulah only mentions that the

first schoolhouses in Windsor popped up in the 1830’s, she

writes a detailed ethnography about the economic conditions,

historic events, and what life was like until the 1930’s. We can

use ethnographies like this to recreate the historical setting of

our sites.

Also, as stated previously, the oral histories given by

Luzetta and John Ropp made this project possible. I hope that in the future I will be able to reach

more people with oral histories and documents about this site so that I may gain more

information that can help me in my research.

Figure 8. Beulah Gordon

Figure 9. Mrs. Luzetta Ferguson and myself

Lastly, I also looked at census records from the 1930 and 1940 to track the movement of

individuals listed in Helen Tregillis’ book. For example, I was able to locate John and Hester

Gaston in the census records to get a better idea of where they lived. It also indicated that John

was a farmer but Hester’s employment as a teacher was not listed (United States Census Bureau).

Helen Tregillis states that Hester was a teacher at Red Fox for several years, a fact that Luzetta

also states. This could indicate a societal trend to not list the employment of women or that she

simply was not employed as a teacher during the two years the census was taken.

VI. Research Proposal

April Beisaw is leading archaeological theory and methodology when it comes to

America’s rural schoolhouses. Using Beisaw’s research as a guide, I can build a proposal for the

excavation of the Red Fox schoolhouse. By excavating the Red Fox schoolhouse and Klein

residence, I can put faces to the individuals

silenced and forgotten by state powers,

revitalize the history of the community, and

give back autonomy that was taken from them.

April Beisaw & James Gibb state that one must

approach schoolhouses as historic restoration

projects instead of a cultural resource

management project - "because they have focused on

close-interval shovel-testing and have lacked historically informed research questions" (Gibb and

Beisaw 2005). They also suggest keeping your theoretical net in a local context (Gibb and

Beisaw 2005). This means forming historically informed research questions that would have

allowed the investigators to recognize useful data (Gibb and Beisaw 2005). Keeping a keen focus

Figure 10. Believed location of the Red Fox schoolhouse and Klein residence

on locality, community, and cultural processes are critical in fully analyzing and excavating a

schoolhouse site. Looking at their research on the

Blaess schoolhouse in Michigan and Oella schoolhouse in Maryland, they conducted between

40-45 shovel test pits (Beisaw and Gibb 2003). Specifically, at the Oella schoolhouse, forty-four

shovel test pits were conducted around the foundation documented consistent stratigraphy across

the site, including coal and ash deposits

(Gibb and Beisaw 2000). This is helpful

because I know there was a coal and cobb

shed during the structure’s use as a school

and an additional shed added under the

Klein’s ownership5. I am very interested in

finding these landmarks at the Red Fox site

and proper execution of shovel tests are a must. Luzetta expressed that there were two separate

male and female privies located behind the

schoolhouse as well. She stated that one was at

the northwest corner, the other at northeast

corner6. Knowing that these are gender specific

privies, once located it would be interesting to

see the differences, if any, in the assemblage,

and what that might mean about gender

roles,

materials, and values.

5 John Ropp, interview by Jessica Clotfelter, May 2, 2017.6 Luzetta Ferguson, interview by Jessica Clotfelter, April 29, 2017

Figure 11. Concrete foundation at site

Figure 12. Northernmost foundation located

VII. Conclusion

I feel very pulled and emotionally attached to this project and believe I must explore it in

the future. As a community member, I feel it is critical to our understanding and appreciation for

our past. Understanding historical contexts is essential in approaching archaeological processes

of schoolhouses. Focusing on capital and economic trends we can see improvements, additions,

and possible neglect of aspects surrounding the structure. The importance of heritage and

memory surrounding, not only schoolhouses, but structures in general, play an important role in

the approach of, and preservation of, these structures. Naturally, an extension of heritage and

memory, whether created or experienced, is resistance and distrust in the specific case of the Red

Fox schoolhouse and Klein household. Putting faces to this resistance enhances unity within a

community and pride of the members involved. Further action that I would like to take with

community support is organizing and establishing a memorial for this respected space. By doing

so perhaps we can ease the resentment, although greatly warranted, and pain that has gone on too

long. While the 100-year-old structure could not be saved in 1968, we can use archaeology and

community effort to pay homage to those that came before us. A memorial could also be utilized

as public outreach for visitors to Wolf Creek State Park and community members would have a

proper location to reflect on this respected space. I owe a sincere thanks to Luzetta Ferguson and

John and Carol Ropp for accepting me into their home, even as a stranger, to share valuable and

sensitive information that surrounds this site with me. Red Fox needs to be remembered; Grace

needs to be remembered. Perhaps I have found my purpose for the next few years.

Works Cited

Beisaw, April. and Baxter, Jane. (2017) America’s one-room schools: sites of regional authority

and symbols of local autonomy, after 1850. The International Journal of Historical

Archaeology: 1-21

Beisaw, April. and Gibb, James. “Testing community history: the archaeology of schoolhouse

sites.” Presented at 68th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, April

2003, Milwaukee, Wisconsin

Gibb, James. and Beisaw April. 2000. Learning cast up from the mire: archaeological

investigations of schoolhouses in the northeastern United States. Northeast Historical

Archaeology: 29(1) 105-129.

Gibb, James and Beisaw, April. “Theory and Method in Schoolhouse Archaeology.”

Presentation at the annual meeting of the Society for Historical Archaeology, York,

United Kingdom, January 2015.

Gordon, Beulah. Here and There in Shelby County edited by the Shelby County Historical and

Genealogical Society. Shelbyville, Illinois 1973.

National Park Service. “The Civil War,” accessed April 25, 2017,

https://www.nps.gov/civilwar/facts.htm

Orser C. 2010. Twenty-first century historical archaeology. Journal of Archaeological Research.

18(2) 111-150.

Portland State University. “Civil War Deaths by State,” accessed April 25, 2017

https://www.pdx.edu/geography-education/sites/www.pdx.edu.geography-education/

files/Civil%20War%20Deaths%20By%20State.pdf

Tregillis, Helen. (1984). People and Rural Schools in Shelby County. Anundsen Publishing,

Iowa.

United States Army Corps of Engineers, letter to Grace Klein, January 30, 1964.

United States Census Bureau. 1940. Census Records

Wilk, Richard. and Rathje, William. (1982) Household archaeology. The American Behavioral

Scientist 25:617-639