TRIBAL SITUATION IN KERALA - AN OVERVIEW

CHAPTER - 3

TRIBAL SITUATION IN KERALA

AN OVERVIEW

This chapter is intended to present a vivid plcturc of tlic different

tribal cornmunities in Kerala in general and the tribes of Wayanad in

particular with reference to their general features such as habitat,

occupation, social organization, housing, food habits, education etc.

As per the 1991 census, the population of the sclieduied tr~bes was

3.21 lakhs.' They constituted 1.1 1 percent of the total population of the

Kerala State. Out of this total tribal population 160812. (50.1 percent) were

males and 160155, (49.9 percent) were females.* The tribal population of

Kerala enunierated in 1991 census included only the notified communities'

(List of the Scheduled Tribes in Kerala as per 1991 census is given in the

appendix to lliis chapter). Though 35 tribal conimunities have been notified

in the scheduled tribes list of Kerala Stale, corn~iiunit~es like Kaiilniara,

Kondareddies, Kondakapus are not found in eral la." Iio\\.rver, tiley h a x

been enunlel.oled in earlier censuses (1971 and In 1981). Aga111, upto 1961

cellsus, only 34 tribal co~iiniunities liave been ~notified l:ro~l~ 1'971 c e n s ~ ~ s

onwards a conimunity known as kondakapl~s"~avc bcc~i cnumeratcd and

liencc 35 tribal coniniunities have been ~notified. l'llr I . C ; I S ~ I I I'OI \vli~cll is

that during census enumeration, the enuriierators recordcd the community

name as revealed by the individuals ~~nrelatcd to tile tribal conlmu~~i~ics .

Aga~n, certain communities, though a single entlty has been classified

undcr d~fferent t~tlec and numbers. For inrtance. Palleyan. Pall~an and

l ) L ~ l l ~ , ~ ~ . hr1i1 a s~nglc conimunlty, but classified under d~i'iercn~ \cr~al

numbers. (items numbers 30, 31 and 32). Similarly. Mala Rrayan (]tern

nullibcr 20) and Mala arayar (item number 26) form a singlc cornmutilt)..

l.~hc-\ii\c. Kochu\clan ( i t cn~ nunihcr 10) is ;I s)nonili l o f I I l ~ t i ~ i ! ,

clashified as item number 23. Again, Maha Malasar and M a l a w form a

,111glc community, they are enlisted as two distinct communltles as item

ilulnber I 9 and item number 24.6

On the other hand, some tribal conimunit~es are clubbed together

under a s~ngle community. For instance Uralikuramans, Mullakurumans of

IYa) anad are enumerated under a common name Kurunlans (item Yo. l7).'

Further, p r i m ~ t ~ v e conimunities l ~ k e Cholan~kam are not enumerated and

iiot~iied 111 the scheduled Tribe list o f Kerala State. 111 this context the

oh\e~\; i t io~i o f tlic State Planning Board in 1976 is \ a l ~ d e\cn rodaq.

l ) l c ~ ~ ~ ~ i ~ ~ i ; Board obscned "It is now bel l recogn~zed that mall) rr~bal

s o ~ n ~ l ~ u ~ i ~ t ~ e s \\li icli Il;i\e not bee11 not~ficd dcscr\,c to be ~~ic l i idcd 111 tiit.

~c l i c t i~~ lc , cons~der~ii; r lw~r economic and .;oc~al back\\ ;11d11csh O i l l ~ ~ s i o ~ ~ i

.ii\\j li.!\e hccii t,1hc11 ~il,icc oli account ot'tlic SII~II~;I~II IC~ 111 ~ io~i ic i i i~ I .~ t i~ ic ' 111

tile <clrc~iulrd c'istrs So liiany cases o f under cnun~er;~tiori Ii;i\'e coiile iliro

rloticc. A sc~cntific re-classification of the tribal c o ~ ~ ~ ~ n ~ ~ ~ i i t i e s :ind I'LIII-

INool'\yute~ii ofc~i~~ni i .ral ion o f tribal popl~lation need to he looked i ~ t Ir,~st

h) tilt t>liic 01. 1081 CCIISLIS.'" I~ow~vL'I.. tlic S~IIIIC oliilsr10iih d11ti ~1.1'01~

have crept into the successive censuses. Even thougli we can observe, as

noted earlier, these kinds of ambiguities and errors, it is ~rnperativc to

depend upon the census report for our study.

As the present study is focused upon the economies of tribals and

thcir transformation in Kerala, it is necessary to providc a br~ef account of

tile main socio-economic features of the tribals of Kcrala.

I . Habitat

Generally, the eastern parts are mountains and forests. In every

district, tlie eastern niountainous parts are forests witlh~n it the tribals I~vc.

However, one exception of this general rule is Wayanad d ~ s t r ~ c t . Apart

from other districts, throughout the Wayanad district we can observe both

the hilly areas and large scale concentration of forests and hence the tribal

Ihabitation. Tr~bal economies are character~zed by dependence on forest as

nth ecological niche, a resource, a source of l iv~ng and food supply. So the

tribal areas are conterminous with [lie 111lly and forested rcg~o~is

Consequently, the dispersal of hilly forests :Ire resulted the d~spersal of

tribal populat~otl.

Apart fi.oni physical constrains tllcre ;II' otlhc~ f~~ctol-!, \vl~~cll lead lo

dispersal o f t r~ba l habitation. The observatio~l of'llle Kcrala S t ~ ~ t e l'li111n111g

Roard in IN6 is valid even i n this context. '011 i~cco i~~ l t ol' tllc intlux of

['lains pcople, at lirst during tlie twiligl~t dcci~iics of lllc pel-cent CI'IIILI~Y

(20~'' century) for establishing plantations, and still later during the forties

and fifties for opening up of farming opportunities, the tribal habitation got

surrounded by the settlers. In the process, the tribal hamlets and

settlements got separated and isolated from each other losing continuity.

Soon they lost command over land resources wll~ch have been

approximately exploited at the given level of technology though by less

intensive systems such as hunting, shlfting cultivation and collection of

forest produce. They withdraw to the more interior forests and mountains

heights and the areas of operatior1 thus got shrunk. On account of the

incessant influx of plains people, they became m~nor~t ies numerically in

their traditional habitat. For instance, even as late as durlng the 1961

census, tribal conimunities were in majority in Attappady valley where they

havc one of the biggest concentration of tribal conimunities in the state. By

1971 census they tunied out to be a 1111nority because of the increased

liiigration of people largely from central Kerala and to a limited extent from

rlle plains of ~amllnadu"'. Tribals of Wayanad also faced the same

\~luatlon as their counlcrparts ill Attappndy. Consequent Llpon [lie largc

scalc migration of ion-tribals froni other parts of Kclala, cspec~ally fro111

central Kerala, the tnbals becarnc rllinoritres ill the traditional I;~nii oi'tr~bals

In Lilayan;ld

The cs(ablisllnicnt of comn~erciill pl;~ntations by rhc I31.itisl1 d~iring

lhc early dcc;~tics of tllc last century i~l i t l~r~ed Ilic ploccss of I;lr$c. >i.;llc

inlmigration into Wayanad. However, the early immigrants like Jains from

Kamataka, nairs from Kottayam and the political hegemony of Tippu-

sulthan of Mysore opened the door of migration into Wayanad. The

introduction of plantations made gradual improvement of roads and

communication and which accelerated the tempo of mlgratlon into

Wayanad. One significant development which steamed from large scale

migration and settlement was the establishment of numerous commerc~al

plantations in the district apart from the conversion of extensl~e areas of

forests for raising commercial crops.

The flow of migrants to Wayanad was further triggered and

intensified by the commencement of the Wayanad Colonization Scheme to

rehabilitate the ex-service men after the second world war. The settlement

of these colonists drawn from different parts of the state encouraged large

scalc inirnigration 6.0111 other districts ~nainly lion1 southern district of

Kerala This caused further extension of the arca under cultivation of cash

crops, ericroacl~~nent of forest and tribal comniorl lands and p~.ogressive

:ilienatioi~ of land possessed by the tribala.

Thc tre~ids in niigrat~orl into Wayanad c;111 bc obscl-vcd ~rlcilrectly

fro111 the decelinial ratc of growth of pol~uli~tioil given 1)) census di~ta as

s11own ill tablr: 3. I.

Table 3.1: Decadal variation in population in Kerala from 1951 to 1991

-. . p~-- I SI 1 District I I'ercentagc decadal variation in population 1 I*-*] 5 -1 ! 1

Kasaraeod

5 Malappuram

1- 6 Palakkad 12.79

/ / Kerala 24.76 26.2'1 10.24 1 14.32 ] Sourcc: Conip~lcd from 1951, 1961, 1971, I981 and 1991 censuses (Series I2

Kerale)

I t is significant to observe that the highest rate of populatioll during

t l~c fiftics, s~xtic.; and seventies were recorded In tlie ~ \ v o 11111 d~stricrs 01

Iduhki and \Ynyanad lying in the western ghat regio~l Till 1071 census,

Nor111 Wayanad taluk was part of Kannur distrlct and Sout l~ Wayanad taluk

part of Kozllikode distric(. While tile growth o f p o p u l a t l o ~ ~ in tllc soutl~ and

111~ rlorth Wayitnad taluks were 417.9 percolt i111d 333.5 ~ C ~ C C I I I

rcsl~ect~vely between 192 1 and 194 1. C'orrcspolldil~g tigul.es Ibr Illsir Iiome

districts were only 187.3 percent and 173.3 percent which tallied with the

state average of 173.6 percent during the same period."' The sixties

witnessed highest rate of growth of population in the d ~ s t r ~ c t . During the

decade 1961-71, the population grcw by 50.35 percent, which was

approx~mately double the rate at the state level. From thehc Iig~ircs, we can

infer that Wayanad witnessed [he massive migration from other districts.

The decennial growth of population during 1971-81 was also h~ghest in the

district at 33.87 percent as opposed to 19.24 percent at the statc level. The

lower growth ratc of 2 1.15 percent during eighties shows migration has

become stagnant. Even though the inter-census variations in population

growth reflect large scale migration, a comparison of the general growth

rate in Wayanad and Kerala with the tribal growth I-ate In Wayanad

and Kerala provide a vivid picture of the magnitude of migration.

(Sce Table 3.2)

Table 3.2: Dccadal variations in t l ~ e general population Gro\vt l~ and Tr ibal population growtli io Wayanad and I<crala

r- -- .-

I variatio~ls III ~ I I C ~ O ~ ~ I I : I ~ I O I ~ growl11 -2

The general growth rate of population was 50.35 and the trrbal

ratc was only 24.47 durrng 1961-71. At the state level it was 26.29

arid 26.56 respectively during the sarnc period. It can be noted that at the

\t:!tc lcvcl the gcncral grouth ratc arid the ~ribal growth rate were sorncwhal

equal. The variation In the growth rate of popc~lation betneen general

populatron and tribal population at dlstrict level reveal the fact that the

niigr2!ion from the other districts was taken place during this period. This

\.ariation is also visible during 1971-81 at distrrct level. However, it can be

esarn~ned the reason for the negatrve growth rate of popu l a~~on at state level

during this period as opposed to a high growth rate of tribals. In 1976

scheduled tribe and scheduled caste list were revised and consequently the

rnu~!leric:ill) doniinalii cornriiunlty. pulaya (8509.5) Ma.\ r c l u d e d tro~ii

aclieduled tribe lists arid included them in scheduled caste list. However.

the general g ro~ t t h rate of population in M'ayanad and that of tribals were

20.32 and 20.3 1 respectively during 1981 -91, I t u a s 14.37 for thc gener,~I

category and 21.75 fol- its trtbals during tliis period. Here we can o h h s r ~ c

the gradual dcclirie in grot\ th rate of population at distrrct le\el and state

Icvel for tribals arid general category. This call he evplained in tcrriir oftlic

1;lmily plannrng and fariiily welfare s~heriics.

IK~~nnur 1 2251727 1 i:K!ii 1 O X ! i -. - -

Kasdrapod 1071508 2 7 0 ) 29098518 1 320967 I l 10 !Tor,il I - 100 ' .. i

Sourcc. "Scheduled Tribes of Kcraia ar a glance" (iinpuh!isl~cd) Eialuat~on wng, KIRTADS. Kozhikode govemnienl of Kerala, p.8.

Anlong thc 35 notified tribal cociimunitics 111 Kernl:~, tlie

numerically significant tribes are paniyans, Kuricluaci, Marat~, Mala arayan,

Kuru~iians. I r l~ lnr, Muthvan, Kanikknr, I l l ladall, KatIl l~inyak;~n l l r ; ~ l y and

A d ~ y i l ~ ~ s . Tlicse nuli lcrically important t r~ba l con i r n~~~~ i t ccs const i t~~te 8 5 18

llelcclll o f tlic tot;rl [ribal populat~oii ill tlic st;lte. l 'ahlc j . 4 g i \ c h :I ~ l t t i ~ ~ l c d

'1 \ 111 Kcr i~ l i i . lliclurc ol'tlic coci~mu~i i ty-wisc distribulion of [rib, I:

Table 3.4: Communitv-wise distribution of Tribals

Among the tribal population of Kerala state, I'aniyars inhabiting in

\jayanad, Kozhikode and Malappuram districts form the largest tribal

community. Paniyans numbering 67948 (as per 1991 census) forni 20.17

percent of the tribal population of thc state. Kuricli~ans numbering 28287

form 8.81 percent of [he tribal population come next to I'aniyans. Marall

~nhabiting in Kasaragod form the third largest tribal community in Kerala.

They represent 8.1 1 percent (26042) of the tribal population in the state as

per 1991 census. As the table 4 shows most of tribal communities of

Kerala are small, with population below 5000. Only 16 conimunit~es have

a population above 5000. However, we cannot ident~fy any dlstrict having

tile representation of all the tribes. Table 3.5 givcs a detailed account of tile

habitat of different tribal communities in Kerala.

Table 3.5: Details sl~owing the l~abitat (District-wise) of different Tribal Communities in Kerala (1991 census)

~ -- -

SI No. Tribe llabitat (D~strict) . I Adiyan 1 Wayanad .

2 Arandan __ I Malap~uram - - .

3 Eravallan ..palakkad . - - 4 HIII-pulaya - - ldukkl

-- - -- . - - - .

-- ..

1 - -

5 lrularllrular~ l'alakkad 1 6 Kadar 1 I'alakkad. Thr~asur -- I 7 Kammara .. - Wayanad, Kannu_r & I'alakkad I 8 K a n i k k a r I K a n i k k a r a ~ Th1ruvanantha7uran1, Kollam -...i

9 Kattuna akan Wayanad M a l a p p u a ~ t3 Kochuvrlan I'athanamtllitta I I Konda Ka ur Wayanad, Kozllikodc

~ - l ? ~ d a r e d % r Wayanad, Korlliko?c 13 Koraga .- Kasaragod - 14 Kota Wayanad

i t L 18

19

1 ,-- ?O 1 21 ! - 2 2

23 Malakkuravan -

- --

. - -. - -- - - .

I'alakkad. Idukk~ . Kilsi~rdgod -

, MLI~IIV;IIIIMU~;I~~I

Kudiya. Melakudi Kurichlan Kurumans -- Kurumbas Maha Malasar Mala1 Arayan

wandandnram Malai Vedan

- -- Kasaragod - Wayanad. Kani!ur,orliikode

-- &anad I'alakkad I'alakkad Idukki, Kotlayam Kollani. Patliat~an~th~tta Kollani, Fati~ananitl~~tta

Occupation

As per 1991 census, only 40.28 percent o f tribals were employed o r

engaged in the maln occupation On the other hand. 53 9 6 percent o f the

IVI I~ , I I \ u c r c ~ incmployed or non-worker< and 5 76 pcrccnt among them

iicre rnarglnal workers . It can be observed that among the tribal workers

55.47 percent were agricultural labourers and 16.66 percent among them

\$ere cultivators. Tab le 3.6 gives the details o f the distribution of t r ~ b a l

iiorkera in Kerala a s per 199 1 census

i 2 Aer~cultural labourers ! 71720 I 55.47 1

T a b l e 3.6: Dis t r ibu t ion o f T r i b a l w o r k e r s in K e r a l a - 1991 census 1 si;-E-' ccupat~on

.--- Number of Percent of

3 Ltvestock, Forestry, F~shing hunting, 20003 15.47

-- I piantat~on, orchards and allled activities - 3 I 51ininf and Quarrying 430 1 33 1 7- -~ ~

- 5 \Iani~thctiir~ng. proccssliig ser\icitig and 60s I 47

No . . . . . workers workers I

I 1 Culti\ators , 21136 I 16.66 1

l4 repaira in household liidustry

6 Manufactur~ng, processing seniclng and I

3821 1 2.90 I

I - - +pairs ~n other than household industry ~. I 7 , Constriiction - - t- --------

. ~

l.0

- - .. ~- ~- .- . 1 I I 1 To~iiI 1iia111 workcrs 0 I

-..-. I-.?- 100.00 1

$tlllrc~. Tr~hiil hnh-pl;ln. Anliital plan 1999-2000 l)ircclor.itc' o f Scheduled 'fiibc, I ) ~ \ c l t l ~ l ~ ~ i c i ~ t , ~ h i r i n ;~i i~rt i t I iap~ir~~i~i , P 111 7-1087

The tribals of Kerala do not generally stick on to any one particular

occupation alone. Infact, they usually change their occupation from one to

another depending upon the availability of employment. Iiowever, they are

generally absorbed in the agricultural field. Farm operations and related

activities constitute the main traditional occupations of [tic imajor lr~bes of

Kerala. Generally, the tribals are well versed in farming operations

Kurichians, Kurumans, Kanikkars lrulas etc, are predornlnantly

agriculturists. On the other hand, Paniyans, Adiyans and Mavilans are

basically agricultural labourers. Kattunayakars, Kadars. Malappandarams,

Malaivedans, Malai Malassar and Arandans seldom venture on independent

cultivation. Traditionally, tribal cultivators practiced sh~fting cultivation.

However, deforestation, construction of dams, hydro-electric projects and

introduction of commercial plantations and above them all, the large

nligration of the plainsmen, forced tribals to cease the prirn~rive method of

shifting cultivation.

Conscque~lt upon the nationalisation of fbresls in 1974. Ihunting was

1,anned in Kerala state. In traditional tribal economics, collect~on of minor

foresr producc was a iiionopoly of tribals. .As per the prov~sio~is of the

forest nat~oi~nlization act, the government shiiicd the right to 11.ibai co-

operative societies from individual tribe men and wom;lil. Iit.rlcc they lost

a source of income. Consequent upon these clin~igcs. tile tiiitlitional

occupations like h~inting, collectioli of niilior lorest producc ctc arc slowly

dying out. Eventhough the vocational skill acquired by the tribals in basket

making, mat weaving and cane works are o f very high quality, they are

finding it very d i f icu l t to market their product against the stiffcompetit~on

from machine made goods o f rubber and plastics. Aga~n the areas where

the tribals l ~ v e provide ample opportun~ties and facil~ties f o r ra~sing poultry

farms, piggery, horticulture etc. Ilowever, they seldom engage in such

occupations. They seem to be very slow in assimilating the new technical

know-how or changing their traditional trades or in acquiring skills in new

vocational trades. In this context, i t is not incorrect to assume that many

tribal development programmes introduced by tlie government fa~led to

achieve the target and was due to the failure on the part o f government to

understand the potentiality and peculiar character o f each tribal conimunity.

Housing

Different tribal communities use different nanlcs to denote their

Iiouses Generally, the tribal liouscs are known as 'Clialaa', 'Cliittaries' and

'Kudies' Ku~.icliia~is use tlic 'Mittom' and f'aniyans use 'Paadies' to

denotes their Iiouses. Ktirunibas use tlie terrii 'Alai' or 'Sala~' for tlieir

I1ouse4.

In the past, tllc tribal huts werc made o f bamboo a id tlintclied \\,it11

leaves, straw or grass. But, after the introduction o f Iiousi~lg sclicti~cs to the

tl.ihal coi~rniunities. tlicir traditional nietliods ol' Iiousc co~istructio~i hi~s

radically changed. The government provided houses and constructed on

the basis of plans and estimate. Nevertheless, it can be observed that the

lluts constructed by the tribals without government aids follow the

traditional methods and form. Further, certain pr i~ni t~ve tribal communit~es

prefer open space under the shade of trees ~nstead of governnlcilt provided

llouses especially during the summer seasons.

In the past, the tribals lived and moved within the core of deep

forests. This tribal gregariousness can be observed w ~ t h these peoplc even

11ow Nevertheless, 11 is not without some minor changes now. They buill

tlieir houses near their agricultural land. Agricultural labourers also made

rhcir huts near the farming plots. In the past, they shifted the~r huts

regularly. They rarely stayed a place more than a yeas or two a1 a stretch.

I h t they lost all these privileges due to the vested Interest of the landlords

and frequent large scale migration of non-tribals. Landless agr~cult~rral

labourers among them forced to vacate the~r dwelling sites at a regular

lllterval of tilnc The landlords all01 the dwelling sites only tbr a short

period of tinle. ~ i t e r this, the tribals await the pleasure of the landlord to

]lave fresh alloc;~tion. Generally. the new site allocated by the landlord w~l l

bc far away I'roni tlieil- old settleme~lt. Consequc~ll upo~l tlirs ~nc!llod of

sllifting dwelling sites the tribals made the huts only for a sllorl perlod.

1-lowever, the ~ntroduction of housing scheme has helpcd the trlbals to

:Icquirc permanent dwelling sites. But it has beell rcportcd that tllosc tr~bcs

x . l l ~ have been living in the unaccessable interior parts of the forest still

preserve their traditional residential pattern, since they are left free in the

core of forests without much interference from land lords or othcr outsiders.

On the other hand, traditionally agricultural communities like Kurichians,

Mulla Kurumans etc from time immcniorial constructed well bull1 houses

and preserved the cleanness of their houses and surroundings. It can bc

observed that some of the houses constructed long ago still exist without

any damage. However, a sizeable number of houses constructed for the

Paniyans by the a ~ d of the government found collapsed In f'anamarani

panchayat area. Further, lack of commitment on the part of the government

agencies resulted regular allotment and regular constsuctlon for the very

fanlily for three or more times.

In this context it is also necessary to examine the peculiarities of the

dwelling sites of tlie various tribal conimunities. 11el.e we can observe

inter-co~ii~iiunity and ~nter-regional variations. In tlie case of trad~tionally

agric~~ltural conimunities live in scattercd lionicsteads on leveled grounds

adjoining tlieir agricultural fields. The distance betwecn olic settle~iient and

llie nest may be two lo ten kilometers. K~iricliia~ls. Mulla Kurum:~~is,

Knciikkal-s and Irulas live in scattered Iionicstci~ds. 111 contrast I'an~yans.

Adlyans and Mavilans are basically agricultural labou~el-s. Unl~ke 11011-

tribal Ilouscho~ds of the area, which i1t.e dispcsscd. lhc Iluts of' llicsc

conlmunities are clustered. I-lowever, we ciin obscr\,c clustcrrd 11~11s ol

Kattunayakans, Kadars, Malappandarams, Malaivedans, Malai Malassar

and Arandans. Cholanaikans, a primitive tribe in Nilamboor forest area of

Malappuram district lives in scattered cave dwellings. We can also observe

the inter-regional variations in the dwelling sites. Malarayans of Kottayam

and ldukki district live in scattered houscs. It can be observed that in the

Malabar region the huts of the non-self cultivating communit~es are

clustered. However, these kinds of variation cannot be seen In Southern

districts of Kerala.

Education

The tribals are the most backward section in the state with regard to

education. The tribes of Kerala have been exposed to formal education

only recently. By and large their response to fomlal education was very

poor. It is argued that the incentives provided by the government voluntary

organizations and other agencies with the aini of educating the tribals lhave

not contributed nlucli towards the educational advancement of tlie nlajority

of tile tribal comnlunities in eral la." Tliesc forces have iiot operatcd with

equal vigor ill all tlie tribal areas of tlie state, thus giviiig varial~o~ls in the

regional pattern of litcracy. These variations can br: ohser~ed In t l ~ c

district-wisc percentage of tribal literacy In Keraln ('hhlc.3. i)

I.? i Kannur 1 54.84 1 25.62 / 65.74 1 33.18 1 91.48 1 58 61 1

Table 3.7: District-wise literacy rate in Kerala

. .~ ~ ~

i Koltayam

. .-.- I Lrnakulam

. . - --

i: Thrissur . .~.*

j Psl:ihkad .- -- -. --__._C__7 - 1

!~l$,!alappuram -

1 I I hoshtkode --7 i: I \I'avanad

!Is tlie Table 3 .7 slio\v the general literacy rate of Kerala \\as 89.81

- .~ I I: ; Kaiaragod

' Tocal i 60.42

ilcicent 111 199 1 Eveti thougli tlic general llteracg rate of Ksrala \+,I\ a

\,iti\iiicrory one. the c o n d i t ~ o ~ i s o f t r~ba l s \\ere deplorable The table sho\rs

Ilia1 as ]per 1001 census the tribal literac! rate was only 57.12 percent. I I '

\\c C U I I I I I ~ S ~ tilt literclc! sato aa an ~lidlcator of cduca~ lon~i l ~ ~ \ L I I O I > I I I C I I I of'

l l ih~ls , tile [rihals of Kcrj la 1s \ c ry back\ \ ;~rd iii [Ins r c spcc~ . [hc

~ i l \ p ; ~ r i ~ i c s COII also be reflected in thc district-wise literacy I x e , botll

I I I I 111 lie gencral category Kotrayam district securcd lllr

47.90 1 I3 67 60.50

57.23 1 23.24 1 70.14

- i - I 58.33

I I I I -2

I - 1 . 82.51 ) 66 38 1

25.72 1 70.42 1 31.79 1 89 81 57 2 2 '

>ou!ce i'ensus of I n d ~ a . Series 10. Kerala paper 3, of 1971. 1981 and 1991 final poli~tlar!o~i totais

16.33

44 24

43.24

87 94 I 43.93 I 91.10 1 5 2 361

82.72 i G F

highest literacy rate with 95.72 percent. However, the tr~bal literacy rate

was only 88.69 percent as per 1991 census in Kottayam. Among the 14

districts of Kerala, Palakkad obtained the lowest position In general literacy

rate with 81.27 percent. However the tribal literacy rate ~n I'alakkad was

only 34.87 percent during the same period. When we cons~dcr Wayanad,

the district with the highest concentration of tribal populat~on, the tribal

literacy rate was 50.63 percent opposed to 82.72 percent In general

category. As we noted elsewhere more than 60 percent of the tribal

population inhabiting in the erstwhile Malabar region (now cornprlsing the

six districts of Kerala namely Palakkad, Malappuranl Kozh~kode,

Wayanad, Kannur and Kasaragod but the tribal literacy rate was below 5 2

percent opposed to 86.17 percent general literacy rate as per 199 I census.

The table reveals the fact that apart from tribal and non-tribal disparity

there exists ~ntra-regional disparity among the tribal in tlie case of I~terary

riltc.

11) this coiltext, i t is imperative to exallline \vlietlier tlierc exlst any

dispariry among tribal coniiii~~nities in the literacy level. 1'111s will help 11s

lo study tile socio-econoni~c co~lditiolls of lllc tribals of' Kslxla. Table 2.8

sho\v~ the liter;lcy le\,cl o f different tribal conirnllnlties in Kerala as per

1991 census. I t fils0 shows the litcrary level of fcmalcs and mnlcs among

lllcsc tr~bal co~ i rn~~~rn t i e s .

From table 3.8, we can observe Inter community dispar~ty In the

c;lsc of l~teracy level. Among the numerically predorn~nant cornmunttlc\.

~l ; l I , l ,Ar;~y;ln h;~\ lhc I i~ghcst Iltcracy rate (83 41' '~~1), lhcy arc f i ~ l l ouc t l h!

[ I l: l t l jn ((17.25'X)) Kan~kka r (02.5.1'%,), Kururnans (00 277, ) and Kurlchlan\

I I I , ) I lowevcr, the condition.; o f other numcrlcally vgn~f icant

.irniri iun~t~ci l lke I'anl)an\ (339?'X,) lrulaii ( 2 0 ? 2 " ( . ) , K;~ttuna)al\;tn

( 2 4 11"4,) Muthuvan ( 2 4 2 5 % ) and Adiyan (36 03%) are deplorable The)

arc far away from the state literacy Icvcl o f the tribals (57 22Ob). The

I~tcrac! l c \ c l ol 'the prlrnltlvc t r~hes l lkc Kuruniha.; ( 2 2 0 1 " , ~ ) I\ e\en \ \or\?

%pan t o m ~n te r - con im~~n i t y d ~ s p a r ~ t y In thc ltteracy le te l u c can oh\enc

tntra-coniniunlty dlspartty. Llteracy level o f female member> o f all

~ o n i ~ ~ i u r i ~ t ~ c \ I\ loner 11i:ln t l i e~ r nialc nicriibcr\ Thc T;~hlc 1 S hi^\\, tt i : i r

Scni;ilc Ilteracy IS far helo\\ in the ca.;e o f Katturii,~!ah;~nh (21 I9"r,1.

K ~ ~ r ~ ~ r i l i \ )n\( I 5 1(+"'). Iru113r (15 7Io1,) and \ I ~ ~ t l i ~ ~ \ a ~ i r (1 7 I - l u o )

par from satisfactory The literacy level of males and females among tr~bal\

arc only 63.88 pcrccnt and 51.07 percent rcspectlvely. When we eons~dcr

11)c peculiar socio-cconorn~c background and the general educational lcvcl

01 I < c I ~ ~ ~ I Slatc. thc ;icll~cbcrncnt of the t r~bal \ arc d~amal

The ~nd~ffercnce shown by the t r~bals towards cducat~on I S fa~rly

I ~ , ~ ~ c t l h) tlie alarrn~ng rate of dropout of the tr~hal ch~ldren from \chool<

l'hc parcnts of the ch~ldren are ~lllteratc and they do not Insl,t thclr ch~ldren

to attend the school regularly. Lack of motwanon and absence of

.~\ixr:lt~on\ Inr dc\clopnient arc the htrong forces perpetuating the

c d ~ ~ c ; ~ t ~ n n a I backnardness of trlbal children. Besides, educat~onal fac~ll!ics

are not suftic~ent In tr~bal areas.

1'11~ Table 3.0 c\anllnes the liunlher o f p u p ~ l s enrolled In I standard

In IC)X7-SS and complctcd S standard durlng 1996-9? III Kcrala and help>

I I ~ to 11~1hc n cnnlpari.;oll bct\\ccri gcllcral a i d the tr~hal I ) L I ~ I I \

Table 3.9: Number of pupi ls enrol led i n d u r i n g 1987-88 i n the I standard and completed X standard d u r i n g 1996-97 i n Kera la

Standard Total % Schcdulcd tribe "/o

enrollcd cnrollrncnl -- ~

1987-R8 -. -. !-- . 630053_ .. -lE!!?!?-. 8802 .. ... 100 00 - - ~

8842 100 ! 2 655416 . 10402- - _ - - ,

i 19x9-90 - - K. 111 . . - - .. . 042428 . - - 101 %! , - 03 X4 j 636690 101 05 '82x1 ')4 08 9 9 - 9 1 , . . . . - - . . . .- .

640105 101.59 7072 80.30 . -- .-

6142 69.78 630396 1K!.05 651424 10139 623 1 70 79

4595 52 20 56'903--, .. 90L4.- _ _ .

Yolc The perccntagc of studcnls who complc~ed I1 standard to VII slaliddrd I, htflicr than thc actual enrolrncnl In I standard This may be attr~bulcd to the presence of new enrolment aficr Ihc 6"' worktng day of each acadcnilc year. 111 correspondtrig standards As per rlie Kerala Educal~onal Kulei (appltcable only to schools) the ncu cnrollncnt should be complctcd In the

\\,ork~r~g day or each aradeni~c year 1.nrolmcnt after the s~xrti uorktng day w ~ l l no1 be tncluded In the sfale cnrolmcti~ role In each academlc year I k r c Ihc c~irolnicnt IS calcula~cd oil Ihe bas~s of ~otal presence of atude111 011

!lie ah\ isorkltig day o i e ;~c l~ ).c;ir

Soiirce. Sclcctcd slat~st~cal tnforniar~on oil Educa~~on In Kerala. 19'16-97, I)~rccror;~tc o l ptthltc ttisIructtotI. (~O\~C~IIIIICIII uI' Kerala, Tlitru\ a~iati~ltapurani

rrthal studctit.; In tlie gcncral c;ttcgory, out o f ( i 3 0 0 5 c l l ~ l d r c ~ i cntollcd III I

lllcclitivcs g1vc11 l iy the govcrnlilcllt and other ngellclc.; Ibl tlic prol1101101l l i t '

e(i~1cation Ibr tltc trlbals fallcd to acl~icvc the t ics~rcd result

The following table (Table 3 10) dep~cts the data on dropout among

,)lllcrcnt cdtcgortes also suggest tha~ at all level. thc dropout rate of tr~hal

,[udcnls arc htgh by any s~andard.

Table 3.10: E$timated dropout rate - 1944-95

. . + - . .

, . . . . . . -~ . ~ . .

\ i r t c \i All C a \ l c \( 5~licdulc ca \ l c \l Scheduled T I I ~ C h i u r c c Sclcclcd slat~stical lnforniallon on cducarlon on Kcrala - l99f1-97 I)~rcciorale of public lnslructlon. Oorcrnmetil o f Kerala Tli~rutananrhapuran~ 1' I 8

Table 3 10 shoas that the dropout rate o f trtbal students e\peclally

111.1lc.. xre Ilicreajlng ;!I hlgher le\cl ot the school educ,~tton t.\cn thougli

riicrc 15 n ereat 1rnproi.crncnt In the cnrolmcnt figures o f r r~ba l ch~ldren the~r

rclrntlon t i a matter o f grcal concern In 1111s contevl 11 15 Inlpcrallie lo

~ I I I ~ r \ l c r t l ~ I f:lctor\ I'ocir 1i1:1tcr1:11 c ~ t c ~ t ~ i ~ s t ; ~ ~ ~ c c ~ ~)i 111c t11k).t1\ I'OILC tlic

l ~ t h ' ~ l cli i ldre~i ro lea\c tllc hcllool carltcr \ r ~ t l l o t~ t cc~~iiplcttnp lllc prcscrlhcd

Ilcllcc, rllc clitld IS a~ lhdra \ rn lion1 the schools a ~ i d tl1~1s ~ C C O I ~ I C ~ ii

aspiration on the part o f parents also were responsible for h~ghcr rate o f

dropouts. Large Scale poverty lack o f social awareness on the part o f the

parents, social taboos were also caused large scale drop out among trlbal

children

In thls juncture 11 is necessary to trace the causcs o f thc general

educational backwardness o f the tribals. I n all Flve Year Plans pr~or i ty was

given to cducat~onal development o f scheduled T r~bcs " Even after years o f

plnnnlng the educational level o f the tr~bals are nor satisfactory Thc trlbal

devclopnlent and educallorl dcpartrnenr o r the statc mo\tly pro\ Ides the

cducat~onal fac~l l t lcs III t r~ba l areas. Howcvcr, lack o f coherence o f these

two departments advcrscly affected the educa~ional progress o f the tr~balh.

N'hen tr~bal developn~ent department i~itroduces schenics and programrllcs.

tlicse .;chcnlcs ;111d programmes are haslcally t r~ba l orlellted On the other

hand cducatlon departniellt cons~der the ~r lba ls as a pan o f the general

catcgory \\,lthout conslderlclg the unlque soclo-ecorio~~ito cllaracrer~stlc> o f

I I I Ilelicc. H C ci111 ohscrvc the d1cI~oto111y of' the O ~ I J ~ C ~ I \ C \ 01' ~ h c x

I\\ 0 <icp;il tlllcIll\

l ~ u r t h c ~ . tile rc.ihori f'or tlie vcr) slo\\ spread ~I'C~UC;IIIOII ;1111011g 1 1 1 ~

Irll).il.; c;iu h i c\lil;i~lrcd In terms oS tllc ~iccul lar n;~luls ~ ~ l ' t l i c II~I~;\OII;IIIOI~\

M;r~orlty o f r l l i trlh;~ls ;Ire I lv lng in rclllotc arcil.; far ;I\\;I! Srotll the

c(luc;~tlc~n;~l lilstttutlorls. L.ack o f convcr i~cr~t educi~tiotl;~l 111~t1t11t1011 IS ;II~

I f l l l ~ ~ ~ t ; l r ~ t f';~ctor ('or 1101 scllding the cl l~ldrcr l to sc l l (~>I 1i\c11 t h t ~ u g l ~ tiiw

parents send dhcir children to a school situated in distant villages, the

students find it difficult to cross the various geographical barriers everyday

by commuting between the school and thc residence. In this context the

reasons for irregular attendance and thcn drop out can be explained In ierrns

or these difficulties alw. Again, thc soc~o-economic condct~on prcva~ling

the tribal settlements are not conduc~vc for studccs. More over, the

parents of the tribal children being ~ll~terate nc~thcr give imponancc to

cducal~on nor insist the~r children to attend schools regularly Acute

, ~ n c r ~ y of the tr~bals IS anothcr factor that adversely affcctcd thc trcbal

education. Lack of mollvatcon on thc pan of thc parcnts and socccty on the

0 1 1 ~ hand and poor asptratlons of ch~ldren on Ihc other hand alw arc

rcqwnscble for the cducatconal backwardness of tr~bals

In t h~ \ conccu 11 Ir ncccwry In c\amtnc thc qunl~ty of cducat~on

\II:~ ~onscdcrtng the uncquc soclo-cconomcc condtr~onc, the govcmment

11.1) \ t~ncd m d c l rcsljcc~t~al rhools III d~ffcrcnt d~str~cts for prorcdlng

q~l.llilr ~ticducat~on 10 thc lr lbj l shdet~tr

l ahlc 1 I I \ho\s\ thc IISI of nl{xtcl rc\cdcnt~al wIIw~I\ tor pro\ idlng

l):41c.~ C~I~IL.JIIIW,I r a ~ i l c t l ~ 10 IIW III~JI \III~CII~\ UI K~IJ I~ I

Table 3.1 1: L is t o f Mode l Residential Schools i n Ke ra l r - 7 - i . r . I I Name of Model Residential Schools 1

.0 1- - - Wayanad I

I Model Rcsrdcnlral School oflioys. Nallurnadu _ _ + --

7 Model Residential School for Girls. Katlela

Model Resrdcnrral School. Altappady 1 -- Model Rcsrdcntlal School. Munnar

Model Res~dentral School, South Wayanad - -- Model Rcs~denrlal School. Palhanarnth~lta I - - - - - Model Rcsrdcnllal School. Thrtcwr - -. - - - - . - . -. . - - Modcl Kcr~dcnrtal School Kannur - ..

1 Modcl Kcs~dent~al School. Kasaragod , - - - - . -- -- - - - .- - - - - - --

Palakkad I

ldukky i

Wayanad - 1 Pathanamthltra - 1 Kannur

1 Kasaragod I - - lo j Modcl Res~dent~al School for pan~yans. South Wayanad - - - -- - - - I I j Model Rcsrdentral School. Pookkod -- - - - I i

11 1 Model Rcstdcnlral School. Punaloof , Kollam I ---.---._4

I4 , Model Rcj~dcnttal School. Idukky - - - - -- - -- - -- ' Idukk) I -- \ o u r ~ ~ T n b l Subplan Annual plan 2000. I)~rcctoralc of Scheduled Trrhc

t kpmnml . (iovl. or Kcrala. Thl~vananllupurdal

Aniong these 14 model rcs~denltal schools. Modcl Kcs~dent~al

School o f South Waynad has bccn cstablishcd by thc yovcrnnicnl to g ~ \ c

Iiiorc cmphnrts on the adnirsslori o f rclatlvcly backward colnnluriltleb I l l s

I'an~ya and Adrya and also for prrmltlvc tribal c o ~ r i ~ i i u n t t ~ c ~ . " A t i ~ ~ i r ~ ~ r o n \

lo IIICW Mndcl Kcstdml~als k h o o l s arc mads oo t l ~ c l)a>r> ol' ;I sslcc~rur~

Ic,t Irom rlic rrlbal students ~ l i o r who liavc passed I stalidard In ca*c (>I

\a~ar i l seals adrn~wlonr will lr gtvcri l o noci.~r~h;ll stuclc.111s 111o*c uliti ;us

In addition to these Model Residential Schools another type of

are also functioning in Kerala. Ashram Schools are primary level

schools especially for primitive tribal communities and other relatively

more backward communities. It can be noted that under the scheme of

Ashram schools, three schools are functioning in ~ e r a 1 a . l ~ The objective of

the model residential schools and Ashram Schools is to provide better

educational facilities to scheduled Tribe students on the pattern of public

school system. Table 3.12 shows the list of Ashram Schools of Kerala.

Table 3.12: List of Ashram Schools in Kerala

SI. No. I Name of Ashram Schools t 1 District I I Ashram School for primitive Tribes. Noolpuza / Wayanad 2 / Ashram School for primitive Tribes, Manjeri 1 Malappuram 3 / Ashram School for primitive Tribes, Palakkad I Palakkad

Source: Tr~bal Sub-plan-Annual Plan 2000. D~rectorate of Schedule Trtbe Department, Government of Kerala. Thiruvananthapura~ii.

Besides these kinds of special schools, there are certain welfare

hostels and cosmopolitan hostel started by the tribal de\,elopment

department. Apart from these hostels some private subsidized hostels for

both boys and girls have started. However, most of these liostels, botll

departlnent hostels and private hostels, arc located in towns and plain zireas.

I-lcncc, the illiterate tribal parents are reluct;ltit to send their cliildrr~i to

distant placcs ; ~ n d tiley prefer i~ist~tutions located ill (ribill areas.

As we noted elsewl~erc only few cllildren after complct i~~g ~irilnary

these who do go, few join the high schools and higher secondary schools.

Hence, it is not ,surprising that the numbers of tribal students at the

University level is very small. This state of affairs is due to, among other

factors, the inadequacy of educational facilities at higher level and thc

failure of the educational programmes of thc government and other

agencies.

Family Organisation

Father, mother and their unmarried children generally constitute the

tribal family. Joint family system, having more than one married couples ill

the same house is also prevailing among some tribals. When got married

and are in a position to maintain a family of their own, grown up sons and

daughters, shift to a new hut and establish a separate household usually in

the same location or its close proximity. Except Kurichians, Kanikkars and

Kochuvelans Makkathayam (patriarchal family) has been generally

followed by all tribal communities. Thesc comnlunities have continued

with the primitive rules, presuniably, to preserve thc property or pel.haps

with certain social taboos. Recently, even anlong these commun~tics, thi.

primitive rule of marumakkathayani (matriarchal fam~ly) gi\.es nay to

patriarchal system due to the outside ilifluencc and adnlinistrative rc~les.

Most of the tribes have no clear rule regarding successions becnusc

tllcrc is nothing to be inherited except poverly and cxploitatio~i by the ion-

tribals. Soli~e of the groups. who Iiave givcn up ~ i~a t r i l~~ ica l I;lw of

inheritance, divide the assets, for instance Kurichians o f Kannur, equally

among sons and ,nephews. This is a combination o f old patriarchy and

matriarchy. However, i t can be observed that Kurichians o f Wayanad have

been keeping common land (Communal ownership o f landed property) in

connection with worshipping centers, graveyard and also kccp a sizeable

area o f paddy field undivided to celebrate certain social - observations,

festivals and ceremonies.

Among most o f the tribal communities, [lie woman has a status at

par with man. They hunt, work, collect and cultivate together. Unlike non-

tribal advanced societies, all most all tribal communities preserved the high

status o f woman in tribal societies without any change even after the

penetration o f many customs and observations o f non-tribals from outside.

This can be noticed in the community dances, festivals and other

observations anlong the tribals. In the traditional agricultural communities

divorce was rare but among the non-agricultural comniunities marriage is a

loose affair for males and females. Among the Kurichians o f Wayanad, the

bin11 of a male child is considered as a sign o f strength to the family. wlllle

the birth o f a female child is considered as a sign ofprospcl.ity.

Social Organisation

The social organisation o f the tribals is unique in many respects.

Al l no st all tribal conlniunities have their own headman. They are pop111ar

in different names in different tribal coniniunities. In tlie past. tlie leader

(Moopan) was virtually their supreme authority and he exercised all powers

over his people. His help and advice was always sought, especially when

dlsputes between his tribal fellowmcn arose. Ilc was the judge and hls

kllowmcn were bound to accept h ~ s verdicts. He performed varlous dutics

Sor his fellow beings and in return acquired supreme powers. His advice,

presence and servlce were indispensable for social, economic, religious and

cultural activities of his followers. Among all tribal communities, the

~nstitution of headman (Moopan) and h ~ s uife (Moopathy) exlst. They

were respected and their decisions were accepted by their feilo\\men. But

now due to the influence of non-tribals, the tribal chief has lost speclal

powers and privileges and now he acts as their guide in religious and social

functions. Generally, he is consulted before finalizing marriage

arrangements, and is expected to attend the marriages and funerals. Among

certain tribal communities like Kattunayakans, Kudiya etc, the headman

officiates at religious ceremonies and thus perform the dual role of

l iead~i ia~~ and prlebt. Tsxi~t i~)~ia l l ) ~ I I C 11i1)ill C C ~ I I ~ I I ~ L I I I I I I C ~ I I ~ C X I ~ I I ~ I ' I I . I ~ . I I ~ ~ .

Paniyans, Kanikkars, Kurumans and Lralies ha\e a medicine man, a

doctor-cum magician. However, due to the expansion of modem medicine

and the introduction of hospitals, the doctor cum liiag~cian li;~?; last 111s

rcle\ance.

Lui7 has observed that 'Kani' is the term for a hradman in

Travailcore areas (Southern parts of Kcrala) and Moopan 111 Corlil~i

(i'enlral Kel.ala) and in most part of the M;ilabar (Nortli Kcu l ;~ ) ;I~C;IS"

Even today his observations are valid to a great extend. Paniyans address

their headman as 'Kittan' and lrulas address their headman as 'Yagaman'

Another popular personality among the South Kerala tribal communities is

'Mannukarn'. This title is conferred upon one of the tribesmen who has

good knowlcdgc of agricultural operations and also has a good knowledge

about the fertility of the soil. The large-scale migration of the non-tribals

and the introduction of new method of cultivation resulted the dying out of

this institution of ' M a n d a r a n ' . But even today it is he who sows the

seeds for the first time and performs rituals in connection with agricultural

operations. flowever, the traditional customs of contr~butions for the

maintenance of the headman and his wife have disappeared. But even now,

the headman is getting certain kind of free services from his subordinates.

In olden days the headman used certain symbols of authority to identify

himself froni others. It can be observed that most of these symbols are

preserved by themselves. The office of the headman is hered~tary except

among Kurlcliians of Wayanad who resort to divinat~olr to select tlieir

'Mootha Panikkar' (Senior headman) who choose his assistants. Among

other tribal con~niunities that follow matrilineal system of succession, the

status of headman goes to thc nephew. In all other cases, the elder son

succeeds the father. Even today some tribal coniniun~t~cs crcnxlte tllell.

lieadmall e\cn though the burial is the popular (brm of dispos;~l. Tllc

filneral of tlie lieadman i s well attendcd and his iinple~nnlls arc usually

buricd with him.

Major Tribal Communities in Wayanad

Wayanad, the panoramic hilly of Malabar in the northern Kerala, IS

a homeland of various tribal communities. Many tribals having unique and

distinct features are found in Wayanad. As per 1991 census, Wayanad

district stands first in the case of tribal population. Out of 672128, thc total

tribal population in Wayanad constitutes 114969. Again, Wayanad has the

highest tribal concentration in the state. 35.85 percent of the tribals in the

state is in Wayanad, which comes 17.1 1 percent of the total population of

the district.'"he major tribal communities are Paniyans, Kur~chian,

Adiyan, Kurumans (Urali Kurumans, Mullakuruman) and Kattunayakans.

These major tribal communities constitute more than 98 percent of the total

tribal population of Wayanad district." A brief peep into their socio-

economic features, though reveal peripheral resemblance with one another

in Wayanad or other tribal comn~unities elsewhere in the State of Kerala,

really these tribal conin~unities have tlie~r own distinct features and ways of

life. Hence, Wayanad district is the abode of culturally, econoniically and

socially different tribal coni~iiunities. Even aftcr years of' tribal

development programmes, these tribal communities are at different stages

of socio-econo~nic e\,olut~on and thc goverximcnt and lllc planners fii~lcd to

integrate then1 in thc main strcitlll of social life. A brief' accoulil of [lit

general features such as occupation, housing, cconomic activit~es,

productio~i relations, customs, language, food habits, m;lrrii~ge syslrllis

religion etc. of numerically predominant communities likc Pa~iiya~ls and

Kurichians will help us to trace the various stages of their socio-economic

transformation.

I . Paniyans

The I'aniyans (paniyan - s~ngular Paniyans or Paniyar - plural) are

the numerically most dominant tribal community in Kerala. Among the

320967 tribals, they constitute more than 21 . I7 of the total tribal population

o f Kcrala. About 90 percent of them inhabit in Wayanad district and rests

arc in the adjo~ning areas of Malappuram, Kozhikode and Kannur d~strict".

I'an~yaiis were trad~tlonally bonded labourers under non-tribal land-lords.

Today. majority of them work as farm labourers. This 'bonded labour

i)srem' prevailed in Wayanad til l the enactment of the 'Bonded labour

Abolition Act" in 1976 by the state government.

Settlement pattern and land holding

The Paniyans' hamlets selected for the stud) is from tlie

p;lliaiilarani pancliayat of Mananthavady Taluk of Wayanad distr~ct. L'nlike

[he non-tribal households of the area that are dispersed, tlie paniyans huts

t i r t clustered. The ma\imurn number of Ii~its found in ;I lia~iilet was 5 2 ,111d

Ilie ~ i i ~ ~ i ~ t i i ~ ~ ~ i i ~ i l s li. Thc ai'erage huts per liamlct arc 32 A t';i1i1);111

Ii'111ilet is called Pnrrdi. The unit of dwelling in apaarli is called Krrtii~111l1r1

or pit^^. Tlre piras are huddled close together without any definite paitcrn.

'flle~r errenpemenl depends upon the space available In tlie I~tnitcd l.111d.

l'lic t~xd~t ioni~l I'ilniyilli haliilets were nionrthric. But wc u n obscrvc that

the Paniyan families settled with other tribal communities in government

sponsored tribal colonies in Wayanad and especially in Panamaram

panchayat.

As we noted elsewhere, Paniyans were traditionally agricultural

labourers and hence only a few paniyans had land or their own. Now a

number o f Paniyan families have got land as a result o f kudikidappu

(homestead ownership) rights and the distribution o f surplus land among

the tribes by the government. An estimation o f land holding in Panarnaram

panchayat shows that 25 percent Paniya families are landless, 30 percent o f

them with less than 8 cents and 40% between 10 to I S cents and5% below

one acre. This meager o f landholding indicates that they have no control

over the resources o f the area and are totally dependent on non-tribals for

their livelihood. Land possessions among the 200 sample head o f the

households in Panamaram panchayat are also not satisfactory. Paniyan huts

are flimsy structures. During the summer season, they shift their huts to

near streams or in other cool, shady spots, generally under the shade o f wild

huge trees and returning to their hut only when the rain set in. In the cool

season they make huge pits known as 7i'eklr1lrllr (Fire pits) and til l it with

lire\\,ood and make it flames and lay near these pits.

Paniyans draw their water fro111 Kcrti, wllich arc small ditches

wi t l lo~~t any sidewalls for preventing the flow o f silt, hunlus, filth etc.

during the rains and hence the water is qui~e unsafe. Sonic ol'111enl depend

on river water. Rice is the staple food of the Paniyans. When rice becomes

scarce, they substitute it with tapioca or with certain roots and tubes. Their

hod also include mushroom. They also take non-vegetarian food Items.

The household articles of Paniyans cons~st of one or two large containcr

baskets and few aluminum or earthen cooking utensils. Recently they have

started using of steel plates and other vessels of steel. Food articles are

stored In baskets, dry gourd shells and the stems of bamboo.

The Paniya women folk wear a distlnct dresses that of the non-

trlbals of the area. The main dress is a long piece of cloth preferably white

coloured called uduiilunda, which is also used for covering the upper half

by taking it around the armplts and tucking it in front. Over it, around the

waistline, piece of black or red coloured cloth is tied as a fastening belt

known as arattikettu. Paniya men wear under garment, over it they were a

linen cloth, rtdunludu. Some times, the upper part of the body is covered by

another piece of white cloth called putaniundu. They do not possess any

wann clothing for protection against cold and children goes around naked.

Social organisation

Generally, the Paniyans of a hamlet have monoethnic life. The

social and religious head of the household 1s Clioi~ttri or Koororr who

L I S L I ; I I I ) bc1011gs 10 the oldest pamyan f'am~ly of'the I~nnilct. ('li~,tttiiri is the

officiating authority during marriage and death cerenlonies and is assisted

by K;~yath;~n. In the absence of clret~rtiri. Krr~v~rlrtrrr per(i11.m~ all 111s

functions. Mothali is a title conferred to chemmi by a landlord. Usually.

this title is conferred on Uchal day (first Makaram month of Kollam Era)

by presenting a silver amulet and a bell, metal ringed cane staff After t h~s ,

the Mofhuli has to serve this landlord through out his life as the principal

organlrer and supervisor of the agricultural workforce of that landlord. He

also collects and distributes the Thalapattam paid to all labourers working

under his landlord. The position of chemmi is usually hered~tary, de r~v l r~g

i'roni fathcr to the eldest son or to the eldest male member of the I~neage.

He is the decision maker over disputes. I t is he who represents the hamlets

on important occasions in a neighbouring hamlet.

The Paniyan society is sub-divided into nunierous clans like

manjankodan, pattiampan, narikkodan, chathukodan, punankodan,

vazhavattam, Ermadan, Nallu vampadan, cholappuram, manantodiyan,

adumpattan. eranatan chovimoolan etc.I9 These clans are eenerally named

after a place.

The authority of the traditional social control n~echanisn~ has

diminished as a result of extraneous influence of the formal, social and

political institutions like, adult franchise and panchayar r q . I t 1s ev~dcnt

that no\+-a-days the chemnli's role is becoming perfunctory and his \\ords

arc often unheeded especially youth. The niatrinioninl cu s to~ i~s of thc

I'an~yi~ns arc also very crude and primitive. Monopaniy 1s thc general rul~.,

but thcre is no obstacle to polygamy. As \vc notcd else\\ llcrc. I'ill1l)'~lllh

speak a language with a large admixture of Malayalam. Tamil and Tulu,

and very diflicult to understand to a casual visitor.

The Paniyans have only crude ideas about religion. Those who

have an opportunity of living in close proximity to Hindu society declare

themselves as Hindus. Howewr, entering Ihe temples of upper caste

llindus is very rare. The important local deities they worship are Valliyur

Kavu Bhagavathy and Kottiyur Perumal. Now-a-days they also worship

Lord Ayyappan of Saharimala temple and they make pilgrimage to this far

away temple, which is more than 350K.M, from Wayanad. Paniyans bury

their dead. The paniyans believes that the soul of those who have lead a

normal life become benevolent spirits

Changing Economic Relations

The large-scale immigration of non-tribnls had radical11 altered

tile pattern of land holding, land use, labour opportunities and control over

{lie local resources. As \ve rioted clse\\l>ere, a sizeable part of tlic lalid5

cul~i\~atrd by J c ~ r ~ ~ i r or landlord belonging to tllc Iiairs. Chet~irh, and .la111

conini~ttiitica have passcd into the hands ot' settlers \ \ \ lo were petty ryots.

They are rarely in need of any hired labour. The transaction of land tiotii

landlords to tile imn~igrants, thercforc. resulted in thc displaccmcnt ol'

Panivans \tho were bonded labourers.

The bonded labour system was also known as kundalpani or

Vullipuni or admiapani or aandukettupani etc2". It was a kind of annual

contract made between the tribal labourers and the landlords. The contract

was made on thc day of Vall~yoor kavu temple fest~val In the north

Wayanad and the ucha12' day in the South Wayanad. A Paniyan family

rcceived an amount of Rs.8 to Rs.101- as advance called Tulaput~arn from

the wage of the whole year. Vows were made in the name of Valliyoor

Kavu Bhagavathy that the family would not vlolate the bond. The Paniyan

family as a whole was recruited and their residence shifted to the concerned

landlords land. Sometimes the entire hamlet would remain bonded to a

particular landlord for generations and every year they receive the

t h a l a ~ ~ a t l a ~ ~ ~ . Such faniil~es were called after the name of the landlord for

whom they worked.

On working days, the bonded labourers used to get 1.5 seer of

padd) (about IKg) for males and 1 seer paddy (about 610) grams) for

females as the days subsistence wage. On Inon working days they eked out

their subsistence by collecting roots and tubers, fishing from streams and

padd! tirld.: and cngt~gcd other kinds of purs\~lts llhc hunt~ng, collection 01'

Ibrest producc ctc. During liarvest days they also collect haricst of a

portion of paddy field, set apart for the bonded labourers. Usually, no

Paniyan family was able to repay the advance taken and thus the whole

family remains bonded to the same landlord for years. Vows were taken

bcli)rc the gods and goddcs5 kept them silent for gcncrations. Aga111,

dur~ng this period the borderline between belief and superstition was not

extended in the case of tribals. Hence, it wac easy for the land-lord to trap

thc t r lba l~ in the name\ of gods and goddesf.

Ironically, the well intended legislation, 'The Kerala Agriculture

Labourer's Act 1974' adversely affected Paniyans. This Act's main

concern was safe-guard the interests of permanent agr~cultural labourerv

\+ork~ng under agriculturists by ensuring minimum wages and the payment

of' an annual bonus. To wade this, the landowners avoided employing tribal

labourers permanently. Moreover, the poor among settlers had taken

ay_riculture labour as a source of their livelihood. By this time 'The Bonded

Labour Abolition Act 1976' was passed and enforced. There emerged a

feeling among the non-tribals that tribal labourers may become liability.

Conscqi~entl!~. the landlords cunningl) disbanded the ~remnininf bo11di.d

labourers. This situation has resulted in wide spread loss of labour

opportllnities for Paniyans and they become an linwanted lot for

cmplo!iiicnt. This frave sltuatlon resulted large-scale starvnrion and

bt:lr\ iltlon induced diseases and at certain places, even stnll.ation de21tli.

In this context it is not incorrect to assume that one 01' the maln

causc of the tribal unrest and uprisal aillong thc trihals ol' Wayanad W:IS

accelerated by the forces o f resentments accumulated by generations who

suffered to these sodo-economic institution^^^.

2. Kurichians

The Kurichians (Kurichian singular or Kurichiyar or Kurichians

plural) are a tribal community inhabiting in Wayanad district and adjoining

areas o f Kannur and Kozhikodc districts. Overwhelming majority o f them

inhabit he Manathavady Taluk in Wayanad district. According to 1991

census they constitute 8.81 of the total tribal population in Kerala. This

tribal community subsists on settled cultivation. However, wage labour

under non-tribal immigrants is an emerging trend.

Kurichians are virtuous virtuosos o f archery and hunting. They are

famous for their materiliny, extensive joint families, better status o f women

In society, high charity, econonlic self sufficiency, hard work, observation

of social distance and pollution, proverbial honesty, collective farming and

conservative religious practices. Indeed, even today, elders among thcm

practice rough pollution \\*it11 all people except Namboodir~ Bralimins of

Kerala and are strictly endogatno~~s and speak a corrupt form ot'Malayalani

at Ilome.

I iu~ l t ing 1s a sociill obligatiori and :I religious duty to kul.~chians.

thc Moopan (Ilcadninn) ol' the society licrlbrmed Social obscrvnnces and

rituals after l ix ing thc date and the place o f hunting. 'l'liey believe ttiiit

ccrtilin peculi;lr kinds ofohscr\,:~nccs and rirt~;~ls are ncccssary hcli)re goins

certain peculiar kinds of observances and rituals are necessary before going

ror hunting expeditions for a fruitrul end. Kurichians also perform

ceremonial hunting. They make elaborate preparations for ceremon~al

huntlng in the second week of the Malayalam month of Tulum (September

October)

Settlement pattern and land holding

The kurichians live in scattered homesteads on leveled ground

adjo~ning their agricultural fields. The distance between one settlement and

the next may range from two to ten miles. Kurichians are basically an

agr~cultural tribal community. Formerly, they were s h ~ f t ~ n g cult~vators. At

present, they are engaged in wet and dry cult~vation. Each kurichia

household possesses a few acres of garden land on ~ h i c h they grow coffee,

arecanut, pepper and some lands where they grow paddy. Through these

land most of the needs of the Kurichians are met. Kurichians follow a

collect~ve agricultural ownership and management in the case of raising

padd!, and raising plantation crops like coffee, pepper, banana. taploca etc.

These crops are culti\ated for their common consumprlon or benefit and are

pooled by the headman with the assistance of all ~nembers of the clan and

lineages. Kurichians use the term 'pura' to denote tlie~r Iiouse. The! also

LISC the tern1 'Mittonl' to denotc ;I clustcr of Iiousc.; i n n joili! PC111itl! 111 :I

Ku r~ch~a Mittom. the nlost important among the budd~ng is the mail1 house.

In the case of rich fatn~lies, they keep the main house t~ l cd and white

wasllcd. 011 tlic other hand, poor fi~milics kccp i t tllntched and muti

plastered. However, both of them make it clean. In the case of poor

families, instead of separate houses, married couples are getting separate

rooms. All the members of the household eat in the same kitchen. The

tribals in general, mainly depend upon natural sources like tank, pond, river

lake and springs for drinking as well as washing purposes.

Until a decade and a half ago they were eating ragi as a staple food

instead of rice, supplemented by the meat. Then their food includes plenty

of vegetables both leafy and root vegetables. Their traditional food item in

the past was well-balanced and nutritious ragi. Ragi was a common food

item for lunch or dinner. Rice was eaten once a day. Unlike other tribal

communities in Wayanad Kurichians possess different kinds of household

articles. Even in the past, Kurichians used metal pots and vessels for

cooking and other purposes. Bows and arrows, oil lamps, mortar etc.

influenced their way of life to a great extent, as these articles were

necessary for social and religious activities. Today, most of Kurichia

families are using radio, tape recorder etc. consequent upon the interaction

with non-tribes in Wayanad. Kurichians also acquired tile llabit ol'

possessing household articles. Among 100 Kurichia head of the household

sclected from Tavindhal panchayat, three of tliem possessed TV scts and 9

among tlie~n electric niotor and 2 of Ihcni possess jeep. Anlong tllc

kurichians there is a considerable change in the pattern 01' dressing and

costumes. Only few of them wear the traditional dresses.

Social Organization

Anthropologists have pointed out that in a~icient societies, all tr~bals

had a headman to control their activities. Generally, a group of Klrluli~s or

class constitutes a tribe. Apart from this headnian of kulams, prlests and

other elders controlled the societies and families. If we examine the soc~al

organization of the Kurichians we can observe their tribal traditions.

There is an explicit difference between the social organization of

Kurichians of Wayanad and Kurichians of other areas. Kurichians of

Wayanad follow joint family system. Kurichians followed matr~lineal

family system over generations. However, the matrilineal system IS under

great strain today with the impact of the immigrations and legislative

measures of the government. In fact, in most of tlie rural and landowning

Kurichia families throughout Wayanad district, follow either a complete

matrilineal system or a transitional nratriliny with provisions to provide

~iiinimum wealth to one's own children with tlie consent of nephews and

nieces. Nc\~ertliclcss, educated younger generation desire to have

patrilineal set up. Iience a clla~ige over fronr niateriliny to part~l~iiy has

bee11 taking place alliocig the kurichians.

The eldest nrnle member who is called IJi/rofr or PII~J~J~III (Irc:ldma~l)

I ' l l r tr~r or f'~l/q)tr~r nranaged (heildninn) thc properly of' tlrc Alocol~r or

Ibrcr~~a~~xl. Tlicy h:~vc ;I common pi//ulr for a !,rflrrrrr as a \vliolc a113 ;I local

liead for ind~vidunl A.lir/o~tr. Management of tllc ti11111ly ~rcsts \v1111 111s

171ftun. He is the administrative, financial and social head of the household.

Kurich~ans believe that a good pittan who develops the family on a strict

matrilineal line for the sake of his mother, sister, nephews and nieces. He

will hc trcated after death like a god and hi\ soul will he in\~~tulcil I I ~ I O tlic

first room of the northern building and will be addressed with reference as

Muni or Nikalayu pittan. Pittan has powers to punish any member of the

family who violates the tribal norms. Pittan's wife in a mittom is called

pifrathi or Odakarthi. She has certain duties, functions and privileges.

Kitchen is under the supervision of odakarthi. She is also the supervisor of

unmarried girls. The first sowing is done by the pittan and the odakarthi.

She is also responsible for the maintenance of sanitation and cleanness of

the ~iiitlorit. Another important personality in Kurchia social organization is

the h4oonaman (third person). The Moonaman acts as a witness for several

activities conducted in the mittom. No major functions are carried out w~th

out the presence of moonaman. The presence provides the social sanction

and lesal validity for the functions and decisions.

Marlage among kurichians is a universal phenomenon. They

strictly follow tribe endogamy and clan exogamy. In the past, kurichians

pcrfor~ned child ~narriagr. But today. marriage takes placc gc~lcr~llly

around at the age of I5 lo 20 years. When a n~atrilateri~l bride or @rooill 1.;

available for marriage all other considerations are secondary. But cross-

cousins marriages are preferred for the sake of establishing a stroll!:

kingship bond. Cross-cousin marriage also facilitated the retention of

property and sharing of its benefits among close relatives. The arrangement

of marriage among the kurichians made by maternal uncle or aunts and

other elder members even consult with bride and the bridegroom. The

negotiations are between the heads of the two families. When the

negotiations are completed, the bridc is brought to her future husband's

miltom. The head of the household summons the bride groom and inform

the husband that a girl has been brought and she is the wife from today

onwards. After marriage each kurichia couples will be given a separate

room or house according to the capacity of the family. Infact, actual

marriagesamong kurichia take places in most simple and non-pompuous

style with very little expenditure. On the other hand, they celebrate the

puberty ceremony in great pomp and show. Today, the simple marriage of

kurichians is being gradually replaced with more elaborate and expensive

hindu style of marriage of non-tribals. Such marriages are performed in

temples.

Women occupy a predominant position in kurichia society. Due to

the matrilineal systcni, kurichia woman enjoy a relatively better status as

compared to woman of' other tribal communities or non-tribal cornlnu~l~ties

in Wayanad. Gcndcr equality is present among kurich~ans, right from tllc

childhood to the old age. Both old women and widows never hcc

discrimination iri n kurichia joint family. Widows call attend all social and

ritual functions. All these factors show the high status that the kurichian

woman enjoyin her society.

Kurichians speak a language very closely connected with medieval

Malayalarn. Many of the words currently using in the rural areas of north

Malabar can be traced in their language. Now-a-days only old generations

are using this language for conversation. However they use this language

among themselves in their houses. Younger generations are speaklng

Malayalam language like non-tribals of Wayanad.

Even a causal observer of the scenario of kurichia life would get the

impression that they are intensely religious people. Apart from ancestral

worship, they have their own gods and goddesses. Malakkari is the highest

of all kurichia gods. Apart from the hill gods and goddesses, Kurichians

also started to worship hindu god and goddesses. For all their purification

ceremonies they require Kaipunyham (sprinkling of holy water) of

Brahmans. Kurichian's social life is concerned with certain customs,

rituals and ccrenionies. As we have examined earlier, lil~nting ceremony 1s

a social and religious observance. The kuricllians b ~ ~ r y tllelr dcad. The

dead body is carried to a far away common graveyard and buried in a deep

grave. They are not placing any stone or effigies to mark the location of'the

grave. Mourning and obscrvancc of pollution ill connectio~l with dcnth last

Ibr cleven d ;~ys .

Changing Economic Relations

Traditionally, kurichians practiced primitive system of cultivation,

technically known as shifting cult~vation. But after the introduction of

settled agriculture Kurichians cultivated mainly paddy and ccrlain

vegetables for their own consumption. In course o f time, kurichians

diversified their agricultural activities and raised varieties o f cash crops in

addition to the traditional crop o f paddy. For meeting their entlrc

agricultural requirements, they used to maintain large nunibcrs o f cattles

~ io t only for milk and niilk products but also for cowdung to use as !iianurc.

Tliey also utilize tlie animals for ploughing and threshing the paddy.

Kuricliians followed a systeni o f collective agricultural ownership and

management. In this way the unambitious tribal life was flowing almost

smoothly with all its merits and demerits t i l l the continuous influx o f

i~nniigrants froni the central and southern parts o f Kerala. Even thougli the

immigration started during the British period witli thc introduction o f

plantations, tlie post iridepcnde~ice period ~iiarked tlie hay-day of' the

process. Tile ncw settlers brouglit under thcir possessio~i vast arcas of

hrestlnnd nr villagc land. \vliicll was for all practical purposes undcr tlic

co~ilrol of' 11ic Iribals Ibr ccn l~~r~cs . 111 addition, rlie nu4 settlci.5 illso

c~icronclicd tlic I r ~ b i ~ l land. As kuricliians wcre tlie prcdol i l i~i i~~lt liilid

oivning conimunity, tlie large scale land alie~~atyrdw LIJ. waynitro wi~i*ccd

by K~~richi:ins. TIic new fortst policy o f 1974 iflit-tccicd rile k~~Yql\tm,%

lo n grci~r cxtc~id, l'hcy Iiild bccn enjoying ~ y \ m & ~ v ~111t l I'rsciionl\, o f

utilizing the forest for hunting expeditions. The encroachment of the tribal

land by the new sdtlers, the restrictions imposed on the utilization of forest

etc. have caused much havoc to the subsistence economy of kurichians.

They forced to borrow freely from all available sources to perform various

rituals and ceremonies, to participate in festivals or even to meet

agricultural and domestic expenses in the off seasons. In the past the

traditional non-tribal land owners re-collected the debts from agricultural

labour comnlunities by bonded labour. They recollected the loans from the

kurichians from cultivated crops. But under the changed circumstances the

land become scarce and the demand for it increased steeply. The new

settlers who were very keen and conning to bring more land with~n their

fence also began to make advances to the landowning tribal communities

like kurichians and consequently the alienation of their land became a

common phenomenon in recent decades. The slrnple and honest kurichians

who even honor the ancestral debt easily became indebted to the

unscrupulous settlers. Hence they were forced Lo part with the land under

oral base, mortgage, oral agreement ctc. and the creditors on the otliel. land

employed all dubious means such as concealnrent or defaceliiellt of

documents. Co~isequently. kurichians lost much of their. land ~nclud~rlg that

of thcir land u~idcr conurnunity ownership.

Ironically, the land reform act also worked against the tribals

especially tlit kurichians. The rules and regulat~oris Il;~ve [not given proper-

classilication of tribal agrarian relations. K~triclli;~ larid enlrusled to a

money lcnder was even interpreted as landlord - tcnant rclat~onship In thc

case of kurichia landowner in the Tavinchal panchayat wherc we have

sclected samples for our study. In this caac thc poor kur~chia land owner

\ \as considered as landlord and the money lender a i a tcnant, tienthough

ihc Scheduled Tribe (restriction of Transfer of Lands and Ilcaiorat~on of

Alienated Land) Act 1975, had passed, but the very purpose was defeated

hy the coalition governments of Kerala.

Consequent upon the drastic change\. agricultural or~ented

economy of kurichians is in deplorable conditions. Hence, the younger

generations of kurichians are eager to alter towards new occupations like

constr~~ction work, road repairing, carpentary etc

Notes and references

1. Census of India 1991, series 12. Kerala paper 3 of 1991. Final

population totals P.5.

3. Government of Kerala (1991), Tribal Sub-plan-Annual plan 1999-

2000 Directorate of Scheduled Tribes Development,

Thiruvananthapuram P.92.

4. Government of Kerala (2001) Scheduled Tribes of Kerala at a

Glance (un-published document) Evaluation wlng, KIRTADS,

Kozhikode P.3.

5. Census of India, 1971, series 12. Kerala paper 3 of 1971. Final

population total p.5.

6 . Government of Kerala (2001) op.cited P.3

9. Kerala government (1974) Tribal sub plan of Kc~,al;~. State plann~clg

13o;lrd cli;~pter I I P.56.

lO.Kcrala government (1974) op. cited P.58-59

I I.K~.islilian Dr. (1998). Awareness ;~nd urillzatiorl of Educatio~ial

L)rvelop~iienl Schemes by Tribals of Wayannd C.L).S. l ' r ivandr~~ni

1'.58.

12.Kerala government (1999) Tribal sub plan Annual plan 1999-2000

op, cited P.2.

13.Kerala Government (2002). Tribal sub plan Annual plan 2002-2003

P.2-4.

15.Luiz A.A.D (1962) Tribes of Kerala Aadima Jathi Sevak Sangh,

New Delhi P.

16.Kerala government (1999) op.cited.

17.Government of Kerala (2000) op.cited

I9.Nair, Somasekharan. P. (1976) Paniyar (Mal) national Bookstall

Kottayani P.69.

2O.Mathur. P.R.G (1977) Tribal situation in Kerala. llistorical Soc~ety

Trivandru~n P.96.

21.Uchal, the first day of Makaram. Month (January - 1:ehruary) of

Kollnnl era (Malayalalu era).

APPENDIX - 1

LIST OF SCHEDULED TRIBES IN KERALA AS PER 1991 CENSUS

1. Adiyan

2. Arandan

3. Ewalan

4. Hill - pulaya

5. Irular / lrulan

6 . Kadar

7. Kammara (In the area comprising the Malabar District as specified

by sub-section)

8. Kanikaran / Kanikar

9. Kattunayakan

10. Kochuvelan

i I . Konda Kapuz

12. Kondareddis

13. Koraga

11. Kota

15.Kudiy;l i Melnkudi

16. Kwichiiln

I ? . Kurumans

It;. Kurunibos

19. Maha Malassar

20. Malai A r a y a ~

2 1. Malai Pandram

2 2 . Malai Vedan

23. Malakkuravan

24. Malasar

25,Malayan (Excluding the area comprising the Malabar district as

specific by sub-division (2) of section 5 of the State Reorganization

Act 1956 (37 of 1956).

26. Malayarayar

27. Mannan

28. Marati (In Hosdurg and Kasarkode Taluk of Kasarakode District)

29. Muthvan i Mudagar 1 Mudavan

30. Palleyau

3 I ,PaIlii111

32.IJalliar

33.l'aniyan

34. U l l a d : ~ ~ ~

35.Urali