Chapter Two

UNDERSTANDING CONFLICT: A SOCIO-HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE- PRE-COLONIAL AND COLONIAL

Conflicts in Manipur can be roughly divided into three periods:

i) Pre-colonial period (1759-1826)

ii) Colonial period (1891-1947), and

iii) Post colonial period 1947 onwards.

The present chapter will try to trace the various types of conflicts that were prevalent

during both the pre-colonial and colonial periods. These two periods need to be taken

into account together due to the fact that the colonial powers played a major role

during the pre-colonial conflict of Manipur with outside forces (Myanmar). While

dealing with the nature of the varied resistance and uprisings during the two periods,

it also deals with the impact of these conflicts. The Zeliangrong movement will be

given particular emphasis since this movement has given rise to ethnic or identity

consciousness of the people which further played a very crucial role in the rise of the

Naga movement due to the fact that this movement provided the idea of political

independence of the people. Another conflict of a different kind that will be discussed

briefly here is the Second World War and the impact it had on the socio-economic

condition of the people. This chapter ultimately provides us 'background knowledge'

for understanding the contemporary situation of Manipur because it cannot be denied

that the roots of present scenario of Manipur have strong linkage with the past.

However, the present pattern of conflict differs with that of the past.

Conflicts in Manipur: A Historical Background

Some of the problems that Manipur is confronting today have their roots in the past.

Not withstanding the installation of a native rule, the common people had been feeling

the pinch of restrictive measures imposed by the regime for years. Unable to

challenge suppression, there had been simmering discontentment among the general

65

inhabitants who were utterly sick of the unsettled rule, and pined for some

government, which would permit them of carrying on their daily avocation in peace.

But uncertainty persisted for years in spite of having the native rule. Seeds of hatred

were also sown and wedges driven between some tribes or people in the hills and

valleys sometimes in the early or middle part of the 191h century by the colonial

power. The hills and the valleys were placed under different administrative controls

after the native rule (Tarapot, 2003: 137).

As one looks back over the history of Manipur, like elsewhere in some parts of the

world, it is hard to find a time when the early inhabitants were not killing one another,

grabbing each others' lands and properties, indulging in bloody tribal warfare,

burning and raiding villages. In one way or the other in the historic period,

occurrences were more or less similar whether it was in Europe, Africa, Asia, Arab

countries, America or elsewhere in the world. There were similar small states ruled

variously by Counts, Dukes, and Bishops at different places of Europe at different

points of time. These small states were frequently locked in wars, made forays into

each others' territories, burned churches, ravaged, pillaged and attacked one another's

property. ( ibid: 90). In Manipur, almost all the communities or tribes have their so­

called 'armed outfits'. While some of the insurgents and organizations are separately

fighting for 'independent Manipur', there are some underground outfits demanding

formation of 'smaller states' by dividing the state territories. Some of the tribal

underground groups had also been formed to what was termed to 'protect' themselves

from 'rival tribes'.

To some extent, it seems the problem and situation in Manipur are somewhat similar

to that of its neighbouring country, Myanmar, where various ethnic tribes like Chins,

Kachins, Shans, Karens, (Red Karens), Arakanese, Mons or Wa are fighting for

separation of their respective regions from the Union of Myanmar (opcit:91 ). Only the

magnitude of the problem is different because of geographical location, size of

population and number of warring tribes. There are at least five or more tribal

underground outfits fighting for division of Manipur along the ethnic lines.

66

Conflict during Colonial Period

T.K Oommen considered ethnicity as interactional, as a product of conquest,

colonization and immigration. This can be seen in the history of Manipur where

external powers or factors have played an important role; the Burmese and the British.

The well-documented period of history of Manipur starts from the middle of the 181h

century with the entry of the British in the politics of Manipur. It re-shaped the

Manipuri society through its journey to the modem age. At the outset, the Raja Jai

Singh alias Bhagyachandra (1759-98) invited the Britishers by entering into alliance

at Chittagong i~marily for help in their fight against the neighbouring

Burmese kingdom, which had become very powerful and was threatening them.

(Sharma, 2000: 24). Historically, the state retained its independent political identity

well after the British India had consolidated its position in the region. Manipur had

consistently maintained a belligerent approach towards Myanmar (Ava). The resultant

wars highlighted plunder, devastation of the land and dissemination of the population.

The first recorded instance of armed Burmese incursions and wars dates back to 1562

and continued well up to the early part of the 191h century (Gopalakrishna, 1995: 76).

From the middle of the 181h century onwards the history of Manipur is marked with

palace intrigues, treachery and deceit due to greed and ambitiousness of the members

of the ruling family to capture the throne. Frequent internal domestic quarrels in the

Manipur royal family gradually weakened the strength of the kingdom. It was

rendered vulnerable to the attacks by the Burmese who were seeking an opportunity

to avenge their defeat during the regime of Garib Niwaz (170 9-48) (Sharma opcit,

2000: 44-45). Mackenzie writes: "The early history of Manipur was barbarous to the

extreme. It was constantly marked by constant raids of the Manipuris into Burma and

of Burmese into Manipur, but also by internal wars of the most savaged and revolting

type, in which sons murdered fathers and brothers murdered brothers, without a single

trait of heroism to relieve the dark scene ofblood and treachery" (Mackenzie: 149).

Nature of terrain, distribution of politico-geographical phenomena and frequent

instability had left profound impact on the state's landscape. This was further

aggravated by fragmentation of the society (social hierarchy) and fractionalisation of

the polity.

67

Ecological constraints have considerably modified the nature and pattern of economic

activities, in terms of inequalities, disparities and limitation. This has directly or

indirectly encouraged conflicts and tensions to get weB entrenched. These have

emerged in all transaction relations of both the state and the participants. These also

gave rise to rivalries with innumerable combinations within that consistently sought

external assistance and involvement.

The period between 1754 and 1824 saw the state entrapped in power struggle. The

loosening of Manipur's control over Imphal va1ley and the surrounding hilly

periphery along with the decline of the Ahoms in the Brahmaputra va11ey became the

threshold point in the regional activity. It signaled the significance of intervention and

the role of extra regional powers. This transformed the traditional relationship and

equations and introduced elements that encouraged potential destabilization

tendencies. Revival of Ava-Burma's (Myanmar) forward policy in 1750s was

important as this power began to expand southwards to incorporate with the Arakan

and the coastal regions and then towards the west in Manipur. They penetrated Imphal

va11ey and devastated the territory. This expansion coincides with the British East

India Company expansion in the Indian sub-continent. (Gopalakrishna, opcit 1995:

76). It was obvious that the Britishers were ambitious to promote their influence and

control wider areas of the sub-continent. They were keen in the northeast region first,

to use the land route through this region for trade with China and secondly, to curb the

increasing influence of the Burmese who had intruded into a large area of Assam and

were cha11enging the supremacy of the British regime.(S.C. Sharma 2000: 44). The

frequent war of attrition between Manipur and Burma and the former seeking the

company's assistance to repel were aU-conducive for the power in the west to

establish its presence in this part of the region. The Burmese expansion in the

beginning of the 191h century, the internecine power struggle, decline of the Ahoms in

Assam va11ey and the inability of Manipur to check the Myanmar expansion all

combined to give prominence to the destabilization tendencies in the region.

In 1819, the Burmese force invaded and occupied Manipur. A powerful Burmese

army under the command of General Mingi Maha Bandula routed, defeated and

ravaged the Manipuris forcing Margit Singh and his supporters to flee to Cachar. A

large portion of the population after having been vanquished were unable to bear the

torture and harassment by foreign invaders fled to Cachar, marking the dark period in

68

the history of this once tiny independent kingdom (Tarapot,opcit 2003: 121 ). During

this period the history, the population of Manipur was reduced to less than half due to

fleeing or massacre of people by the Burmese forces. In such invasion the Burmese

forces used to capture people from Manipur and take them to Burmese territory and

employ them as labor force. The Burmese forces were notorious for brutality and

massacre of civil population of their enemies during their invasion. They appear to be

following an old Burmese saying, "Chupen kuk chungou machane", which means,

when you cut Chupen (a wild thorny plant), never leave the stem behind. The

Burmese had also branded the Manipuri forces equally notorious in this regard.

(Sharma,opcit, 2000: 45).

From 1819 to 1825 was the period of devastation. During this period the Burmese

also invaded the various parts of the northeast and put their puppet ruler at the throne

of Manipur, bringing the kingdom under their rule for seven years ( 1819-1825), which

came to be known in Manipur's history as 'seven years devastation' (chahi taret

khuntakpa in Manipuri) (Tarapot,opcit, 2003: 121). The Burmese then entered Assam

and further invaded Cachar posing a serious threat to the British paramountcy in the

northeast region. Such widespread invasions by the Burmese in this area forced the

British to directly involved themselves and encounter the advancing Burmese forces.

This had resulted in disruption of the economy, dissemination of population and

weakening of power foci (in terms of traditional). The westward expansion also

involved the inhabitants of the hill and the mountain section of the region that

supported one or the other contenders. It was this situation that introduced the

European element in the regional politics. (R. Gopalakrishna, 1995: 77)

Finally, in 1825, a Manipuri prince Gambhir Singh supported by the British forces

pushed out the Burmese forces from Imphal and further chased them to vacate Kabow

valley. According to historical account, the British found that Prince Gambhir Singh,

the youngest son of Raja Bhagyachandra (Jai Singh) was bold, brave and a

courageous fighter who could prove useful to them against the Burmese. They

decided to give him the support to raise a contingent of army at Sylhet. (Sharma,

2000: 46). As Burmese decided to strengthen its grip, more reinforcements arrived in

Manipur sometime in November 1820. While the state was in turmoil and chaos with

Burmese forces and ransacking, ravaging and devastating the country, Ghambir Singh

with whom the British government had negotiated an agreement, raised among his

69

supporters a body of 500 men. They contributed to the British troops in driving out

the Burmese forces from Cachar. The strength of this force then raised to 2000 in

1825, and it came to be known as Manipur lovey under the command of the British

officer, captain Grant. It was paid, accounted and supplied with ammunition by the

British government. (Mackenzie: 150). Ghambhir Singh marched from Sylhet on 17th

May 1825 accompanied by British officer Lieutenant Pemberton and reached western

limits of the va11ey of Manipur on the 1oth June 1825. By then, the Burmese forces

had fled from the valley and thus Manipur territory was retrieved from the Burmese

possession. Later in a second campaign during December 1825 and January 1826,

Gambhir Singh with the help of the British forces pushed out Burmese from the

Kabow va11ey also (Sharma).

The British forces advanced further, occupied Yandaboo only 25 kms from Ava, the

capital of Burma. As the chances of defense diminished, the war came to a close by

the treaty of Yandaboo signed on 24th February 1826. Under the treaty the British and

the Burmese agreed for 'perpetual peace and friendship', with the king of Ava

(Burma) renouncing "all claims upon and will abstain from a11 future interference

with the principality of Assam and its dependencies and also with the continuous

petty states of Cachar and Jaintia"'. (Tarapot,opcit 2003: 125). The treaty also

recognized Gambhir Singh as Maharaja of Manipur. With this treaty the open conflict

between Manipur and Burma ended for all times to come.

When Gambhir Singh became the king of Manipur, the state was in a terribly bad

shape due to devastation caused by the Burmese forces during the period of their

occupation. According to a contemporary official account, many villages were

destroyed and their inhabitants had been carried off captives by the Burmese.

Naturally, the task of reconstruction of the ruined country fell on Gambhir Singh. In

bringing about stable condition and initiating constructive works, he was assisted by

his brother Nara Singh. With the construction of new roads and reclamation of paddy

fields covered by dense grass for cultivation, Manipur gradually regained the position

of pre-war period (Lal Dena, 1984: 14). This historical account shows that despite the

royal enmity, Manipur had a glorious period before the war with Myanmar.

70

The British Influence

After freedom from the Burmese possession, although Manipur remained an

independent state, it functioned under shifting British influence, which they exercised

through their excessive 'Political Agents'. According to the statistical account of

Manipur by a former British official, Robert Brown, on the conclusion of the Burmese

war by the treaty of the Yanda boo in 1826, Manipur was declared independent. Thus

Manipur restored her independent kingdom after the Yandaboo treaty. (Tarapot,opcit

2003: 126). However, it is opined that diplomatic participation of the British political

agents brought stability in the state, which otherwise would have remained in chaos

due to internal conflicts. Some of the political agents also took keen interest in the

field of education, social and economic development in the state. Although such

efforts were made in a limited way, a beginning was made by exposing people

towards modernization and advancement (Sharma,opcit, 2000: 47). In fact, Manipur

was so weak that the Britishers considered it as their protectorate, which could not

stand without their support.

The British influence and interference is evident from the manner in which the British

made over vast forest area of Kabow valley to the Burmese king of Ava in 1834,

without obtaining consent of Raja Gambhir Singh. The Kabow valley, a rich

agricultural tract lying between the present eastern border of Manipur and the Chin

win (Ningthee) river, or more narrowly defined 1200sq km strip of territory, was the

principal bone of contention between Manipuri rulers and the court of Ava, having

been with Manipur of and on from the first half of the l51h century. (Verghese, 1996).

The British kept their imperial interest foremost while sacrificing Kabow valley in

favor of the Burmese king. They were primarily guided by the desire to avoid any

future war with Burma and second they intended to seek favor from the Burmese

government to allow them use their sea-port at Pegu and Shapuree. In lieu of this loss,

the Raja of Manipur was given a monthly "stipend" by the British (Verghese, ibid.).

The Kabow valley which was considered as the traditional and national frontier and

by location in the predominantly hill and mountain region was economically very

important and this loss of the valley was etched in the psyche of the population of

Manipur. This then forms one of the repeated claims of the insurgents in Manipur

today. (Gopalakrishna,opcit, 1995: 76).

71

Till the effective British consolidation of the Northeastern region was achieved,

Manipur was supervising the intermediary territories occupied by the Naga

Confederation of Tribes. Right from the early part of the 1870s, colonial

administration gradually extended their political control and administration and this

was completed with the annexation of upper Bunna in 1889. This coincided with the

worsening of relations between British India and Manipur. This formally led to the

Anglo Manipur war of 1891. (Gopalakrishna, ibid). The Manipuris lost the two

successive battles of Thoubal on 81h April 1891 and the final battle at Khongjom on

261h April 1891. Further, on 261

h April 1891, the British forces reached Imphal and on

271h April 1891 morning, the flag of the Raja of Manipur was pulled down from

Kangla fort and the Union flag was hoisted. The Kangla fort was then occupied by the

British forces and was converted into a British cantonment. In this way the British

colonial regime annexed Manipur. The independence and sovereignty of Manipur was

lost forever and it became a part of the British colonial rule.

The political phase of the internal bickerings, quarrels and conspiracies involving the

unbecoming members of the royal families driven by greed and ambition to capture

the throne, which had started after the regime of Raja Garib Niwaz ended with the

loss of sovereignty of Manipur in 1891. For their follies, the people of Manipur have

paid a heavy price. After annexation, the British decided to keep Manipur in the fold

of their control in the form of an administrative system known as the 'Native Rule'.

Under it, a suitable king was placed on the throne with limited powers and the

administration controlled through the British representation.

The British 'Native Rule' and Varied Uprisings

Revolts and rebellions have taken place in Manipur in the 201h century at almost

regular intervals. Such anti-British tribal uprisings, like the Kuki Rebellion (1917-

1919), the Zeliangrong Naga Uprising (1930-32) and the anti-feudal and anti­

monopolist Nupilan. The great women's agitation of the 1939-40 broke out in the

colonial period. (G. Kabui, 1984: 232). The Pre-Independence tribal uprisings were

anti-imperialist and tribal based. The great women's agitation was not only anti­

monopolistic, but was also for democratic and constitutional reforms. It was.

influenced by the Indian nationalist struggle for freedom (Kabui, ibid: 232).

72

The period (1891-1907) was well utilized for introducing several changes in the form

of administrative reforms in the state. During this period, the system of 'Lallup',

under which every adult male of the state was required to work for the king for ten

days every month without remuneration, was abolished (Shanna, 2000: 55). Despite

the abolition of slavery or 'Lallup' system, the British rule was unwelcome and the

people were hostile to it in the beginning. To protest against the British, people set

ablaze some bungalows occupied by British officers. First, the bungalows of captain

Nuttall, tutor to Raja and his assistant, J.G. Dunlop were burnt to the ground on

March 1904 by some unknown persons. Again over 28 sheds with seats for over 3000

market women of Khwairamband bazaar (present lmphal market complex) were set

afire on 6111 July 1904. The way it was set fire showed an involvement of several

persons who either opposed the British rule and the latter's day today involvement in

important affairs of Manipur. (Tarapot: 139) The anti- British agitation became a

serious matter of concern when women of Imphal came out of their houses and started

demonstrations in the bazaars in protest against the orders of the British officers,

which continued for several days. The women's participation in this agitation became

a landmark in the history ofManipur (Sharma, 2000: 54).

Raja Churachand was handed over the charge of the state on May 1907. A new

system of rule was introduced by the British government in which the Raja was made

the president of Manipur Durbar consisting of the other members including a British

officer to function as Vice president. The administration was carried out mainly by the

'Manipur State Durbar' (MSD) formed under the 'Rules for the General

Administration of the State' (RFGAS). In a strategic move, the administration of the

hills of Manipur inhabited by the Naga, Kuki and other tribes was separated from the

valley and was kept under the charge of the Vice President of Darbar leaving little

scope for Raja to interfere in its administration. This new arrangement was made with

reasoning that the people of the hill tribes were different from the valley-based

Manipuris and were having entirely different customs and languages. This change in

the administrative system of Manipur created a deep-rooted alienation between the

people of valley and the hills which widened with the passage of time (Sharma, ibid:

56). Placing of hill and valley under different sections of the RFGAS thus created a

chasm among inhabitants after the state came under the native rule.

73

The Kuki Exodus

The Kuki exodus and their settlement in Manipur, North Cachar Hills and Naga Hills

was a phenomenon of great economic, social and political importance in the

nineteenth century. The kukis moved into the Naga areas in the twentieth century after

the British conquest. There were a large number of Kuki raids on the Naga villages

leading to death and destruction. But the British political agents and the Maharaja of

Manipur or his Darbar followed a policy of non-interference, a biased policy of

neutrality toward the Naga Kuki feuds. The Nagas throughout the state or the British

were pro Kuki. Taking advantage of this attitude of neutrality, the Kukis moved into

and established many villages in Manipur Hills before their rebellion.

This policy of leniency and accommodation followed by the British in the nineteenth

century was contrary to the aggressive policy followed by them towards the Nagas

and Lushais (Mizos) as also towards the Kamhao and Paite and their chiefs (Kamei,

2004:129-130).

But in the economic and social relations, the Nagas never wanted the Kuki presence.

The problem was that of land which was vast and used by both Nagas and the Kukis,

but the Kuki chiefs sent out many small batches of immigrants in different villages of

the Nagas, in whose vicinity they established small settlements which were given

recognition by the state authorities. As long as there were enough land, there was no

problem, but the organized Kuki penetration caused the alienation of the Naga

community land- which was greatly resented by the Nagas (ibid: 131 ). During that

time, there was no tribal solidarity of the Zeliangrong people nor was there organized

resistance. The Zeliangrong villages were more concerned with inter-village feuds

than resisting the Kuki immigration, though there was a feeling of apathy towards the

Kukis.

The Kuki Rebellion (1917-1919)

The Kuki Rebellion was a widely studied historical event both by the British official

writers and the historians including the scholars of the country. Colonel L.W

Shakespeare's A History of the Assam Rifles ( 1929) gives the account of the campaign

against the rebels. Colonial Shakeapeare was the Deputy inspector General of the

74

Assam rifles and was a participant m the Kuki punitive measures which were

regarded as part of the World War 1. Sir Robert Reid's History of the Frontier areas

bordering Assam ( 1883-1941) gives a comprehensive picture of the political and

administrative aspects of the rebellion including the inquiry report of Dr. J .H Hutton

who was appointed to examine why the Kukis rebelled. (Reid: 165). In the post

independence period, historians like J. Roy, R.K Jhalajit Singh and R.K Sanahal

Singh deal with the event as anti British and an imperial movement. An attempt is

made by K. Kipgen in his Thadou Kukis, their history and culture, to give a historical

interpretation of the Kuki rebellion.

The Zeliangrong story of the Kuki Rebellion is still oral and highly subjective. But it

was a serious Rebellion which caused death, destruction and suffering of ever lasting

consequences to the Zeliangrong people of the three states; the main concentration

was in Manipur state. No conquest or war was so embracing over the Zeliangrong

areas than the Kuki Rebellion which affected the Zeliangrong psyche and attitude

towards the British, Manipur Government and the Kukis themselves. The Zeliangrong

region was one of the seven fronts of the Kuki Rebellion, the others being Henglep in

Southwest, Mombi in Southeast, Pallel to Tarnmu sector, Chassad, Northern

Tangkhul, North Sumra and the Tezu river(Kamei; op cit: 132)

The Kuki rebellion is undoubtedly a great watershed in the history of Manipur.

Though short-lived, it successfully exposed the shallowness of the British control over

the hill territory of Manipur. Prompted by the urgency of the First World War, the

state authority donated Rs, 13,400 as war loan. In addition to this the Manipur labour

corps was raised and 2000 Nagas and Kukis were recruited and sent much against

their will to France in May, 1917. They were sent as laborers for digging trenches,

carrying loads and building base camps. The proximate cause of the rebellion was the

objection of the Kuki chief in allowing their subjects to be sent to war fronts with the

labor corps, which had been raised earlier. Driven by the urgency of the task, Higgins,

the Political Agent, proceeded to the hills in September 1917 to meet a deputation of

chiefs declined to give coolies, but offered to give money instead. (Lal Dena, 1991:

126) Frustrated with the outcome of the meeting, Higgins flatly told the chiefs that

they had to either supply recruits within a fixed period or to submit to punishment. As

a challenge to this stem warning, Ngu1khup, chief of Mombi, sent around message the

Kuki inhabiting villages that if they sent coolies their village would be burned and

75

their women and children be killed. Arrogant as he was, Higgins took this as an issue

of prestige and proceeded to Mombi to punish the reluctant chief on 171h October

1917. On failure to arrest the chief he burned the village to the ground (Lal Dena,

ibid: 127).

Meanwhile, Chingakhamba Sanajaoba Singh, who lived with some disciples at Kuki

village near Moirang and who was believed to possess some supernatural power

joined with the hands of Kuki people and played an important role for the outbreak of

this rebellion. He spread among the Kukis that the power of the British government

had been reduced and was coming to an end and wanted his people to be killed at the

same place with them (Thongkhochon, as cited in N. Joy Kumar Singh, 1991: 49).

Then he went to Wakha, called ten Kuki villages and looted the forest toll station at

Ithai on December 19, 1917 (Lal Dena, op cit 1991 ). This attacked is considered 'as a

mark of open declaration of war against the colonial authority'. This open attack was

remarked 'as an overt act showing that was declared' and Chingakhamba Sangjoaba

had intended to lead the Kukis in attack at Imphal on 22"d December 1917. After this

incident the Kukis made another attack at the police station near Moirang and Ngulbul

with the help of Hengle and Ukha villages. Thus with this attack the Kukis openly

declared war against the British.

In this respect it can be observed that the opinion of the British government that the

recruitment of the labor corps was the only cause for the outbreak of the rebellion did

not have any logical arguments. It originated because of the accumulated grievances

suffered by the Kuki people from the introduction of the colonial rule. However, the

labor recruitment decided the timing of the outbreak. (Joy Kumar Singh, op cit: 50).

The outbreak of the Kuki rebellion in the year 1917 is closely related with the

political, economic and administrative changes which were introduced gradually since

the occupation of the country by the British in 1891. Since then, the Kuki people

began to face a lot of hardships in the hands of the alien ruler. So the grievances faced

by them under the colonial rule were mainly responsible for the outbreak of the

movement (Kigpen, as cited in Joy Kumar Singh, 1991: 5). The economy of the Kuki

people is agriculture, which is the main source of their income. In comparison with

the plain area, the quantity of their agricultural products was less because of the

agricultural system in the plain was wet cultivation while theirs was shifting

76

cultivation. As a result of this, income from this industry was very low. In spite of this

condition, they were able to survive in the pre-colonial period because they had

regular trade relationship with the people of the plain areas on the items of the

plantain leaves, cane, cotton, bamboo-goods, etc. and the exchanges were made

through barter system. Though it did not bring any positive improvement in the

economic condition but such economic condition collapsed due to the colonial

economy. In addition to this the, inter village feuds and warfare were also an

unavoidable factor for the destruction of the tribal economy. Here it won't be

inappropriate to deduce that the secured economic relations of the Kukis were

disrupted by the colonial policy which however got intensified due to their feuds

between them.

The introduction of the hill house tax at the rate of Rs. 3 per house per annum gave a

severe blow to the economy of the Kuki people. This imposition was a great burden to

them. It mentioned that 'persuading a chief to pay one's own house tax by offering

him a jar or ju record, the tribesmen had contributed about Rs. 70,000 a year in the

form of house tax but in return received nothing, either financially or in development

works'. To see the new economic trend of the colonial government, they had

developed a strong apprehension that their land rights be introduced by the Britishers

and they might in a position to live hand to mouth in the salary of the foreigners. Thus

the introduction of the hill house tax system produced a serious negative impact on

the traditional economy of the Kuki people (Joy Kumar Singh, 1991: 46).

Another factor for the rebellion or the long-standing cause of the rebellion was the

administrative policy of the British authority towards the hill people. The hill territory

which formed the ninth-tenth of the total area of Manipur with practically no roads,

and in most part consisted only of jungle tracts passable only by travelers on foot, had

been placed in the hands of the vice president of the Manipur state Durbar who was a

British I.C.S officer. Separate rulers for the administration of the hill tribes were

framed but adequate provision for the administration of the hill areas was not

mentioned in the said rules. This officer who was already burdened with his duty in

the durbar failed to keep himself in touch with the people in the hills. The ultimate

cause was the attempt made in the past to administer a vast tract of hills with a wholly

inadequate staff which resulted in the British officers getting out of touch with the hill

tribes and being unable to take control over the situation when the crisis arose or

77

either to appreciate the gravity of the situation or to take effective steps to ally the

panic (La I Dena, 1991 : 128). This led to the growth of a serious lack of understanding

between the rulers and the ruled. This administrative pattern was the main character of

the British colonial administration (Lal Dena, 1984: 61 ). The contact between the hill

and British administration was made through an official known as Lambu whose

position in the Pre-Colonial period was not more than a peon. They felt that the

Lambu 's, who are not more than a peon in the pre-British period, treated them as their

subordinate. Therefore, those chiefs who always tried to maintain an equal status

resented the concept of Lambu 's superiority.

The pothang system or forced labor system was another cause for the discontentment

of the Kukis. This system was already abolished in the year 1913 but the same

practice was still going on in the hill areas. According to this system, the concerned

villagers had to carry baggage of the government officials, whenever they visited their

village. In order to remove this unbearable harassment, the people made a number of

petitions to the government in the year 1915-1916 and requested the authorities to

exempt from this system. (Joy Kumar, 1991: 47).

From these evidences, it can be observed that the Kuki rebellion was purely an anti­

imperialist movement. Right from the beginning of the introduction of the colonial

administrative system in Manipur, particularly in the hill areas, they were very much

annoyed as they always felt that this new administrative system had seriously

disturbed their identity. The Kuki people, by nature quite individualistic and -

according to their customary laws, their chief enjoyed the maximum power in their

village. Such privileges which they enjoyed for a pretty long time was disturbed by

the appointment of the Iambus who were the agents of the British colonial authority

and maximum importance for the administration of the hill areas was also entrusted to

this post. Due to this condition the importance of the chiefs became lesser and lesser.

Another important problem, which was further added by the British over the Kuki

people, was the economic hardship. They feared that the British would exploit their

traditional village economy completely within a short time. Then came the policy of

the labor recruitment. The village chiefs thought that the recruitment of labor forces

from the hill areas itself was a mark given to their tribe by the authority. Therefore, to

keep their identity the Kuki people declared war against the British (Joy Kumar, ibid.

51).

78

But surprisingly enough, the local officers tried to throw the blame on the Raja and

the Manipuris. Sir Nicholas Beatson Bell, in his letter to Lord Chelmsford, the

Viceroy, 19th April 1919 wrote, what he thought to be the general attitude of the

Manipuris towards the hill man. He says, "His (Meitei) natural inclination is to get as

much as he can out of him (hillman) and to do nothing for him in return". However,

Webster, chief Secretary, government of East Bengal and Assam was frank enough to

say that, "the trouble is of our making" (Lal Dena, op cit 1991: 29).

The Britishers were not the only forces whom the Kukis fought with during the

rebellion. Up to March 1918, the activities of the rebellion were directed solely

against the British authority. After this they committed a series of outrages against the

surrounding neighboring villages. In three months they raided 19 villages and it

brought the loss of 193 persons and 21 missing (Administrative Reports of Manipur

1919, in Joy Kumar, 1991 ). The causes of the raids were old feuds and other reasons

were that the villages either had refused to help the rebels or suspected of having

helped the government. In October 1 91 8, 20 Kabui Naga villages were raided and

burned with a loss of more than 85 lives. Tingdong mostly carried out these raids,

chief of Layang who declared war on the Kabui Nagas in retaliation against the

latter's raid on the Natjang Kuki village. No wonder the Kabui Rebellion of 1930-32

was directed both against the British and the Kukis (Lal Dena, 1991: 131). The attack

on the Kabui Nagas was the opening of new front of the Kuki Rebellion. The creation

of a new enemy was rightly regarded as the unwise act of the rebels. This situation

had compelled them to fight a number of lonesome battles against the British. Thus,

the Kuki rebel leaders unnecessarily opened many fronts against them (Joy Kumar,op

cit 1991: 52).

Consequences of the Rebellion

In no time the activities of the rebellion gradually came to an end. It was mainly

because of the overwhelming superiority and retaliation of the British forces. The

rebellion though short-lived, affected far-reaching consequences in the history of

Manipur. The most significant result of the rebellion was the overall reorganization of

79

the administration. Since the outbreak of the movement was closely related with the

changing political and economic condition of the state, the impact of the movement

was always on the administration and financial position of the state, particularly of the

hill administration.

As a first measure, they made an attempt to bring some changes in the hill

administration of the state. Under the new proposed scheme, the hill areas of Manipur

state was divided into three sub- divisions, and administration of these areas was put

under the charge of one sub-divisional officer. Apart from these, British authorities

brought some changes in the financial administration of the state. Besides the new

financial scheme, the government also made a separate budget of hill administration.

Thus, the Kuki rebellion of 1917-19 took a key position in the changing social,

political and economic condition of the state. Though the activities of the movement

concentrated in limited areas of the state, it had undoubtedly created a footstep for the

growth of anti-imperialist feeling among the common people of the state. This

movement was a very serious problem to the authority that just to suppress the

movement the government spent their maximum energy and spent about 28 lakhs of

rupees (Joy Kumar, ibid.: 55)

It took two years for the subjugation of the Kuki Rebellion: it involved 5400 soldiers

(consisting of 3000 Burma military police and 2400 Assam Rifles with a cost of

twenty eight lakhs rupees (from 19 December, 1917 to 20 May, 1919). The British

caused the following destruction: (Kamei,2004, op cit: 138).

• 36 rebel villages were authorities

• 112 rebel villages submitted to the authorities

• 15 rebel villages were deserted by the people

• 970 muskets were confisticated from the rebels of Manipur State

• 600 muskets were collected from the southern Chin Hills

• The rebels lost heavily in terms ofloss oflives, grain and property and the

Manipur state police also cooperated with the Assam Rifles and the Burma

military police operations in the state.

80

The Zeliangrong Movement (1930-1932)

The rebellion started by a young mystic leader named Jadonang and continued by his

disciple, the fiery and charismatic girl, Gaidinliu has been described by the British

officials and historians by different names. Robert Reid, a Governor of Assam called

this phenomenon of Jadonang and Gaidinliu as the rebellion of the Kabui and Kacha

Naga as the people involved were officially named Kabui and Kacha Naga to mean

the Rongmei, Puimei, Zemei and Liangmei respectively(Reid; 1942). A historian

described it as a Kabui rebellion because the leaders of the rebellion belong to the

Kabui (Roy; 1958). The chief secretary of Assam Mr. Crosgrave called it a Naga Raj

movement based on political Agent J.C Higgins' telegram that a Kabui NagaRaj was

proclaimed at Kambiron. Another writer describes it as a Naga struggle against the

British (Yunuo; 1982). Yet another certain historian prefer to adopt the term, "The

Zeliangrong Revolt" to mean the momentous and historic movement of the

Zeliangrong people with significant impact on the social and political development of

the people(Kamei; 2004: 145). It was an all-Zeliangrong affair that had never occurred

in the history of the people, covering the Rongmei, the Liangmei and the Zemei of the

state ofManipur and the province of Assam.

Another notable tribal movement, which gave an equal impact, like the Kuki

rebellion, on the future social, political and economic life of Manipur, was the

Zeliangrong movement. The Zeliangrong movement in the early phase is a classic

example of a millenarian movement. It initially was purely a non-violent movement

launched under the dynamic leadership of Jadonang, a young Kabui Naga ofManipur.

The outbreak of this movement was renaissance of the Zeliangrong people because it

has touched almost all aspects of the collective life of this tribe. (Joy Kumar, 1991 ,op

cit: 56).

On the other side of it was an alien challenge posed by the British colonial rule and

apathy towards the Zeliangrong people during and after the Kuki rebellion of 1917-

1919. The movement was carried out through the several stages with different

objectives. At the first part, this movement was carried out on the line of a millenarian

with an objective to generate the old religion of the Zeliangrong people against

formidable approaching force of Christianity. Then in the second stage, it assumed a

radical political overtone, the reason for this second step was closely related with the

81

negative attitude of the colonial British rulers towards the Zeliangrong people. They

strongly felt that during that during the movement of 1917-1919, they suffered a lot at

the hands of the rebels. At that time, they had a strong loyalty to the ruler and hoped

that the authorities would extent their protection, but contrary to their expectation,

they did not receive any type of protection from the British government despite their

loyalty to the colonial authorities. So it created a great disappointment among the

people. And after this incident, their mind was highly colored by anti-imperialist and

anti-colonial tendencies and the character of the movement also became more

militant and political. Then gradually they became more concerned to the question of

their self-identity. Later on, the objective of the movement was inclined mainly to the

cause of social unity, cultural resurgence, economic upliftment and political

integration.

There were several causes of the Zeliangrong revolt and the inspired leaders were the

agents of these causes to bring out the rebellion. The root cause Jay in the oppressive

nature of the colonial British rule, the hill house taxes, which the poor people could

not pay annually, as it was a back breaking colonial taxation. From the very

beginning, the Zeliangrong people did not welcome the British rule. They did not pay

the house tax of three rupees willingly. It was forcibly imposed and collected y the

British government. Though they had declared that they have abolished the feudal

service called Lallup in Manipur, the forced labour was imposed on the Zeliangrong

people. They had to render free labour for repair and maintenance of the government

road, the Cachar road from Bishnupur to Jirighat. It was a continuation of the feudal

service imposed by the rulers of Manipur. Then the British imposed a levy on the

villages to meet the cost of local hospitality for the officials touring the hill villages

and carry the baggage of the officials. The system was known as Pothang Begari,

"forced labour" and Pothang Senkhai, monetary levies for the feeding of the

Government officials. The people detested the house taxes, and despised the forced

labour and the monetary subscription.

The British rule at the village level was the rule of the Iambus, road muhorrirs and the

peons. Their attitude and the action were very oppressive. One road muhorrir was

well known for the frequent flogging of the villagers engaged in road repair. The

oppressive rule of the Iambus was responsible for the alienation of the common

people from the Government. The Zeliangrong people living in the western hills, the

82

Tousem and the Oinamlong ranges and the Mak.hru River basin came under the forest

Jaws. The forest office based at Silchar strictly regulated the exploitation of the

bamboo and other rich trees, specially the Nageshwar, and Jarul, the cane and the

rattan. The people suffered because of this regulation. The British partiality towards

the Kukis was quiet well known, so also the Meitei friendliness towards the Kuki

immigrants. The Kuki settlement in the Naga areas was resented and not wanted by

the Zeliangrong people because the real conflict lay in the possession of the land. The

land and the forest, which were once used by the Zeliangrong people alone, had to be

shared by two, the original settlers and the migrant settlers. The productivity of the

land also decreased, and the rotation of the Jhum cycle also decreased. Moreover, the

Kuki polity control1ed by their hereditary chiefs was autocratic. Their attachment was

transitory while the Zeliangrong attachment to their village and land was deep, strong

and emotional. There was not enough land for the two. The Zeliangrong Nagas

blamed the Meitei kings and the British for this serious land question. The agriculture

was also unpredictable and unproductive.

During the Kuki Rebellion, the Kuki rebels attacked the Zeliangrong villages, killed

men, women and children, and resorted to head hunting. The Zeliangrong Nagas

expected the British authorities to give them protection. The Manipur Government not

only failed to give them protection but also ignored the request of the people for

protection. Only when the Assam Rifles took up a full-scale campaign, the Kuki

rebels were defeated in the Zeliangrong Area. The Zeliangrong people remembered

the atrocities of the Kuki rebels and the past Kuki raids perpetrated on the

Zeliangrong people. Though temporary friendship and alliances were made, there was

a deep psyche of the people against them.

The lenient policy of the British towards the Kukis in general, and the Kuki rebel

leaders brought further alienation. Instead of capital punishment, the rebel leaders of

Tamenglong, Tintong and Ejakhup and the Chief of Loibol or Jampi were just exiled.

The Meitei attitude towards the Zeliangrong Naga was one of despise and contempt

and they had not cared to build up friendly relation despite the Zeliangrong help at the

time of crisis in their history. The Zeliangrong people, at least those who were

working in the Government were aware of the then political movements going on in

India. People had heard about Gandhi and the Congress. They had heard about the

Simon Commission appointed to recommend a new constitution for British Provinces

83

in the Indian Empire. The Naga Government servants who were the members of the

Naga Club submitted Memorandum to the Commision. They met Mr. Clement Attlee,

a Labour M.P. at Kohima and pressed the Commission that when the British left

India, the Nagas should be left to themselves (Kamei: 146-147).

Resentful of their burdens such as imposition of house tax of Rs 3 per year, role of

Iambus and encroachment of lands by the Kukis among other things, Jadonang's call,

"Makam people will be rulers', evoked wide response among Kabui and Kacha Nagas

(Tarapot, 2003: 150). The two obnoxious laws which the Kabui Naga hated were the

pothang bekari and pothang sankhai (Bimola Devi: 170). There is another reason for

the strained relation between the British and the Kabui Nagas. The Kukis encroached

on their lands and the British did not prevent this although they collected the house

tax subject to the condition that the British would protect the interest of the Kabui

Nagas. For a tribal, land is dear because it is the only means of livelihood (Bimola

Devi, ibid: 72). In these circumstances, Jadonang came to the conclusion that the only

solution to the problem was the elimination of the British, and the establishment of

the Kabui Raj. The slogan "Kabui Naga Raj" like the Quit India of 1942 had a

tremendous effect on the psychology of the Kabui Nagas.

The major phenomenon, which generated the movement, was the growmg

discontentment of the people over the malpractices of the new colonial administrators

and the economic system and activities of the Christian Missionaries.

Jadonang and the NagaRaj

The situation was ripe for any agitation or even a movement if it was properly

directed. Then came Jadonang of Kambiron and took up the movement for the Naga

Raj (Kamei, 1997). Jadonang was born in 1905 in the village of Kambiron in the

Southern Zeliangrong country, now in Tameng1ong district. When he grew up he saw

a large number of travelers who passed by Kambiron as it was situated on the Cachar

road. He saw the British officials, the government servants, the sepoys and the

villagers carrying their baggage. His own brother, Mundunnang used to carry the

baggage of the Manipur and the British officials. He had seen the troop movement on

this road during the Kuki rebellion, when he was thirteen or fourteen year old.

84

However neither Jadonang was greatly affected by the Kuki rebellion, as there was

friendly relation between the Zeliangrong villages of Nungba area with the Kuki

villages under the Singson chiefs (Kamei: 147).

Jadonang knew that the Zeme, Liangmai, and Rongmei tribes of Tamenglong were

not united. He found that the people were deeply rooted in the social and religious

orthodoxy- the taboos and gennas had covered all the true ideals of Kabui religion.

Christianity had come to the hill and started challenging the traditional religion, its old

values and ideals of the Zeliangrong people. Being religious minded, he wanted to

save the religion from the onslaught of the alien religion and reform and revitalize the

religion of his people (Kabui in Lal Dena 1991: 33). But they were quite helpless to

check this silent invasion of the Christian religion, because at that time there was no

social or political unity among them. With this understanding he made a successful

attempt to bring the three different groups of people together which was latter on

framed under 'Zeliangrong' in the mid forties (Joy Kumar 1991: 58).

As a first step, Jadonang abolished all irrational superstitious practices in the religion.

In place of these old religious practices, he gave more emphasis on the belief of one

god or monotheistic cult. He projected the idea of 'Supreme Being' which was known

as "Tingwang or Tingkao Ragwang' (God of the heaven or God of the universe).

Then he constructed a temple as a religious place where the people used to come and

worship (ibid: 59). He constructed two temples, tended a big python in his compound,

fed it with milk and worshipped it and thereby created an impression in the minds of

the uncritical Kabuis that he was the messenger of god sent by God to liberate the

Kabui Nagas from the tyranny of British (Bimola: 173). With the help of this cult,

Jadonang was able to bring social unification among the people.

The NagaRaj: Makam Gwangcli, ·.: _ ·. ·

Gangmumei Kamei, in separate biography of Jadonang writes, "From a religious

mystic and social reformer to a political visionary and rebel was the logical

development in the revolutionary career of the "seer of Kambiron" who had emerged

as the most popular and influential personality in Zeliangrong society with a mass

following. Jadonang had successfully brought about reforms in Zeliangrong religion,

85

and in the process, engineered a massive social movement involving every section of

the social strata and all sub-tribes of the Zeliangrong community, the Rongmei, the

Liangmei, Zeme and Puimei of Manipur state, North Cachar Hills and the Naga Hills

of the province of Assam. Such an electrifying phenomenon of the tribal movement

touching all aspects of social, religious, aesthetic and political life of the scattered

Naga community had not been witnessed in the hills of the North East India.

Jadonang tried through his social reforms to revitalize the age-old tradition bound,

conservative and orthodox society of the Zeliangrong Nagas. If His reforms were

revivalist attempt to protect, preserve and to develop his society and religion from

being swallowed by an alien religion and culture, his ultimate aim was the

establishment of the "Makam Gwangdi'', the kingdom of the Makam meaning

Zeliangrong or the Nagas which was described by the British colonial Government as

the "Naga Raj". If his reforms were for religious purification, cultural resurgence and

social integration, his political dream of a Kingdom was a natural response to the

British colonialism. It was always resisted and never compromised by him or by his

people in the past."(kamei, 1997:22)

The concept of the "Raj" was new to the Nagas. It was developed out of the popular

slogan "Makammeiru Gwang Tupuni" ( Makam people will be the rulers, king) given

by Jadonang. The idea of the Makam Gwangdi ( Makam Kingdom) was a "fresh idea

and attractive to his people who had been oppressed, persecuted and victimized by the

alien rulers. This political ideology made Jadonang clash with the colonial authorities.

And the British called it a Naga Raj. The Makam Gwangdi was romanticized by

Ursula Graham Bower as 'a sort ofNaga heaven, 'a millennium on earth where there

would be prosperity, no wants and no suffering (Bower, 2003). Jadonang insisted that

people should worship God so that "the villages might have prosperity. This aspect of

the Jadonang movement has led the sociologist and historians to describe it a tribal

millenarian movement(Joykumar, 1995). Jadonang was trying to achieve the political

integration of his people under a "kingdom" after the attainment of the social unity

through religion. His movement was not directed against the Christians. It was more

an imaginary fear of the Christians rather than the real danger. It was also not anti

Kuki. "The Meiteis have their King, the Indian! (Tajongmei) have their rulers, why

should we not have our own King? The white men and we are all human beings. Why

should we be afraid of them? All men are equal. We are blessed people. Our days

86

have come. Our powerful weapons are kept hidden by God at Zeilad. We shall pray

and worship God. With his grace we shall become the rulers. He was regarded by his

followers as the messiah (deliverer), for whom they were waiting for. No one knew

what the tradition of the Messiah (deliverer). But it was a popular feeling engrossed in

the psyche of the Zeliangrong, a psycho social phenomenon of a "mass fantasy to

escape the suffering of the contemporary social, economic and political

hardship(Kamei, opcit:23).

Military preparation

As the movement was gaining momentum, Jadonang sent followers to different

villages to enlist recruits, impart them military training, engage them in armed

struggle against the enemy and to regard him as the 'Messiah King' who would

overthrow the British rule. The main objectives of the movement according to the

Annual District Administrative Report ( 1930-31 ), was to make war, first on the Kukis

and secondly on the government (the British rule) though Jadonang in a statement

later denied this. To achieve their goal, funds were raised to purchase arms like guns,

spears, shields and other weapons (Tara pot 2003: 151 ).

By 1929, his movement had gained momentum and took a semi-military, semi­

religious and political character. In 1930, Jadonang plan had been well informed to all

the villages. What he promised was a 'Naga Heaven' a 'Millennium on Earth' where

there would be no want; it would be a land plenty (Kabui 1991: 13 7). He repeatedly

declared that 'the days of the Kabuis and Kacha Nagas had come at least and the days

of the government, Manipur and Kuki are over. He instructed that the villages should

stop paying taxes to the government; they should disobey the unjust Jaws of the state

(his program of action coincides with the civil disobedience movement in India).

Then, the Raj would be proclaimed; the people should pay tributes to the new

kingdom; then all able-bodied men should be ready to fight against all foreigners who

would be driven out (ibid: 137).

With the movement gaining popularity, Kukis settling either in north- west of

Manipur, Cachar or in Nagaland became panic. They thought the Nagas might attack

them anytime since the latter had collected guns, spears, shields or other weapons in

87

recent times. Frequent gatherings of the Nagas at several villages also disrupted the

cultivation of Kukis who on several occasions abandoned their fields, stayed away

from cutting crops and took refugee in jungles for days for fear of attacks. What

concerned the Kukis, who were viewed as 'new comers' and 'trespassers' on their

lands by the Nagas those days, was that their neighbors might do the same thing they

did on them before or during the Kuki rebellion.

J.P Mills, Deputy Commissioner of Naga hills in his report stated that through his

miraculous powers he came to know that two Naga girls were captured by the Kukis

saying one was brutally murdered and the other was buried alive during the rebellion

of 1917-1919 (Tarapot 2003: 153). But he was not in favor of giving first blow against

them because he wanted the first act of aggression should come from the Kukis (Joy

Kumar 1991: 60). "Tensions were very great and friendly relations between Nagas

and Kukis ceased almost everywhere. Only a spark was needed to set the whole

country ablaze", concluded Mills (as quoted by Tarapot: 153).

As the movement spread to interior smaller villages, various Naga villages, which had

earlier differences of opinion and were locked in tribal warfare made peace with one

another. To some extent Jadonang brought together mutually quarrelling and

independent Kacha Naga villages (ibid).

In March 1930, a very unfortunate incident happened; it was so momentous in

consequence that it misfired the whole plan of Jadonang. He was accused of a murder

of four Manipuri traders who 'disappeared' in the March 1930 (actually killed by

some of his villagers as they violated the 'no fire' genna). According to the Manipur

administrative report, 1931-32, "Jadonang was wanted not only as the leader of the

new movement but also a murderer" (Kabui 1991: 40). This incident gave a good

opportunity to the government to tarnish the image of the movement. On the other

hand it also gave a good opportunity to British authority to drag out the sympathy of

the plain people from the real cause. Thereafter, the British tried to arrest him not as

rebel leader who had proclaimed the Naga Raj (Joy Kumar, op.cit: 62).

The arrest of Jadonang was too simple to believe. One police constable in plain

clothes invited Jadonang at his house which turned out to be a trap. Thus, Jadonang

was arrested .on 191h February 1931, at Cachar. He was finally hanged on 29'h August

1931. The report of Assam government on 161h May 1931 was quite revealing and

88

indicative of the detennination of the government to punish Jadonang by one way or

the other. The report states: "Nonnal conditions now prevail again and idea of a Naga

Raj has been dissipated. Jadonang, the instigator of all troubles is now under trial in

the court of the political agent in Manipur with a number of men of Kambiron and

neighboring villages for the murder of Manipuri traders who disappeared about March

1930" (Kabui, opcit: 141 ).

Rani Gaidinliu

But the execution of Jadonang, as anticipated by the British did not subside the

activities of the movement. After his execution, the leadership of the movement was

taken over by Gaidinliu, a Kabui Naga girl and a close associate of the late J adonang.

Under her leadership, the activities of the movement were further spread over a large

area. The character of the movement became more militant (Joy Kumar: 63). Indeed

her only desire was to materialize the objectives of her master Jadonang. Gaidinliu

told the people, "We are free people, the white men should not rule over us, we will

not pay house tax to the government, we will not obey their unjust laws like forced

labor and compulsory porterage subscription" (Kabui, op.cit,: 140). Her political

program was the translation of Jadonang's idea. It is mentioned that she told the

people that the British would soon be driven out by Gandhi, and she began to praise

him. Thus she made an attempt to bring the Zeliangrong movement as a part of the

Indian national movement (Joy Kumar: 141 ).

Gaidinliu went underground to direct the rebellion. The people gave money for the

cause and a large number of fighting men volunteered for the cause and for the fight

against the British (Kabui,ibid: 141 ). Due to this condition, the activities of the

movements became a great concern to the government. Then the British government

decided to suppress the rebellion and capture Gaidinliu which they succeeded on 17

October 1932 through secret infonnation about her activities and movements. Pundit

Jawaharlal Nehru learnt about her and was impressed by her activities when he visited

Assam in 1937. He described her as the "Rani of the Nagas."

After her arrest, some of her followers tried to sustain the movement. But they were

not able to carry the movement. As a result of this, the vigor and intensity was

89

completely lost. Latter on this movement was again activated in an institutionalized

way by fanning the Kabui Samity in 1934, the Kabui Naga Association in 1946, the

Zeliangrong Council in 1947, etc.

The Zeliangrong movement was indeed an epoch making event in the colonial history

of Manipur. The outbreak of this movement may be marked in the beginning of the

struggle for the political emancipation from the hands of the British imperialist. Apart

from this, it also played a great role for bringing a unity among the different groups

the people. This movement had completely wiped out all the differences among the

different villages and inter-village feuds and rivalries and brought sense of solidarity

and unity among the Zeliangrong people and helped the growth of national

consciousness among the people (Joy Kumar: 65).

The Women's Agitation of 1939- 41

The Women's agitation is considered a serious agrarian crisis, which encouraged

widespread protest movements in the state. This agitation is known as Second

Nupilan, the first one being in 1904.

After the two tribal movements, the state witnessed a great mass movement against

the colonial and feudal authority of the state. It was carried on solely by the women

folk. It broke out in l21h December 1939 (Joy Kumar: 71 ). The nature of the

movement in Manipur emphasized for the upliftment of the economic condition of the

state and thus the leaders of the movement challenged the colonial economic policy of

the British (ibid). It was a movement launched by women of Manipur who always

played a vital role in the economic life of the state. They enjoyed maximum

independence in this line. This high status accorded to the women folk is regarded as

one of the 'greatest pride of Manipur'. But seldom were they given political and

administrative responsibilities. They managed the internal and external trade of the

state.

Khwairamband bazaar, located in the British reserved area, was the center of the

economic activities of the state. Most of the traders had their godowns and shops at

the Sadar and Maxwell bazaar located in this complex. Inside the market complex,

there were a large number of women vendors dealing in varieties of local products

90

(Lokendra S.N. 1998: 137). Because of the constant exposure to vanous socio­

economic and cultural cross currents, these women constituted a well informed and

conscious social group and in times of crisis, they always used to respond to the

problem.

The economy of Manipur was an agrarian economy. In an agrarian economy, rice

plays an important role. So the most important trade/industry of the women of

Manipur was the rice trading business where their involvement was enormous (Joy

Kumar: 72). If the women boycott the market, the economy of the state is seriously

affected. If rice is exported to other places, in times of scarcity in the valley, rice

could not be imported into it (Bimola: 191 ).

In regard to the role of the women of Manipur, some writers tried to analyze it from

two different directions. One was the pre-occupation period, and another was the

post-occupation period. In comparison with the post occupation period, the women of

Manipur got better advantageous position in the field of their economic activities.

During this period in Manipur, there emerged a strong conscience for having a self­

sufficiency in the economy and every household became a great center of production.

The responsibilities for these economic activities were entirely on the shoulders of the

women folk of the state. But from the year 1891, i.e. after the introduction of direct

colonial rule, the whole system was changed. Very soon they began to exploit the

whole traditional economy of the state in order to get advantageous position in the

introduction of their colonial system (George Rudenko in Joy Kumar: 72).

In order to implement their desire very successfully, they utilize the service of the big

traders from outside the state. This new economic trend degraded the importance of

the women folk of Manipur in the economic life of the state. Then the outside traders

gradually began to capture the monopoly of trade, which at one time was under the

management of the women folk (Joy Kumar: 72). The British authority introduced a

free trade policy, which ultimately gave a great economic benefit to the colonial

economic policy; the British officials began to control the trade and industry of the

state.

It is recorded that in the year 1892-93, rice was freely exported to Kohima (Nagaland)

and several thousand mounds were sent to that station (Administrative Report of

Manipur 1892-93: 2). The British authority also imported a large quantity of salt from

91

outside. As a result, the salt industry in Manipur was affected very seriously (ibid). In

1898-99, the British exported 36, 436 mounds of rice. It was a sharp increase of 25,

230 mounds as compared to that of 1897-98. Then in 1922-23, the volume of quantity

reached 80,000 mounds of rice.

However, till the year 1925, the export policy began to assume a peculiar character

and after this the Marwari traders began to take over the monopoly of export industry

from the local traders (Joy Kumar: 145). As long as the export of rice by bullock cart

and in the hands of the local people, there was no criticism of rice export. But with the

emergence of the Marwari businessmen and the introduction of motor traffic, the

whole situation completely changed.

The scarcity of rice brought into existence the increase in the price of rice. Women

revolted. Before the outbreak of Nupilan, the price was Rs. 1.120 per mound. It

increased toRs. 2 before December 1929 (Bimola: 191 ).

The export of rice was carried under two different categories: 'cart tax' and 'land

pass' systems. Under the first system, the free movement of rice were allowed after

paying cart tax and the second system was made through an agreement between

Manipur state and Assam government. Under the second category, the rice can be

exported to the Kohima civil stations and Assam Riffles posted in different areas in

Assam. From the cart tax system, the state could acquire a lot of revenue but latter on

the mode of collection was changed. Earlier, the collection was made by an order

passed by the office of the political agent but latter on the responsibilities of the

collection was given to the trading firm and a fixed payment was made to the state

half yearly and the work was started in 1932. This new system gave a great help in the

growth and consolidation of Marwari capital in Manipur and the quantity of rice

export in a year reached 2,77,389 mounds as against 105287 as in the previous years.

(Joy Kumar in Lal Dena: 146). In 1925-26, the total area under cultivation was 1,

75,53 7 acres and in 1938 the total area was 1, 85,213 acres. The increase was only 10,

322 acres. On the other hand, the volume of export of rice in 1925 -26 was 1, 55,014

mounds and in 1938, it was 3,72,174 mounds. Thus the volume of the export of rice

increased very sharply. It caused a serious economic effect on the normal lifer of the

common people. This was the economic condition of the state before the outbreak of

the movement (ibid: 146).

92

The immediate cause for the outbreak of women's movement was directly related

with prevailing export policy of the authority and milling activities of the Marwari

traders. The serious economic problem created by the colonial authority was further

intensified by the shortage of food grains. It was caused by several factors. Excessive

rains during July-August 1939 severely damaged the standing crops in various parts

of the valley. Again heavy rain coupled with a severe hailstorm in mid-November

adversely affected the harvest of the 'early paddy' and the incoming grain was Jess

than what was expected. The Marwaris took advantage of the situation and bought up

the entire paddy that they could find (C. Gimson in N. Lokendra Singh: 137).

Realizing the unusual market situation, the Manipur state Durbar passed a resolution

on 131h September, banning the export of rice. But the Durbar, on 25111 September,

reversed the fonner order and allowed the export of rice to Kohima civil station. The

Durbar further liberalized the export policy on 24111 November (ibid: 138). Rice export

increased to 3,72,174 mounds in 1938-39. Though November, December (harvesting

months) were usually the best months for the valley people as rice and paddy were

normally cheap, December 1939 turned out to be an exception. To complicate the

matter, hoarding and uncontrolled purchase of rice and paddy by the traders and their

agents, neither enabled the women grain dealers to do their usual trade nor could

commoners buy it from the traders shop. Gradually the conditions become very

serious and it was fast approaching near famine. (Joy Kumar in Lal Dena: 147). The

imas particularly the grain dealers and paddy huskers, many of whom were thrown

out of their jobs, were very much disturbed. (Lokendra: 138). With the installation of

rice mills, the rice dealers too, who were mostly females, lost their jobs because both

the common people as well as the rice exporters started buying rice from the mill

owners (ibid.:l38).

Administrative Reports of Manipur on December 1939 said that one Aribam

Chaobiton Devi from Tara Keithel, organized a small group of about four or five

women of her own business circle and tried to stop the bullock carts which carried

paddy for Marwari traders. And they requested the authority to close all rise mills. On

12'11 December 1939 at forenoon, about 1000 women of Khwairam Keithel (market)

gathered at the market. From there on they went to the office of the political agent,

Gimson. Then the women began to shout slogans against the export policy of the

93

government. The women surrounded Sharpe, the President of the Manipur State

Durbar and asked him to issue an order to stop both the working of the mills and

export of rice. The number of crowds was also increased gradually and reached about

4000s. Then Sharpe, along with the women agitations came to the telegraph office to

send telegraph to Nabadwip to get the approval from the Maharaja (Joy Kumar: 148).

Even after the message had been sent, the women did not him. They kept him there to

await the Maharaja's reply. The commandant of the 41h Assam Riffles, Major Bulfield

and the civil surgeon, Major Cumins, who came to the rescue were also kept there.

(Administrative Report 1939-40 in Lokendra C.). The siege continued for number of

hours till quite late in the evening (ibid).

Seeing this tense situation, the government decided to take up some repressive

measures against the women agitationists and at about 2.30 p.m, a platoon of Assam

Riffles arrived with guns and fixed bayonets. The women masses became more

militant and aggressive (Joy Kumar 148), with slogans of Vande Mataram, and

Manipur Mata Ki Jai, the women masses countered the violence of the sepoys. In

confrontation, twenty-one women were injured by bayonet and gun butts. Out of

twenty-one women five were seriously injured and latter on taken to the civil hospital

for treatment. (The Pioneer, Lucknow in Lokendra: 140).

The government believed that the cause of the movement was related to the

administrative lapses in the state. Robert Reid, the governor of Assam, asked the

Maharaja to make some considerable reforms in administration of the state so that the

intensity of the movement could be stopped. Meanwhile, Gimson the political agent

gave a threat to the women by saying that if they did not attend the market he would

allot the seat to anyone he liked. The women assured that if their demands were

fulfilled, they would attend the market. Just to control the movement, the government

five women leaders because of the alleged anti-government activities and put them in

jail for six months. After the arrest of these leaders the tempo of the movement died

gradually.

From the above discussion we may conclude that although the grievances of the

women and their demand were not made immediately, it gave a profound impact on

every aspect of life of the people of Manipur. In this regard Reid wrote, "The

occasion for this was economic grievances arising out of rise in the price of rice due

94

to the excessive export coupled with a genuine fear of a shortage means of starvation,

because it is impossible to import rice at a price Manipuris can pay. The heavy export

in tum was the result of the numerous rice mills, which have, sprung up in Manipur."

The outbreak of the women agitation was a turning point in the emergence of the new

trend of political and national consciousness in the state. The colonial authority

regarded the outbreak of this movement as the most important event of the year event

1939. Some writers regarded this movement as a dividing line between the oppressive

economic and administrative policies followed by the Maharaja and the political agent

and the new Manipur emerged out of the Nupilan (Joy Kumar, op.cit: 70). The

movement of women known as 'Nupilan' which had started to stop export of rice was

latter joined by other social leaders and organization. The character of this movement

also changed as it was diverted towards the major political issues relating to the

constitutional and administrative reforms in Manipur (Sharma, op.cit: 60).

Second World War and Manipur's Economic Scenario

From the year 1942-45 Manipur was completely under the smoke of the Second

World War (Joy Kumar: 94). The Manipuri masses were to experience another period

of the tumultuous change in the next four to five years. The Manipur State Durbar,

which was seriously considering the issue of certain basic administrative changes as a

necessary response to the demands of the agitators, again got its attention diverted to

the wartime mobilization works when the Japanese forces occupied the neighboring

Burma and its invasion of Manipur was becoming almost certain. (N. Lokendra

Singh: 162).

With the Japanese occupation of Burma in the early 1942, Manipur, a border state

began to feel the impact of war. In January and February, 1942, refugees mostly

servants, British families who had been in oil or timber business and even few Italians

and Swedes along with their women and children began to arrive in hundreds from

Burma. By April the refugees in thousands overflowed the camps run by the Maharaja

and Maharani (ibid: 162). They came with nothing, no food, no money, but only with

tattered clothes

95

The scare of the Japanese attack increased and on the 11th and 161h May, some of the

strategically important areas like the Assam Riffles, the residency and the bazaar area

were bombarded. The bombing not only disrupted the state administration for some

days, but also disturbed the life of the entire civilian population. Most of the

inhabitants of the Imp hal vacated their houses and took shelter in the peripheral area.

Even the 'foreign merchants' mostly the Marwaris started removing their families and

then themselves departed in large numbers though their departure went 'unmoumed'.

The Khwairamband bazaar was also deserted for a number of days ( opcit: 162).

Many people were killed on that first day particularly Zeliangrong men and women

who attended the Naga Bazaar in the British Reserve. It was an uneasy two years wait

in 1944, when the Japanese army invaded Manipur and Naga Hills (Kamei,

2004: 169).

One of the significant problems that emerged during the period, 1941-43 was that of

rapid socio-economic changes that was taking place in the state. Agriculture, the main

stay of the economy was thoroughly disturbed by the situation of instability. Most of

the available trucks and Lorries were used for the transportation of the armies and

therefore regular food supplies could not be brought in. After the departure of the

majority of foreign merchants, some local petty contractors were bringing in supplies

to meet some of the essential requirements. The tremendous increase in the demand

and the dislocation in trade, shoot up price of rice rose from Re. 1 per mound in

February 1942 and further increased to Rs. 25.00 per mounds in August 1942 and

futher increased to Rs. 50 in August 1943 .. The price of kerosene oil also reached a

peak of Rs. 50 per tin in July 1942 though it came down to Rs. 25 per tin after

sometime. Some other essential commodities like atta, dal, flour and sugar were not

available in the market.

There was, however, a heavy induction of money in the state through the wartime

mobilization works. The treasury transaction, which used to be about Rs. 2 lakhs a

month in peace time rose to an unusual height of about Rs.30 to Rs.40 lakhs a month.

A huge amount of money was spent in the construction of roads in the valley and the

hills. Since 1942 the road from Pallel to Tamu was under construction to facilitate the

movement of the army. In 1942, in the hills alone, the army used 5000 impressed

labourers were used by the army and another 65000 were employed by contractors on

96

military projects. Local contractors took advantage of situation and earned a huge

amount of profit.

Thus, while the local businessmen and the contractors benefited from the war time

economic activities, the general masses suffered from scarcity of foodstuff as well as

inflation. During 1942-1943, many people of Imphal had problems of shelter. In

1942-43, many of the houses in Imphal were deserted because ofbombing and by the

autumn of 1943, as many as 800 homesteads containing 20,000 houses were

requisitioned for the army. The owners had to 'double up' with friends and relatives

in the surrounding countryside. They also suffered from tremendous psychological

problems due to the uncertainty of their life and property.

The Japanese occupied Ukhrul on 21st March. They advanced very rapidly and the

whole sub-division was overrun with an incredible speed. The villages fled to the

jungle when fighting took place and used to filter back when the immediate danger

was over. The villages also lost a large number of their livestock. A group of Japanese

force from Ukhrul captured Kangpokpi and subsequently controlled Imphal-Dimapur

road from Mao to Kangpokpi by first week of April. In fact the Manipur plains were

completely cut off from the rest of the country between March 29th and 23rd, June

1944. As a result of disturbances, many villages could not carry on with their

agricultural activities because of heavy fighting. The general masses suffered either

the failure ofjhum agriculture or extortion by the army.

The second half of 1944 shows a trend of worsening socio-economic conditions of the

people. Agriculture had practically failed in almost all areas and the people had to

survive on rations till first half of 1945. During the five years between 1944 and 1948,

the momentum of economic activities declined considerably. Agriculture was

seriously disturbed because of the continuing instability of general masses and also

almost unavailability of plough cattle. There was also an acute shortage of seeds of

agricultural implements due to large-scale destruction during the war (Singh: 163).

Thus, international conflict had also tremendous bearing on the socio- economic

conditions of the tiny state of Manipur.

97

Summary

The foregoing discussion clearly points out the occurrences of numerous conflicts in

Manipur where the people directed their grievances or hostility against a common

enemy, which eventually manifest itself into violence and wars. In the beginning the

conflict as we have seen was between the people of Manipur and its neighboring state,

Myanmar which resulted in so much destruction of Manipur's economy. This war

brought the kingdom of Manipur under the Burmese rule for seven years ( 1819-1825)

which is known in Manipur's history as, 'Seven Years Devastation'.

The aftermath of this war with the court of Ava (Myanmar) was followed by even

more uprisings and revolts against the colonial power. The colonial power as we have

seen, was invited to play an important role during the war of Manipur with invading

Burmese forces. Even after the war, the British found a good opportunity to continue

their influence which they exercised through their successive 'Political Agents. In the

course of time, the relations between the British India and Manipur worsened which

finally Jed to the Anglo-Manipur war of 1891 in which the Manipuris were badly

defeated. T.C Hodson calls this war as "The end of the period of independence", of

Manipur. The internal palace war has finally ended with the loss of sovereignty of

Manipur in 1891.

Henceforth, an administrative system known as the 'Native Rule' started and the

administration ofManipur was controlled through a British representative. During this

rule, revolts and rebellions have taken place in Manipur at almost regular intervals.

The first one being the first 'Nupilan' of 1904, when the women of Imphal protested

against the orders of the British Officers, which continued for several days. The

colonial period also saw the placing of the hill tribes and the valley of Manipur under

different administration, which created a deep-rooted alienation between the two and

which widened with passage of time.

Then comes the Kuki Rebellion of 1917-1919 on anti-imperialist most closely related

with political economic and administrative changes, which were introduced since the

occupation of the country by the British in 1891. Not forgetting the immediate cause

of the revolt i.e. labor recruitment, there have been a host of other factors responsible

for it. Their secured economic system with (trade relationship, i.e., barter system with

the people of plain areas) completely collapsed by the colonial economy. The

98

introduction of hill house tax produced a serious negative impact on the traditional

economy of the Kuki people. Moreover, their inter-village feuds and warfare were

also responsible for the destruction of their own economy. Hence their economy was

dwindled because of all these factors.

We have also described in detail, another tribal movement known as the Zeliangrong

movement that took place after the Kuki rebellion, which arose out of a betrayed

confidence. Despite the tribe's loyalty to the ruler during the Kuki Rebellion, the

Britishers would not protect the interest of the Kabui Nagas against the Kukis who .

encroached on their lands. Besides this encroachment of lands, the imposition of

house tax and the role of Iambus also helped to facilitate the movement. The

movement as we have seen, was spearheaded by Jadonang and followed later by Rani

Gaidinliu through the concept of Naga Raj. Whatever the causes or the consequences

of it, it was this movement which gave the people of Manipur, the idea of political

independence.

The women's agitation of 1939-41 played an important role in the context of

discussing poverty and social conflict during the colonial period. The movement

challenged the colonial economy policy of the British, who introduced free trade

policy. Under this policy, the British authority began to export large quantity of rice

from Manipur. The service of the big traders from outside the state was utilized and

the Marwari traders established a monopoly. Increase in the price of rice, and the

introduction of rice mills also nudged the laborers out from their jobs. As if to make

matters worse, excessive rains severely damaged the standing crops. All these

happening simultaneously contributed the pathetic economic scenario during this

period. These conditions led to the unbearable women to openly rise in violent revolts

against the Britishers.

The Second World War and its wartime activities also played a major role as far as

the economy of the state is concerned. The enemy's bomb fell in Manipur which

disrupted the state's administration and the life of both the civilians and the foreign

merchants. The most significant however was that of the socio economic changes

where agriculture was thoroughly disturbed and the supply of food items stopped as

the trucks and Lorries were use for the transport of armies. One functional aspect is

that the local contractors were able to earn a huge amount of profit through heavy

99

induction of money in the state through wartime mobilization. But despite this success

story on one side, the general masses suffered not only from scarcity of foodstuff but

inflation too.

Chronology of conflict before and during the colonial period

Date Main prot:Jgonist Issue Result Alliance between the British To fight the Bunnese

1759-98 and King Bhagynchandra kingdom Bunnese invasion and Massacre of large population of Manipur

1819 occupation ofManipur reducing the population to almost half. Margit Singh and his supponers ned to Cachar. ( Seven years Devastation, I 819-1825)

Gambhir Singh with the suppon 1825 ,1826 of the British pushed out the

Bunnese from lmphal and kabow valley. Treaty of yandaboo, Bunnese Open connict between Manipur and Bunna

24"' Feb. I 826 and the British ended. Manipur independence restored.

8"' April I 891 Banle ofThoubal, Manipuris Anglo- Manipur war and British (against the British Manipur lost the banle against the British

protectorate) Manipuris and British in the Anglo- Manipur war

26"' Aprill891 banle of Khongjom (against the British Manipur lost the banle against the British protectorate)

Manipur became a pan of the British colonial rule. British colonial regime

27111 April I 891 British in Manipur hoisted the annexed Manipur. Administrative system Union Flag at Kangla Fon. known as 'native rule

staned

Buming of bungalows occupied Against the british March 1904 by the British 'native rule'

Administration of the Hills and the Valley Raja Churachand was handed separated.

May 1907 over the charge of the state. Created a deep rooted alienation between the people of the hills and the plains.

Against forced labour and hill house tax Overall reorganization of hill administration

1917-1919 Kuki rebellion introduced by the British an role of 'Iambus Apathy of British Beginning of the struggle for political towards Zcliangrongs emancipation from British and growth of

1930-1932 during and after the national consciousness; brought unity among Zeliangrong Naga movement l.:uki rebellion, house the Zeliangrong Nagas.

tax, role of Iambus and kuki encroachment of lands Against the free trade policy introduced by the Emergence of new trend of political and

1939-40 The Great Women's Agitation British( to stop expon of national consciousness in the state rice)

1942-45 Japanese Manipur affected by Economic activities declined; dislocation of second world war lmplml valley inhabitants; wanime

mobili7.ation works.

100