variatie in free choice giannakidou 2001 the meaning of free choice, linguistics & philosophy 24...
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Variatie in Free ChoiceVariatie in Free Choice
Giannakidou 2001 Giannakidou 2001 The meaning of The meaning of Free ChoiceFree Choice, Linguistics & , Linguistics &
Philosophy 24Philosophy 24Evangelia Vlachou, ViB, 30/05/2005Evangelia Vlachou, ViB, 30/05/2005
Wat weten wij al?Wat weten wij al?
FCIs zijn een subklasse van PIsFCIs zijn een subklasse van PIs
*I saw any student*I saw any student
You may go out with anyoneYou may go out with anyone FCIs verschillende van NPIsFCIs verschillende van NPIs
I did see not any student (NPI)I did see not any student (NPI)
You may go out with anyone (FCI)You may go out with anyone (FCI)
Doel: analyzeren FCIsDoel: analyzeren FCIs
Probleem: Any is een NPI en een FCIProbleem: Any is een NPI en een FCI
Strategie: Grieks!Strategie: Grieks!
Verschillenden vorm voor NPI en FCIVerschillenden vorm voor NPI en FCI
Dhen ipa Dhen ipa tipota tipota (NPI)(NPI)
Not said NPI-anythingNot said NPI-anything
Boris na vjis me Boris na vjis me opjondhipote (FCI) opjondhipote (FCI) Can SUBJ go.out with FCI-anyoneCan SUBJ go.out with FCI-anyone
GR FCIs zijn ongramaticale inGR FCIs zijn ongramaticale in
Affirmative episodic contexten:Affirmative episodic contexten: *Idha opjondhipote *Idha opjondhipote Saw FCI-anyone Saw FCI-anyone *I saw anyone*I saw anyone Positive factive contexten:Positive factive contexten:
*Xerome pu pandreftikes opjondhipote*Xerome pu pandreftikes opjondhipote
Am.glad that got.married FCI-anyoneAm.glad that got.married FCI-anyone I am glad that you got married with ANYoneI am glad that you got married with ANYone Negative factive contextenNegative factive contexten *Lipame pu pandreftikes opjondhipote*Lipame pu pandreftikes opjondhipote Am.sorry that got.married FCI-anyoneAm.sorry that got.married FCI-anyone I am sorry that you got married with ANYoneI am sorry that you got married with ANYone
GR FCIs zijn ongramaticale inGR FCIs zijn ongramaticale in
Existentiele predicatenExistentiele predicaten
**Iparxi opjosdhipoteIparxi opjosdhipote ston kiposton kipo
There.is FCI-anyone to.the gardenThere.is FCI-anyone to.the garden
*There is anyone in the garden *There is anyone in the garden
in een word: veridicale contextenin een word: veridicale contexten
FCIs zijn niet in de bereik van FCIs zijn niet in de bereik van episodische contextenepisodische contexten
Negatieve episodic contexten:Negatieve episodic contexten: Je n’ ai pas parlJe n’ ai pas parlé àé à n’importe quin’importe qui I not have not spoken to FC-anyoneI not have not spoken to FC-anyone I did not meet just anyone. (I met the president)I did not meet just anyone. (I met the president)
x[person(x) x[person(x) I.met(x) I.met(x) indiscriminate(x))indiscriminate(x))
Andere episodische contexten:Andere episodische contexten: Est-ce qu’elle a mangEst-ce qu’elle a mangé é n’importe quoi?n’importe quoi? ? she has eaten FC-anything?? she has eaten FC-anything? Did she eat just anything?Did she eat just anything?
Je n’ ai pas vu qui que ce soitJe n’ ai pas vu qui que ce soit I not have not seen anyoneI not have not seen anyone I did not see anyone I did not see anyone x[person(x) x[person(x) I.met(x)I.met(x)
FCIs zijn gramaticale in FCIs zijn gramaticale in Modale contexten:Modale contexten: Boris na paris opjadhipote kartaBoris na paris opjadhipote karta Can SUBJ take any cardCan SUBJ take any card You can take any card!You can take any card!
Conditionele contexten:Conditionele contexten: Ean lisis opjadhipote askisi, tha paris dhekaEan lisis opjadhipote askisi, tha paris dheka If solve any exercise will take tenIf solve any exercise will take ten If you solve any problem, I will give you a ten! If you solve any problem, I will give you a ten!
In een word: nonveridicale contextenIn een word: nonveridicale contexten
Nonveridicality (Zwarts 1995, Nonveridicality (Zwarts 1995, Giannakidou 2001)Giannakidou 2001)
Let Let cc be a context which contains a set be a context which contains a set MM of models of models relative to an individual relative to an individual x.x.
A propositional operator A propositional operator Op Op is is veridicalveridical iff [[Op p]] iff [[Op p]]cc= 1 → = 1 → [[p]]=1 in some epistemic model M[[p]]=1 in some epistemic model MEE (x) (x) cc; otherwise ; otherwise Op Op is nonveridical. is nonveridical.
YesterdayYesterday, I saw a student → I saw a student (VER), I saw a student → I saw a student (VER)Binding by a default existential quantifier (existential Binding by a default existential quantifier (existential
closure Heim 1982)closure Heim 1982)
There isThere is a student in the court → A student is in the yard a student in the court → A student is in the yard
ttp ur l o u ru l Lw t s pp rsh e e d c b g F e e cha ettp ur l o u ru l Lw t s pp rsh e e d c b g F e e cha epdfpdf
Nonveridical en antiveridicalNonveridical en antiveridical
NonveridicalNonveridical
You You maymay go out with a studentgo out with a student-/ →-/ → You go out You go out with a studentwith a student
AntiveridicalAntiveridicalA nonveridical operator A nonveridical operator Op Op is antiveridical iff is antiveridical iff [[Op p]]c =1 [[p]]=0 in some epistemic model [[Op p]]c =1 [[p]]=0 in some epistemic model ME(x) ME(x) c. c.
Yesterday, I did Yesterday, I did notnot see a student see a student → → (I saw a (I saw a student)student)
Epistemic modelEpistemic model
An epistemic model MAn epistemic model MEE(x) is a set of (x) is a set of worlds associated with an individual worlds associated with an individual x, representing worlds compatible x, representing worlds compatible with what x believeswith what x believes
MMEE(x)(w) ={w’:(x)(w) ={w’:p[x believes p(w)p[x believes p(w) p(w’)]}, where w is a world of p(w’)]}, where w is a world of evaluation and x an individualevaluation and x an individual
Licensing conditions voor FCIsLicensing conditions voor FCIs
Een FCI Een FCI aa is gramaticaal in een zin S is gramaticaal in een zin S desda:desda:
(i) (i) a a is de bereik van een is de bereik van een nonveridicaal operator nonveridicaal operator b b enen
(ii) S is niet episodisch(ii) S is niet episodisch
Waarom zijn FCIs SIs?Waarom zijn FCIs SIs?
(I) FCIs zijn indefinites: ze introduceren (I) FCIs zijn indefinites: ze introduceren alleen een free variable alleen een free variable
(II) Indefinites + intensional(II) Indefinites + intensional
(III) Indefinites + Variatie(III) Indefinites + Variatie
Indefinites zijn free variables (I)Indefinites zijn free variables (I)
Een indefinite is een free variable zonder quantificationele Een indefinite is een free variable zonder quantificationele macht. macht. (Heim, on Lewis 1975, zie ook Kamp 1981) (Heim, on Lewis 1975, zie ook Kamp 1981)
De free variable is bound in 2 manieren: De free variable is bound in 2 manieren: (a) in de bereik van een unselective kwantor(a) in de bereik van een unselective kwantor If a man owns If a man owns a donkeya donkey, he always beats , he always beats itit
(b) Door (b) Door existential closure (existential closure ()) A dogA dog is coming. is coming. ItIt wants to come in. wants to come in.
Voor EC: (dog(xVoor EC: (dog(x11)&is-coming(x)&is-coming(x11)&(x)&(x11)wants-to-come-in))wants-to-come-in)Met EC: Met EC: 11 (dog(x (dog(x11)&is-coming(x)&is-coming(x11)&(x)&(x11)wants-to-come-in))wants-to-come-in)
FCIs zijn indefinites (I)FCIs zijn indefinites (I)
Ze zijn niet Universele kwantoren: geen Ze zijn niet Universele kwantoren: geen universele machtuniversele macht
Idha Idha olusolus tus fitites tus fitites
Saw all the studentsSaw all the students
I saw I saw all all studentsstudents
*Idha *Idha opjondhipoteopjondhipote fititi fititi
Saw FC studentSaw FC student
* I saw any student* I saw any student
FCIs zijn indefinites (I)FCIs zijn indefinites (I)Donkey anaphora: universals zijn statisch maar existentials nietDonkey anaphora: universals zijn statisch maar existentials niet
I fitites pu aghorasan kathe vivlio na mu to dhiksunI fitites pu aghorasan kathe vivlio na mu to dhiksun *The students that bought *The students that bought everyevery book show book show itit to me to me
immediatelyimmediately
I fitites pu aghorasan I fitites pu aghorasan opjodhipoteopjodhipote vivlio na mu to dhiksun vivlio na mu to dhiksun The students that bought The students that bought anyany book show book show itit to me immediately to me immediately
I fitites pu aghorasan I fitites pu aghorasan enaena vivlio na mu vivlio na mu toto dhiksun dhiksun The students that bought The students that bought aa book show book show itit to me immediately to me immediately
FCIs zijn indefinites (I)FCIs zijn indefinites (I)
Universal quantifiers have inverse scope over the Universal quantifiers have inverse scope over the licensing operatorlicensing operator
SomeSome student will pick up student will pick up everyevery speaker from the speaker from the airportairport
x[student(x) x[student(x) y[invited speaker(y)y[invited speaker(y)pick-up(x,y)pick-up(x,y)]]]]
x[student(x) x[student(x) y[invited speaker(y)y[invited speaker(y)pick-up(x,y)pick-up(x,y)]]]]
SomeSome student will pick up student will pick up anyany speaker from the speaker from the airportairport
x[student(x) x[student(x) y[invited speaker(y)y[invited speaker(y)pick-up(x,y)pick-up(x,y)]]]]
##x[student(x) x[student(x) y[invited speaker(y)y[invited speaker(y)pick-pick-up(x,y)up(x,y)]]]]
FCIs zijn indefinites (I)FCIs zijn indefinites (I)
Existentiele interpretatie als indefinitesExistentiele interpretatie als indefinites
Dhialekse opjodhipote foremaDhialekse opjodhipote forema
Pick any dressPick any dress
Pick some dress!Pick some dress!
Existentiele en universele interpretatie als Existentiele en universele interpretatie als indefinitesindefinites
If a noise bothers you, please tell us.If a noise bothers you, please tell us.
If any noise bothers you, please tell us.If any noise bothers you, please tell us.
FCIs=FCIs=intensional intensional indefinites (II)indefinites (II)
Verschill tussen intensionality en extensionalityVerschill tussen intensionality en extensionality
Montague (1969)Montague (1969)John is seeking John is seeking the presidentthe presidentJohn is seeking John is seeking Mary’s fatherMary’s fatherMary’s father is a presidentMary’s father is a president
Mary’s father en the president=dezelfde extension Mary’s father en the president=dezelfde extension maar niet dezelfde intension!maar niet dezelfde intension!
Intensions Intensions are functions from possible worlds to are functions from possible worlds to corresponding extensionscorresponding extensions
FCIs=FCIs=intensional intensional indefinites (II)indefinites (II)
*Idha opjondhipote fititi*Idha opjondhipote fititi
*I saw any student*I saw any student
I saw a studentI saw a student
FCIs combine with an intensional NPFCIs combine with an intensional NP
A student: student(x)/<e,t>A student: student(x)/<e,t>
Any student: student(x,Any student: student(x,ww)<)<ss,<e,t>>,<e,t>>
Nodig van een intensional operator!Nodig van een intensional operator!
FCIs=FCIs=intensional intensional indefinites (II)indefinites (II)
Modaliteit:Modaliteit:
Boris na dhanistis opjodhipote vivlioBoris na dhanistis opjodhipote vivlio
You can borrow any bookYou can borrow any book
xxCCxx
where where is compatible with is compatible with all worldsall worlds w w (Kratzer 1977)(Kratzer 1977)
FCIs=indefinites + variatie (III)FCIs=indefinites + variatie (III)
i-alternatives (from Dayal 1997)i-alternatives (from Dayal 1997)
A world wA world w11 is an i-alternative wrt a iff is an i-alternative wrt a iff there exists some wthere exists some w22 such that [[a]] such that [[a]] ww11 ≠ [[a]] w ≠ [[a]] w22
Nonveridicality (modaliteit): Nonveridicality (modaliteit): introduceren i-alternativesintroduceren i-alternatives
FCIs=indefinites + variatie (III)FCIs=indefinites + variatie (III)
Anti-licensed door veridicality (geen i-Anti-licensed door veridicality (geen i-alternative)alternative)
*Idha opjondhipote fititi*Idha opjondhipote fititi
Saw FC studentSaw FC student
*I saw any student*I saw any student
Een ‘’hulp’’: subtriggingEen ‘’hulp’’: subtrigging
Legrand (1975)Legrand (1975)
*I grabbed any tool *I grabbed any tool
I grabbed any tool I grabbed any tool that I foundthat I foundx, w[[tool(x,w)x, w[[tool(x,w)found(I,x,y)found(I,x,y)grabbed (I,x,y)]]grabbed (I,x,y)]]
= an implicit = an implicit conditional (nonveridical) conditional (nonveridical) operatoroperator
Free choice itemFree choice item
Gelicenseerd bij nonveridicalityGelicenseerd bij nonveridicality
Indefinite + intensionality + Variatie (i-Indefinite + intensionality + Variatie (i-alternatives)alternatives)