transformacje · prof. witold kieżun kozminski university, warsaw prof. jerzy kisielnicki...

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I Transformacje (Transformations) is an interdisciplinary refereed, reviewed journal, published since 1992. The journal is devoted to i.a.: civilizational and cultural transformations, information (knowledge) societies, global problematique, sustainable development, political philosophy and values, future studies. The journal's quasi-paradigm is TRANSFORMATION - as a present stage and form of development of technology, society, culture, civilization, values, mind- sets etc. Impacts and potentialities of change and transition need new methodo- logical tools, new visions and innovation for theoretical and practical capacity- building. The journal aims to promote inter-, multi- and transdisciplinary ap- proach, future orientation and strategic and global thinking. Transformacje (Transformations) are internationally available since 2012 we have a licence agreement with the global database: EBSCO Publishing (Ipswich, MA, USA) We are listed by INDEX COPERNICUS since 2013 We are listed by ERIH+ since 2014 TRANSFORMACJE (TRANSFORMATIONS)

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Page 1: TRANSFORMACJE · Prof. Witold Kieżun Kozminski University, Warsaw Prof. Jerzy Kisielnicki University of Warsaw, Warsaw Prof. Kazimierz Krzysztofek SWPS University Warsaw Prof. Wojciech

I

Transformacje (Transformations) is an interdisciplinary refereed, reviewed

journal, published since 1992.

The journal is devoted to i.a.:

• civilizational and cultural transformations,

• information (knowledge) societies,

• global problematique,

• sustainable development,

• political philosophy and values,

• future studies.

The journal's quasi-paradigm is TRANSFORMATION - as a present stage and

form of development of technology, society, culture, civilization, values, mind-

sets etc. Impacts and potentialities of change and transition need new methodo-

logical tools, new visions and innovation for theoretical and practical capacity-

building. The journal aims to promote inter-, multi- and transdisciplinary ap-

proach, future orientation and strategic and global thinking.

Transformacje (Transformations) are internationally available

– since 2012 we have a licence agreement with the global database:

EBSCO Publishing (Ipswich, MA, USA)

We are listed by INDEX COPERNICUS since 2013

We are listed by ERIH+ since 2014

TRANSFORMACJE

(TRANSFORMATIONS)

Page 2: TRANSFORMACJE · Prof. Witold Kieżun Kozminski University, Warsaw Prof. Jerzy Kisielnicki University of Warsaw, Warsaw Prof. Kazimierz Krzysztofek SWPS University Warsaw Prof. Wojciech

II

TRANSFORMACJE(TRANSFORMATIONS) 3-4 (94-95) 2017

ISSN 1230-0292

Reviewed journal

Published twice a year (double issues) in Polish and English (separate papers)

Editorial Staff:

Prof. Lech W. ZACHER, Centre of Impact Assessment Studies and Forecasting,

Kozminski University, Warsaw, Poland ([email protected]) – Editor-in-Chief

Prof. Mauro MAGATTI, Dept. of Sociology & ARC Centre for the Anthropology of

Religion and Cultural Change, University Cattolico del Sacro Cuore, Milan, Italy

([email protected]) – Assoc. Editor

Prof. Dora MARINOVA, Sustainability Policy Institute, Curtin University, Perth, Aus-

tralia ([email protected])

Prof. Tadeusz MICZKA, Institute of Cultural and Interdisciplinary Studies, University

of Silesia, Katowice, Poland ([email protected]) – Assoc. Editor

Prof. (em.) Sangeeta SHARMA, Dept. of Public Administration, University of Raja-

sthan, Jaipur, India ([email protected]) – Assoc. Editor

Dr Małgorzata SKÓRZEWSKA-AMBERG, School of Law, Kozminski University,

Warsaw, Poland ([email protected]) – Chief Coordinator

Dr Alina BETLEJ, Institute of Sociology, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin,

Poland, ([email protected]) – E-edtion Editor

Prof. Mirosław GEISE, Institute of Political Sciences, Kazimierz Wielki University,

Bydgoszcz, Poland

Prof. Gavin RAE, Kozminski University, Warsaw, Poland

Dr Urszula SOLER, Institute of Sociology, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin,

Poland

Prof. Urszula ŻYDEK-BEDNARCZUK, Philology Dept., University of Silesia in Ka-

towice, Poland

Page 3: TRANSFORMACJE · Prof. Witold Kieżun Kozminski University, Warsaw Prof. Jerzy Kisielnicki University of Warsaw, Warsaw Prof. Kazimierz Krzysztofek SWPS University Warsaw Prof. Wojciech

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Publisher :

Educational Foundation "Transformations"

Al. Jana Pawła II 80-80, 00-175 Warsaw, Poland

Tel./fax. +48 607594131, e-mail: [email protected]

in cooperation with the supporting consortium:

• Universita Cattolica del S. Cuore, Dept. of Sociology & ARC Centre for the An-

thropology of Religion and Cultural Change, Milan, Italia (Prof. Mauro Magatti)

• Ivane Jarakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Center for Analysis and Forecasting,

Tbilisi, Georgia (Prof. Vladimir Papava – Rector)

• University of Silesia, Institute of Cultural and Interdisciplinary Studies, Katowice,

Poland (Dr Anna Maj – Deputy Director)

• Technical University of Silesia, Dept. of Organization and Management, Zabrze,

Poland (Prof. Krzysztof Wodarski – Dean)

• Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego, Center of Impact Assessment Studies and Fore-

casting, Warsaw, Poland (Prof. Lech W. Zacher – Director)

• Silesian Center of Business Ethics and Sustainable Development, Zabrze, Poland

(Prof. Aleksandra Kuzior – President)

• Polish Society of Technology Assessment, Warsaw, Poland (Prof. Jan Kaźmierczak

– Chairman)

• Associations of Supporting Intercultural Education, Białystok (Prof. Dorota Mis-

iejuk – President)

WWW: www.e-transformacje.com

Attention: Kindly send the papers to: [email protected]

Printed in the European Union.

@2017 TRANSFORMACJE

Subscription

annual rate:

- 40 euro (for individuals)

- 75 euro (for institution)

mailing costs included

Single copies can be ordered (€ 20 and € 35,50 respectivelu).

Orders should be sent to Editor-in-Chief with the confirmation of payment to:

Bank PKO BP S.A. XV O. Warsaw, Poland

account no: IBAN 37 1020 1156 0000 7002 0059 8037

SQIFT: BPKO PL PW

Handouts and advertising are welcome to print.

Page 4: TRANSFORMACJE · Prof. Witold Kieżun Kozminski University, Warsaw Prof. Jerzy Kisielnicki University of Warsaw, Warsaw Prof. Kazimierz Krzysztofek SWPS University Warsaw Prof. Wojciech

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I N T E R N A T I O N A L S C I E N T I F I C C O U N C I L

Prof. Leslie BASH

University College London UK

Dr Clement Bezold

Institute for Alternative Futures Alexandra, VA, USA

Prof. Krystyna Błeszyńska

University of Life Sciences, Warsaw

Prof. Peter Bołtuć

Dept. of Philosophy,

University of Illinois,

Springfield, III., USA

Prof. Olga Brusylovska

Odessa National

Mechanica University,

Ukraine

Prof. (Eng.) Czesław Cempel

Central Institute of Work Protection, Warsaw

Prof. Meinolf Dierkes

Science Center (WZB), Berlin, Germany

Prof. Dariusz T. Dziuba

University of Warsaw Warsaw

Prof. Nikolai Genov

School of Advanced Social Studies, Nowa Gorka, Slowenia

Prof. Günter Getzinger

Alpen-Adria Universität Klagenfurt, Austria

Prof. Tomas Goban-Klas

Jagiellonian University Cracow

Prof. Janusz Golimowski

Casimir the Great University, Bydgoszcz

Prof. Larisa A. Gromova

Herzen State, Pedagogical University

St. Petersburg, Russia

Prof. Armin Grunwald

Institute of Technology

FZK, Karlsruhe, RFN

Prof. Lesław Haber

School of Management and Banking,

Cracow

Prof. David Hemphill

San Francisco State

Univ. San Francisco, USA

Prof. Andrzej Kiepas

Silesian Technical University

Zabrze

Prof. Witold Kieżun

Kozminski University,

Warsaw

Prof. Jerzy Kisielnicki

University of Warsaw,

Warsaw

Prof. Kazimierz Krzysztofek

SWPS University

Warsaw

Prof. Wojciech Lamentowicz

University of Business and Admin-

istration, Gdynia

Prof. Rudolf zur Lippe

Oldenburg Universität

Oldenburg, RFN

Dr Michael Maccoby

The Maccoby Group PC,

Washington, D.C., USA

Prof. Ali A. Mazrui

State University of New York,

Binghampton, NY, USA

Prof. Jerzy Mikułowski-Pomorski

Economic University,

Cracow

Prof. Małgorzata Molęda-Zdziech

European Union,

Brussels

Prof. Józef Oleński

Lazarski University,

Warsaw

Prof. Vladimir Papava

Tbilisi State University,

Tbilisi, Gruzja

Prof. Andrzej Papuziński

Casimir the Great University

Bydgoszcz

Prof. (inż.) Sławomir Partycki

John Paul II Catholic University,

Lublin

Prof. Lucjan Pawłowski

Lublin Technical University,

Lublin

Prof. (eng.) Karol L. Pelc

Michigan Technological University,

Houghton, MI, USA

Prof. Ewa Polak

University of Gdansk,

Gdansk

Prof. (Eng.) Alan R. Porter

Georgia Institute of Technology,

Atlanta, GA, USA

Prof. Bazyli Poskrobko

University in Bialystok

Bialystok

Prof. (eng.) Piotr Sienkiewicz

Military Technical University,

Warsaw

Prof. Encarnación Soriano Ayala

University of Almeria, Spain

Prof. Marek S. Szczepański

University of Silesia, Katowice

Prof. Agnieszka Szewczyk

University of Szczecin, Szczecin

Prof. Jan Szmyd

Pedagogical University, Cracow

Prof. (em.) Wiesław Sztumski

University of Silesia, Katowice

Prof. (eng.) Andrew S. Targowski

Western Michogan University Kalamazoo, MI, USA

Prof. Albert H. Teich

American Association for the Advancement of Science,

Washington, D.C., USA

Prof. (eng.) Andrzej A. Wierzbicki

Institute of Telecommunication, Warsaw

Prof. Christoph Wulf

Freie Universität, Berlin, RFN

Prof. Danuta Zalewska

University of Wroclaw,

Wroclaw

Prof. Katarzyna Żukrowska

Main School of Economics,

Warsaw

Page 5: TRANSFORMACJE · Prof. Witold Kieżun Kozminski University, Warsaw Prof. Jerzy Kisielnicki University of Warsaw, Warsaw Prof. Kazimierz Krzysztofek SWPS University Warsaw Prof. Wojciech

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TRANSFORMACJE (TRANSFORMATIONS) 3-4 (94-95) 2017

Contents

I. Questions about the Future

Wiesław SZTUMSKI: What kind of homo will shape the Future ...................... 2

Wacław A. KASPRZAK, Karol I. PELC: Exploration of human desires: A new

perspective on foresight and social planning ......................................................23

II. Impact of New Technologies

Alina BETLEJ: Society of E-Control in Hyperconnected Reality ....................38

and Culture .............................................................................................................

Urszula ŻYDEK-BEDNARCZUK: Transformations in Spheres of the Internet

and Culture..........................................................................................................48

Maciek ZAJĄC: Regulating Civilian – use Drones and Robots as a Serious

Homeland Security Hazard .................................................................................60

Wojciech J.BOBER: Do We need to implant an Ethics into Autonomous Vehi-

cles? ....................................................................................................................72

III. Research and Education Issues

Jan GONDEK: Sign-Technology-Simulation. Reflections on the Project of Jean

Baudrillard’s Research Method ..........................................................................87

Joanna LORENC, Monika MICZKA-PAJESTKA: Man Facing Multiplicity

and Diversity and Responsobility and Relationality in the Postmodern Education

............................................................................................................................99

IV. New Media in Action

Katarzyna KOPECKA-PIECH: Innovation of New Media Cultural Product –

The Case of Kontakt24.pl .................................................................................113

Radosław SAJNA: The media decentralization as a basis for resistance against

hegemony: the cases of Poland, Spain and Mexico ..........................................130

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V. National Cases Augmented

Valeriy NIKOLAYEVSKYY, Victoria OMELCHENKO, Vladas

TUMALAVICIUS: Ensuring Social Security in Contemporary Society: problems,

Instruments, Trends in the Context of Ukraine and Lithuania ......................... 151

M.S.KVARATSKHELLA: Tendencies of Social and Economic Development of

Georgia in the epoch of Globalization .............................................................. 162

Lech W. ZACHER: Obstacles to Sustainability in Public Discourse (The case of

a Transitional Economy – Poland) .................................................................. 170

VI. Transformation Challenges (selected)

Aleksandra KUNCE: The Post – Factory: On the Transformations of Place

.......................................................................................................................... 180

Mirosław GEISE, Maria E. SZATLACH: How Monoculture Economies Work

in the Conditions of Growing Tensions in National Resources Markets .......... 201

Monika D. ADAMCZYK: Modern Forms of Preparation of Retirement – Se-

lected Results of the Erasmus + Project BALL Be Active Through Lifelong Learn-

ing ..................................................................................................................... 220

VII. Reviews

Włodzimierz CHOJNACKI: L.W. Zacher (ed.) Potencjały I relacje siły w

cyfrowym społeczeństwie wiedzy – Potentials and Relations of Strengths in Digital

Knowledge Society. .......................................................................................... 232

Instructions to Authors .............................................................................................. 236

Page 7: TRANSFORMACJE · Prof. Witold Kieżun Kozminski University, Warsaw Prof. Jerzy Kisielnicki University of Warsaw, Warsaw Prof. Kazimierz Krzysztofek SWPS University Warsaw Prof. Wojciech

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I. QUESTIONS

ABOUT

THE FUTURE

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Wiesław SZTUMSKI

WHAT KIND OF HOMO WILL SHAPE THE FUTURE?

ABSTRACT

In the last decades, huge technological progress have created many kinds of human,

depending on which of his features dominate over the other at a given stage of social

evolution. Each of these kinds is treated like an ideal or a model of human. From the

beginning, in the capitalist economy, the ideal is homo oeconomicus, which contributes

most to its development. However, he turned out to be insufficient in contemporary

time. Modern technologies - especially IT and progressive digitization - need people

who can use them most effectively. Therefore, it was necessary to create new people -

virtual and digital ones. The political authorities also demand such people. But the ques-

tion arises: how long they will be needed and whether the future of humanity will de-

pend on them. This article contains descriptions of various kinds of human, their ad-

vantages and disadvantages, and an attempt to answer the question in the title.

Keywords: social evolution, economic human, rational human, virtual human, digital

human.

In the information society, all objects become smart,

only people become stupid mightily.

1. FOREWORD REMARK

Since Aristotle, representatives of the species Homo sapiens get different ad-

jective terms that reflect the most important feature of the majority of people at

a certain level of social evolution or of the development of civilization.. For

centuries, but above all in the past decades, the number of these adjectives is

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constantly growing. The adjective defining homo describes a human and de-

fines its pattern. It not only shows a new characteristic that has emerged in hu-

mans at some time, but also a characteristic that should emerge as a result of

education and manipulation directed at the realization of a a human pattern in

the near future. This implies some danger resulting from excessive reduc-

tionism. It consists that a multidimensional human defined by a multitude of

attributes, also important or relevant for some reason, is reduced to a one-di-

mensional human, which is defined by only one feature.

Among the qualities defining a homo are general, relevant to the completely

human species throughout its existence, i.e. qualities that define species identity

as well as individual and special qualities, specific to people living at some

stages of social evolution in some territories. Natural species features of people

are biophysical (anatomical and morphological), mental and social ones: rea-

soning, logical thinking and socialization. Thus, homo is always rationalis, logi-

cus et sociale. (It does not follow from this that there are no people asocial or

non-rational.) Other features are temporary or appropriate only for a community

living in a certain place. Where natural species features are objective, i.e. gen-

erated by nature, the other features are artificial, i.e. created by humans and

implemented by enculturation or coercion used mainly in totalitarian systems.

It turns out that the natural qualities of the human species, formed in the process

of natural evolution of living beings, are not as persistent as commonly thought.

They change not only under the influence of changes of the environment,

to which people have to adapt to survive. They also change in the course

of social evolution, and under the influence of culture. In addition, tech-

nical progress, which has been taking place at a rapid pace since the second half

of the twentieth century, and especially the development of genetic engineering,

has enabled people to effectively intervene in their own genomes and conse-

quently to modify their natural qualities. They could change faster and on a

larger scale without some moral and religious constraints resulting from the re-

sponsibility and the fear of the unknown, and especially of unpredictable fate

of humankind. However, due to technical progress and economic and ideologi-

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cal determinants, it changes for example the feature of rationality, which grad-

ually disappears, what scientific researches confirm experimentally.1

There are many kinds of people depending on what feature is considered

to be the most important for them and one creates their different patterns,

according to the current situation.. First, people are conventionally divided

into "natural" (populo naturalis) and "artificial" (populo artificialis). I do not

understand by artificial man, a man build of artificial organs, but such one

which was equipped by the culture (by the people) in artificial features

acquired and developed with the progress of civilization. Homo naturalis is not

only Homo rationalis (rational man), but also Homo bellicosus (war man) Homo

ludens (playing man), Homo rudis (raw man), Homo religosus (religious man),

Homo faber (architect man), Homo sociologicus (sociological man) and Homo

spiritualis (spitritual man). And Homo artficialis is Homo historicus (historical

man), Homo oeconomicus (economic man) Homo consumens (consuming

man), Homo bellicosus, Homo ambitiosus, Homo festivus (celebrating man),

Homo neuropsychologicus (neurasthenic man), Homo reciprocans (reciprocate

man), Homo mecanicus (mechanical man), Homo politicus (political man),

Homo ridens (laughing man), Homo electronicus (man who rules the virtual

world), Homo laborens (working man), Homo symbolicus (symbolic man),

Homo doctus (lerned man), Homo liberalis (generous man), Homo genoma-

nipulatos (genetic manipulated man) and Homo recens (instantaneous man).

The features of an artificial human are not only positive, but also pejorative,

such as Homo cretinus(idiotic man), Homo sovieticus, Homo stupidus, Homo

prodigus (wasteful man) etc.

The collection of distinctions and the corresponding patterns of man is rich and

varied. Moreover, behind each one is some vision of the society of the future.

For this reason, it is justified by all means the question, which of these

patterns should be choose for the good of future generations, and which

of them should be the goal of education. The modern man is not just one of

these Homo's, but their superposition, sum or synthesis.

1 See 1) S. Connor, Human intelligence peaked thousands of years ago and we’ve been on an

intellectual and emotional decline, w: “The Independent”, 12.1.2013; 2) G. Livraghi, Il potere

della stupidità, Monti & Ambrosini, Pescara 2009

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2. ABOUT SOME HOMO CONCEPTS

2. 1. Homo ecologicus

A man like any organism lives thanks to the environment and for this reason

should live in harmony with it. Therefore, self-evidently and by his nature, he

should be an "ecological man". By this concept, I understand a man who is

friendly not only to his natural but also social environment, i.e. a man who res-

pects the laws and norms that apply in the natural and social world. First of all,

he refers friendly to everything that does not threaten him. In his life he is gui-

ded by the eight principles proclaimed by philosophical enwironmentalism: 2

1. The principle of the isomorphism of the world.

If something in the world is avarded, it is only by man. Only people value

the components of the world, and they consider their own species as the

privileged and the most important.

It is the people, who created the idea of anthropocentrism, and according to

it, they are guided by species selfishness. Hence, it appears the desire to

rule over other species of living beings and other people, if they are consid-

ered enemies, even at the cost of their extermination. Ecological man should

respect and value other species of living beings.

2. The principle of structural determinism

The existence of people depends on the one hand on the structure of the

environment, in which they live, and on the other hand, people shape this

structure more and more proportionally to the progress of knowledge an

technology. In results of that the natural structure becomes more and more

artificial. Therefore, the concept of natural environment, i.e. the environ-

ment undenatured by people activity, loses its sense. It transforms quickly

in the artifact of environment.3 The ecological man should oppose exces-

sive artificiality.

2 The principles of this concept of ecophilosophy were presented in the monograph W.

Sztumski, „Enwironmentalizm i cywilizacja życia, Res-Type Katowice 1997 3 See W. Sztumski, Człowiek w środowisku artefaktów, in: „ProblemyEkologii“, Nr. 6 (60),

2006

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3. The principle of biocentrism

Life in biological aspect of each creature, especially of human, is consid-

ered a universal and the highest value. The source of reverence of life is the

survival instinct of all living beings. The ecological man should take care

for the life of other beings, and above all, for his own life.

4. The principle of non-antagonistic development..

Social evolution occurs as a result of the rise of contradictions and conflicts.

However, in general, they do not transform themselves into antagonisms..

Fueling hostility and exacerbating contradictions between the components

of nature and of society is the work of people which refer with hostility to

their environment. Antagonizing people's attitudes and interpersonal rela-

tions leads to a critical moment in social evolution, and its transgresseion

threatens the premature destruction of humanity.. The duration of our spe-

cies can be lengthened if social antagonisms are eliminated in time. Eco-

logical man should not antagonize conflicts and social contradictions and

prevent aggression.

5. The principle of peaceful coexistence

People cannot be without themselves or without other living beings, which

help them survive. Therefore, a condition of life and survival is a peaceful

coexistence within a given ecosystem and community. Ecological man

should care for good interpersonal relations.

6. The principle of cooperation

Achieving collective and individual goals, and above all the most important

ones, such as the longest survival of individuals and humanity, requires

common efforts to achieve these goals. Consequently, people's goals should

not be contradictory, and their actions should support each other. This en-

sures the most effective and harmonious cooperation. Ecological man

should agree his goals with the goals of other people and implement them

in a joint action.

7. The principle of tolerance and compromise

Mutual respect, tolerance and willingness to seek compromises for potential

social conflicts are a necessary condition for peaceful co-existence and for

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help each other. Ecological man should be tolerant and willing to compro-

mise.

8. The principle of synergy action

People should not only act together to provide a chance for survival, but

they should also support each other in their actions. Synergy makes more

effective people's activities to achieve their goals and the common good,

and it allow them to achieve these goals faster. Ecological man should min-

imize selfishness and support actions other members of the community by

his actions in the pursuit of the common good. .

In addition, ecologic man characterizes with a specific way of thinking,

which I call "ecological thinking". It rejects the Cartesian paradigm of ra-

tionalism, binarism and the Enlightenment paradigm of scientism.

Present algorithmic or calculated thinking, derived from "pure reason", con-

stitutes an obstacle in shaping correct social relationships and in the reali-

zation of the postulates that the ecological man has to follow. Less and less,

one recognizes it neither as an authoritative and reliable way of thinking in

cognition and behavior, nor as only credible and authoritative criterion of

sources of information (knowledge) and as the foundation of morality. The

place and role of pure reason takes over common sense, which consists of

scientific and extra-scientific knowledge, rationality, feelings, faith, life ex-

perience, and subjective way of experiencing the world. Ecological think-

ing is at the same time eccentric (coming out from the human being and

embracing ever wider horizons of his environment), concentric (in the final

analysis focuses on man and on what enables him to live on Earth), pro-

spective (dominated by concern for the future of humanity), and evaluative

(attitudes, behavior and human acts are evaluated due to the harmonious

unity of man with his environment, and the good thing is, what serves life

and survival).

Ecological man acknowledges the principles of ecohumanism that was cre-

ated to serve the people, the communities, the human species, and not some-

thing else – some abstract beings (gods), ideas, rules, etc.

It bases on the idea of non-antagonistic social development, respect for life,

synergies of human activities and tolerance. In ecohumanism, it applies the

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life principle "Homo homini homo est" (Human for human is a human).

It differs from other contemporary concepts of humanism, in which the

principle "Homo homini lapus est" (human for human is a wolf) applies,

operating under conditions of fierce competition, or the principle "Homo

homini deus est" (human for human is a god) applied in the conditions of

worship of idols, celebrities, etc.

2.2. Homo oeconomicus

In result of social evolution, human gradually transforms from the natural being

in the cultural being. And, the higher is the culture developed, the more he goes

away from his naturalness and becomes more and more an artifact of human.

The transformation of natural human into artificial human accelerates in modern

times proportionally to the implementation of market economy. This process is

irreversible, just like all real processes. Nothing will restore people their origi-

nal naturalness. It is difficult to say whether it is good or bad. Naturalness and

artificiality have their advantages and disadvantages. It is bad when both are in

the extreme. It is ideally, when one with the other is in balance, according to the

principle of the golden measure. 4

The development of a specific version of artificial human made named "eco-

nomic human" accompanies the development of a market economy. At the end

of the 19th century, John Stuart Mill has first introduced the concept “Homo

oeconomicus”.5 This term is used for a model of Homo sapiens that acts to ob-

tain the highest possible well-being for himself given available information

about opportunities and other constraints, both natural and institutional, on his

ability to achieve his predetermined goals. Shortly, he is “a dollar-hunting ani-

4 See Zecha G., The Golden Rule and Sustainable Development, in: “Problemy Ekorozwoju –

Problems Of Sustainable Development”, 2011, vol. 6, no 1 5 Homo oeconomicus is a term used for an approximation or model of Homo sapiens that acts

to obtain the highest possible well-being for himself given available information about op-

portunities and other constraints, both natural and institutional, on his ability to achieve his

predetermined goals. This approach has been formalized in certain social science models,

particularly in economics. (Mill, John Stuart. "On the Definition of Political Economy, and

on the Method of Investigation Proper to It," London and Westminster Review, October

1836.)

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mal”. This approach has been formalized in certain social science models, par-

ticularly in economics. He proposes to define an economic man as a being who,

by necessity, do this, thanks to what he can achieve more goods, comfort and

luxury at the smallest amount of work and sacrifices.

Homo oeconomicus is characterized by the following characteristics:

• He is increasingly subordinated to market laws that are artificial because

people invent them.

• His actions are rational in the specific meaning of the word because they

are directed to a single, fundamental goal - for such economy and manage-

ment, which gives him maximum profit, wealth and lap of luxury. There-

fore, he remains in the service of the Golden Calf, which in itself is not

rational for other reasons6.

One perceives Homo oeconomicus as a rational person, because the welfare he

desires depends on optimizing the utility function. Optimization of function is

a mathematical operation, fully rationalized. However, this kind of rationality

does not determine the rationality of goals in the ethical, social and human

sense, but only the rationality of processes of achieving them at the least cost.

Because of this, generally, one considers the homo oeconomicus as an amoral

person, because he makes his choices and decisions, guided by his own benefi-

cial function; he ignores all social values and altruism is alien to him. He is the

man who in the end makes choices with regard primarily to economic criteria,

not to others, e.g. social, ecological, etc. In making decisions and actions, the

profitability plays the greatest role: it is not worth doing anything what is not

profitable and what does not bring measurable profit, mainly material and fi-

nancial. This is because profitability has become an important determinant of

the social environment, the way of life, the way of thinking, the personality of

people and of interpersonal relationship. So, homo oeconomicus is guided by

the principles of profitability in production and services, in research, in creativ-

ity, in interpersonal relations, and even in the sphere of feelings and religious

belief. Homo oeconomicus is criticized from the point of view of economics,

6 Now, it is difficult to set the limits of rationality. Therefore, it is not known at what point our

proceedings are no longer rational. Of different senses of rationality, see Rationalitaet heute:

Vorstellungen, Wandlungen, Herausfordergen (ed. Banse G., Kiepas A.), Lit Műnster, 2002

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sociology and psychology, and recently - ecophilosophy. He is the only type of

man who, instead of adapting to his environment - just as all other living things

are guided by self-preservation instinct - he adapts the environment to himself

per force and to detriment of the environment and himself. Often against the

laws of nature, what causes ever more degradation of the environment and of

people. The development of market economy, industrialization, urbanization, a

variety of philosophical ideas and ideologies, scientific discoveries and tech-

nical innovations - all these joint into one driving force of Western civilization

and shap various faces of economic man.

Homo oeconomicus develops and changes with the development of free market

economy. It manifests itself in various forms. Many of them have appeared in

recent years and have received different names. The capitalist system has sim-

ultaneously shaped homo oeconomicus and homo consumens. The first is ori-

ented for profit and the other for consumption. The first acts rationally to in-

crease his wealth, whereas the other acts irrationally to satisfy his various needs.

Both contribute to economic growth as the first maximizes profit by pro-

ducing goods more than necessary, and the other contributes to their

sales.

2.3. Homo prodigus

The modern economy is becoming more rationalized and economic activity de-

mands operative thinking subordinated to the requirements of logic and prag-

matism. Such thinking is a powerful and effective weapon in the struggle for

existence and survival in a world full of competition. Victory depends on the

efficiency of economic activities (business activity), labor productivity and

minimize production costs. Thinking rationally based on economics and pro-

duction has developed in people the habit to save. In addition, the need for sav-

ing is due to ecological reasons.. People were forced to save natural resources

being aware of their rapid depletion. Saving is the accumulation of stocks in

order to profit from them, when necessary, or is to consume something as little

as possible. The more rational the economy is, the more one can save. However,

saving does not always pay off. For example, when it is false, i.e. when one

saves on the one and one loses a lot more on the other. One can also lose on

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saving if one put savings in an insecure bank. Excessive saving also is bad when

it turns into greed. In spite of this, saving within reasonable limits is useful and

facilitates survival. In a free-market economy aimed at maximizing profit, ra-

tional management combines with saving. Homo rationalis ought also to be

homo frugal (economical man). Meanwhile, in our time, a highly rationalized

economy, driven by the rise of over-consumption, has led to increased prodi-

gality and wastefulness. On the one hand, it saves on production costs and on

the other hand, it creates artificial demand for offered in a huge excess of goods

and services Homo rationalis et frugi, a rational and frugal man, has trans-

formed into homo irrationalis et prodigus, an irrational and prodigal or wasteful

man. A prodigal man is a degenerate type of economic man. Nothing indicates

otherwise, at least in the foreseeable future. (This transformation does not con-

cern the poor who have nothing to spare. Besides, no one counts with them,

except for the populists.) Increasing wastefulness has become a fact, and even

an advantage commendable that belongs to the good tone. It is an irreversible

phenomenon in the contemporary model of the world economy. Even the idea

of sustainable development will not restore the balance between justified needs

and rationally frugal supply. This idea is not aimed at saving energy resources,

but rather replacing traditional energy (coal, wood and oil) with alternative

sources of energy (wind, water, sun). It does not eliminate excessive energy

consumption (e.g. illuminations, ads, etc.) or materials. It is an idea that sup-

ports a model of over-consumption, over-production, and over-wear, and there-

fore a wastefulness that is growing despite recycling.

The development of homo prodigus, prodigality and wastefulness is propor-

tional to the progress of civilization and living standard. Particularly visible and

outrageous is the waste that manifests itself in the destruction of food, paper,

clothing, footwear, electronic equipment and other goods as a result of technical

progress and changing fashion, and not because they are no longer usable. Peo-

ple without thought and sense of responsibility waste all what and how much

they can, to satisfy their whims (in essence imposed by fashion dictators and

advertisers) and to feel appreciated. Often and commonly, they take loans that

are increasingly difficult to pay them. As a result, they pauperize themselves,

but for that, they provide growing profits to owners of corporations and to the

global financiers.

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2.4. Homo festivus

Homo festivus (celebrating human) was born because of becoming aware of the

powerlessness of the "invisible social forces" in the modern world, of the help-

lessness of their own destiny and of the boredom due to the increasing comfort

of life, of the lack of interest and of the reluctance to undertake intellectual and

bodily effort. All that remains to him is fun, games and celebrations. "Celebrant

Man" is, in a sense, a self-satisfied hedonist who feels "happy slave" in the pre-

sent enslaved social reality. And this reality has not much in common with the

old world of contents and concrete things. Its distinguishing features are:

• Lack of respect for holiness, God and humanity because of secularization,

ethical relativism, economisation of life and dehumanization.

• Tightening of differences, conflicts, contradictions, and aggressions that

arise even for trivial reasons and increasingly take on a global dimension.

• Blurring the boundaries between reality and fiction as a result of virtualiza-

tion..

Homo festivus has the past for nothing. Therefore, he despises the old world and

recognizes it as needless ballast. Nor does he care too much for the future. For

him the most important is the present. He is therefore a recentivist. He sees

social reality as momentary great feta, Disneyland, amusement park, a fair of

modern miracles filled with a crowd of balangists and vacationers. Our present

social reality is like “an park of abstraction where words and concepts are still

running, but like chickens with cut heads." 7 Homo Festivus does not accept bor-

ders, barriers and differences, distinctions between truth and falsehood, talent

and mediocrity, human and animal. He wants everything to be equal, he dreams

of a world without secrets, hierarchies, generations, nations, etc. He dreams

above all an integral egalitarianism, which erases age difference (between the

child and adult), and gender difference (between men and women). Welfare

state as a mother, a “Big Mother”, is an institutional response to widespread

infantilization.8

The celebrated man, created in a natural way by the contemporary social reality,

7 See Ph. Muray, Festivus festivus. Conversations avec Élisabeth Lévy, Ed. Flammarion Paris,

2008. 8 See S. Rieger, Ph. Muray, „Homo Festivus festivus“ (http://www1.rfi.fr/actupl/arti-

cles/122/article_10026.asp)

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turned out to be the essence desired by the elites of power. They need people

who either are not able or do not want to think critically, who avoid social par-

ticipation, and instead of being active in politics they prefer to play and admire

cheap mass entertainment, be interested in life and adventures of celebrities (of-

ten imaginative and shocking), and participate in secular and religious festivals

adequate to their intellectual level and mass taste. One can marginalize easily

the "Celebrating people" and move them away from issues that are important

for society and the country. One can easily drug and fool them as well as ma-

nipulate them like puppets. They just do not make trouble for the ruling elites.

Therefore, such people are extremely desirable by them.

2.5. Homo virtualis

The intrusion of people into natural processes, mainly the destruction of home-

ostasis mechanisms that support the proper functioning of nature, has reached

such a level that in 2000 Paul Crutzen (Dutch chemist, meteorologist and Nobel

laureate of 1995) and Eugene F. Stoermer (American biologist) have introduced

a new geostratigraphic unit, which they called "anthropocene" (human age).9

According to J. Zalasiewicz, a senior lecturer in palaeobiology at the University

of Leicester, it was initiated by the first nuclear test in Alamogordo, New Mex-

ico on July 16, 1945.10 Since then there has been an era of nuclear energy.11 In

this age, people increasingly disrupt the natural ordering of geological deposits,

devastate the natural and social environment on an unprecedented scale, and

consequently, inadvertently, degenerate themselves. Technological progress

9 Scholars of the USSR used the name „anropocene” yet in the 1960s, but only in 2000, E.

Stoermer and P. Crutzen introduced it into circulation. And in 2016 at the 35th International

Geological Congress in Cape Town (South Africa) officially recognized this new geological

era in the history of the Earth. (See 1) C. N. Waters, J. Zalasiewicz, C. Summerhayes, A. D.

Barnosky, C. Poirier, A. Gałuszka, The Anthropocene is functionally and stratigraphically

distinct from the Holocene, w: ”Science”, 08 Jan. 2016, Vol. 351, Issue 6269; 2) Zob. J.

Zalasiewicz et al. „GSA Today“, 18(2), 4–8, 2008. 10 See J. Zalasiewicz, When did the Anthropocene begin? A mid-twentieth century boundary

level is stratigraphically optimal, w:in: “Quaternary International”, 12.1.2015). 11 Reinhold Leinfelder (a geologist, paleontologist and geobiologist at the Freie Universität Ber-

lin) claims that the anthropocene began several decades ago, since 1972, when the first 120-

meter "Teufelsberg" was sprinkled in Berlin. (See Leinfelder R., Anthropozän ausgerufen –

Golden Spike im Berliner Regierungsviertel eingeschlagen, in: Spektrum der Wissebschaft,

01.04.2016; http://scilogs.spektrum.de/der-anthropozaeniker/anthropozaen-golden-spike-

berliner-regierungsviertel)

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and the development of natural sciences contribute to the destruction of the nat-

ural environment. And the destruction of the social environment is progressing

with the development of social sciences, psychology, neurophysiology of the

brain, and the technology of influencing consciousness and subconsciousness.

Degradation of both environments is also effect of economic factors. Today,

there is no such subdomain of social environment, which would undergo no

devastation as, for example, environments of work, family and education.

For years, in the era of anthropocene homo oeconomicus caused the greatest

environmental degradation of our life-milieu and now, homo virtualis (e-man)

begins to help him in this work. The first initiated the anthropocene phase,

called capitalocene, i.e. the epoch of capital, and the second - an epoch, called

virtualocene, the epoch of the virtual world. No system has destroyed the envi-

ronment in such degree as capitalism.

Indeed, capitalism appeared in the sixteenth century, but only for decades, cap-

ital interventions in private and social life, in all social and cultural spheres

(politics, morality, religion, etc.) grew as never before. One expects that in the

future it will increase even more. Consequently, the contribution of economic

man with consumer attitudes in the degradation of the social environment will

continue to grow significantly. Whereas the virtual man will spoil this environ-

ment more and more, what will lead to the serious degeneration of the human

species. He creates and develops in an accelerated pace a virtual world that more

and more replaces the real world. Virtual world (“the virtual”) is a simulation

of the real world made by computers. It consists of various virtual beings and

objects: avatars, icons, emoticons, e-money e-shops, e-books, e-journals, inter-

net radio and TV, public and social portals (e.g. facebook, LinkedIn, twitter),

websites, communicators, etc.. One can experience virtual world (get it know

and explored it), actively participate in its functioning, and one can communi-

cate within it with other computer users. Mark W. Bell (Indiana University)

gave the following definition of the virtual world, which is a synthesis of several

partial definitions: Virtual world is a synchronous, persistent network of people

represented by avatars, functioning through a system of computers linked to-

gether.

By computers, one can create many virtual worlds, and their components can

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have such properties that differ from the properties of their correlates in the real

world. In particular, in virtual worlds, the laws of physics do not have to apply.

Virtual worlds are durable web-based, computer-rendered spaces (their com-

puter images are created realistically) populated by hundreds, thousands and

even millions of people at once. Virtual world is a space created by the users

and for the benefit of the online communities, which perceive and feel virtual

world almost the same as the real world. Virtual beings and situations are de-

veloping more and more thanks to the intelligent technology. They are as if real

elements of the sensory world, because they are presented on the material com-

puter screens and perceived by the senses. And despite of this they are unreal-

istic because they are artificial, phenomena, and situations, for which exist often

no real and natural correlations. Communing with the virtual world implies at

least two negative effects. First, it reduces our contact with the natural world

with living people and real "living" situations. The more time we spend with

the computer, the less we experience a real "natural" environment. Secondly,

intense and continuous contact with the virtual world blurs the boundary be-

tween reality and fiction, embodied in virtuality. As a result, we do not very

good know (this concerns especially children) what is natural and what is in-

vented and we are increasingly inclined to attribute figures, phenomena, and

virtual situations the value of reality. As a result, we often behave in the real

world and in real situations as if we were in the virtual world, which can have

fatal consequences. Surely, in the virtual world, they apply not the laws of na-

ture, but the laws invented by programmers and other creators of fiction. Un-

doubtedly, with the creation of fictions and illusions we have been dealing for

ages. This was connected with mythical and magical thinking, religious beliefs,

ideologies, philosophical views, and with literature fantastic science fiction and

storytelling.

Humans created various fictions and were willing to delude themselves for their

real existence and real power. Nevertheless, the impact of fiction on people's

consciousness was incomparably smaller than before. And this is mainly due to

massive use of computers and the Internet, although a significant part in this

work also has a television and mass production of appropriates books and mag-

azines It is difficult to assess whether earlier was created less fiction than today.

However, one thing is certain: the spread of fiction through computer games,

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comics, commercials, movies, etc., the frequency of their display and viewing,

the extraordinary expression of images and the ease access to them are now

incomparably greater. More and more, virtual reality leaves his mark on our

psyche because of the multiplied influence of the virtual world on our con-

sciousness and subconsciousness.

Human, creating the technique and improving it, simultaneously creates and

changes himself to improve and better adapt to a constantly degenerated envi-

ronment because of technical progress. To some extent it succeeded. Neverthe-

less, probably the e-man has already exceeded his abilities in this work. Since

him, a "March to the degradation of human" began that accelerates, and we do

not know when and how it will end. Maybe, it is oriented to the self-destruction

of humanity.

2.6. Homo digitalis

Antropocen has also created a new form of the virtual world - the digital world.

It is a world that consists of mathematical representations of real objects, pro-

cesses and phenomena. In the simplest form, they are represented by numbers

(digital representations) and in complex forms - by means of various mathemat-

ical functions (functional representations). Now it is all in the form of numbers.

Digitized elements of the real world are reflected in readers of different widely

available electronic devices, primarily on handhelds ones: laptops, tablets, cell

phones, smart watches and other “smart devices” and gadgets. Digitization

more and more get into our daily life thanks to the fashionable "Internet of smart

things". This has some good and bad effects. On the one hand - like any intelli-

gent technical device - it makes our life easier, makes it more interesting and

comfortable. On the other hand, it contributes to reducing our privacy sphere

everywhere it reaches the Internet, as it makes available our personal and inti-

mate data. Even our traditional homes, transformed into "smart homes," are

controlled and viewed by smart Internet devices, which relay the information

about us, including to spying and data theft: Are we at home? What we do?

How we rest? Are we sick? Ubiquitous Computing enables IT corporations,

private developers and hobbyists to implant microscopic electronic devices

(chips) and to digitize everything in their environment. And thanks to "weara-

bles" and "smart implants" IT can cross the boundaries of our body. Naturally,

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all these devices can communicate with each other and with people through the

network. Social media, especially twitter and facebook, have revolutionized

method of transmission and circulation of information. They also have bad side

because they have opened unprecedented opportunities for social manipulators.

Various electronic devices collect and accumulate data about people and offer

more information about them than they themselves know about themselves. In-

stitutions and corporations use them supposedly for our good, but in fact, for

other purposes: tracking, controlling, advertising and marketing. One promises

people the benefits of the information society, for example, that productivity

and quality of life will be better and better, although there is no certainty that

they will grow for an indefinite period and that they will be so good as one

expects. In contrast, it is certain that the progressive digital revolution poses a

threat to the freedom and privacy of the individual.12 Automating the society by

means of algorithms threatens in the worst case the demolition of democracy

by new totalitarian structures, to the control of citizens by means of artificial

intelligence. It starts with computer programming, and ends with programming

people. This is illustrated by the examples of Singapore and China. All rulers

and dictators know that privacy is the biggest obstacle to getting full domination

over citizens. As long as people have something else for themselves, and no one

else, and even more, the state cannot interfere, they cannot be completely en-

slaved. As Günther Anders stated, "In every dictatorship,’I‘ is the first occupied

area.” 13

The digital world alienates gradually and escapes from the control of human. In

consequence, it becomes less predictable and more and more threatens us.

Therefore, nine prominent European experts in the field of Big Data, sociology,

philosophy and economics draws attention to the threat of automation of society

by means of algorithms and artificial intelligence, and warns against the "dicta-

12 Only in 2015, there were as much data as in the history of humankind until 2014; hundreds

of thousands of queries are sent to Google every minute, and the same number of posts on

facebook. They betray our thoughts and feelings. It estimates that over 150 billion cross-

linked measuring sensors will be within the "Internet of Things", i.e. twenty times more than

today's population of the world. Then every 12 hours will double the number of data. Even

today, many organizations are struggling to convert these Big Data into Big Money. 13 I quote from H. Welzer, Die smarte Diktatur. Ein Angriff auf unsere Freiheit, S. Fischer Ver-

lag, Frankfurt a/M. 2016

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torship of the data."14

In the digital world, a new form of e-man appeared - "Homo digitalis" (digital

human).15 Integral parts of his activity are digital auxiliary tools and improvers,

so that he should be "digitally wise", that is, he should be able to choose the

tools supporting his innate abilities, and use them to make easily the better de-

cisions.16 However, the decision or the selection can take place only in systems

weakly determined, where is freedom. In the meantime, a full-scale digital man

is a real robot, governed by algorithms. Thus, it functions in a strongly deter-

mined environment and therefore he is enslaved in the highest degree. He makes

such choices or decisions that dictate to him a program (algorithm) imposed on

him, that is, what he has to do in a given situation. It does not depend on whether

he thinks and what he thinks when making decisions.

The evolution of a machine-like man, initiated by the first industrial revolution,

aims to the shaping the digital man, which will be probably his most advanced

form. So far, the process of shaping the digital man progresses faster and faster.

Bodily and mental functions, psyche, personality and spirituality as well as be-

havior, attitudes, emotions and interpersonal relationships increasingly digitize.

Transformation of homo naturalis into homo digitalis - the effect of technomor-

phization of human - implies at least some negative effects:

• People in their mad rush for career, profits and get rich, impose a murderous

pace his life and work. They do this also for fear of social exclusion - eco-

nomic and informatic. One cannot stand out of the average standard of

wealth nor to be behind others due to the ability to use the latest information

14 See Dirk Helbing, Bruno S. Frey, Gerd Gigerenzer, Ernst Hafen, Michael Hagner, Yvonne

Hofstetter, Jeroen van den Hoven, Roberto V. Zicari, Andrej Zwitter, „Digital-Manifest“ in:

Eine Strategie für das Digitale Zeitalter“, „Spektrum der Wissenschaft“, Januar 2016. 15 The term "digital human" can mean either an artificial person (a fully automatic robot or the

imitation of a natural human like in the movie "Digital Man") or a person reduced to the zero-

one system, which operates in the digital world full of "intelligent" devices. 16 There are yet other definitions of the “digital wisdom”. 1) "Digitally wise" man is not only in

the Internet, but in the real world: it is a man who thanks to his experience and knowledge

knows how to use hardware and software. (See P. Toczyski, Srebrne treści cyfrowe: między-

pokoleniowy transfer mądrości poprzez internetowe twórcze pisanie osób starszych, w: „Za-

gadnienia Rodzajów Literackich”, LX z. 1, 2017, s. 106). 2) Digital wisdom does not auto-

matically have those who quickly adapt and always know everything about technology, its

possibilities and ways of functioning, but those who have an idea of how to deal with network

technology, to become truly wise, rather than get lost in flood data. Digital wisdom means

choosing what is good. (See. V. Muntschick, Die digitale Weisheit der Freeager, w: Pro-Ag-

ing, (ed. H. Gatterer) Wyd. Zukunftsinstitut Frankfurt a/M. 2016)

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technologies. This is the consequence of chase for the fastest technical de-

vices no matter what the consequences are.

• Biological degradation of the human species is a result of building machines

more and more similar to humans. (The latest achievement in this field is

the humanoid "Sofia" built in 2016 by David Hanson, owner of the famous

American company Hanson Robotics, who not only looks but also behaves

like a human.) Gradual transmission to the machines our species features is

one of the causes of dehumanization the humanity. The more we lose our

important features and functions, the less of human features remains in us,

the less human we are.

• A machine-like person behaves like a machine - thoughtlessly and unreflec-

tively:

➢ He refers without emotion to other people, but with calculation.

➢ Usually his rationality reduces itself to "cold" calculation.

➢ In thinking, he uses standard algorithms and stereotypes.

As a result, he degrades his spiritual and emotional sphere. He not only

disturbs the balance between the physical, mental and spiritual sphere, but

he causes negative phenomena, which are known psychologists, that con-

tribute to the degradation of personality.

• Technomorphization of the human being has a negative impact on decision-

making. A man acting like a machine usually automatically makes deci-

sions, regardless of feelings and empathy or future consequences. In gen-

eral, he willingly entrusts the machines with making decisions for them.17

• A machine-like man reduces the sphere of his own will and freedom. As a

17 Nicholas Carr writes about the risk of automating decision-making. In his book "Addicts.

Where is the man when the computers decide" he gives numerous negative effects of com-

puter-aided automation. I only give two examples: 1) At the beginning of 2013, the US Fed-

eral Aviation Administration ordered aircraft captains to operate as manually as possible and

not fall back on autopilot. The reason for this was the crash on long-haul flights, during which

misleading alarms pulled out of half-dream pilots, who instead of hitting on the gas add up

the plane flying too slowly and consequently they lead to failure. 2) Often, automated expert

systems make diagnoses based on patient data and propose appropriate therapy at the same

time. But atypical combinations of symptoms can lead to abnormal treatment; An ordinary

doctor cannot be replaced simply by a computer. (See N. Carr, Abgehängt. Wo bleibt der

Mensch, wenn Computern entscheiden, Verlag: Hanser, München 2014) 17 See P. Prajsnar Cyfrowy humanizm. Czy branża IT stworzy „człowieka 2.0”? (https://eduto-

rial.pl/ ; 06. 03. 2017)

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result, it becomes increasingly passive and vulnerable to manipulation and

enslavement.

• In times of Big Data, every person acting in cyberspace leave digital traces

or shadows, because it generates the data (including personal ones) that

goes to databases and the Internet cloud. In this way, he creates his image

and his digital identity (e-identity). They become a kind of commodity

(prey), willingly being acquired by fraudsters or different organizations in-

volved in spying.

Digital people, which have to do daily with different electronic devices, entan-

gle in multiple Internet networks, from which it is difficult to release them, be-

cause they become addicted to them, like from drugs. Consequently they sur-

render their power, become their hostages and slaves. That is why Aleksandr

Nikiszin rightly claims that "the latest intelligent technologies, exercising con-

trol over people, threaten the transformation of society into a digital concen-

tration camp".18 Thus, in digital civilization it develops digital slavery, which

is the most recent and the most formidable form of neo-slavery in the neo-lib-

eralism.

The social environment becomes increasingly neurotic following the imple-

mentation of the principle of acceleration of social processes and the pace of

life and work. Its creator is the man acting in contemporary civilization, a syn-

thesis of Homo oeconomicus Homo virtualis and Homo digitalis. It is also a

victim of the environment created by themselves, because the number of people

who fall ill nervous and mental steadily increase.. In consequence, it arises yet

another human - Homo neuropsychologicus (neuropathic and psychopathic

man).

CONCLUSION

People create different eras in social evolution depending on the development

of productive forces, that is, on the progress of knowledge and technology. The

18 See A. Nikišin, Cifrovoje rabstvo v cifrovoj civilizacii, (http://kolokolrussia.ru/globaliza-

ciya/cifrovoe-rabstvo-v-cifrovoy-civilizacii#hcq=Mdvrttq; data dostępu: 18.10.2017)

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modern era - virtual and digital - was born in anthropocene thanks to advances

in information technology, computer technology and intelligent technologies.

This era is still in statu crescendi. For now, it is unknown when it will end,

similarly as the era of capitalocen. Nothing points to it that the capitalist system

will end in some predictable time. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that

about the future of humankind will decide people who join the characteristics

of economic, consumer, virtual, electronic and digital humans. Probably, the

future fate of humanity will to a lesser extent depends on the specialists of the

real world; rather more in the hands of the specialists of virtual world. Maybe,

some other features of the new people will join also. For example, is highly

probably, that it will emerge in the near future Homo sustinens - a human who

will care for the sustainable development of many different spheres of social

activity and not just of the economy. Certainly, he will oppose to the tendencies

of humankind’s development outlined by human beings like homo oeconomi-

cus, homo consumens, homo frugus or homo digitalis. Only, it is unknown

whether his actions will prove effective in present and future capitalistic system.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Carr N., Abgehängt. Wo bleibt der Mensch, wenn Computern entscheiden, Verlag:

Hanser, München 2014

2. Cippola C. M., The basic laws of human stupidity, in: “Whole Earth Review”,

Spring 1987

3. Connor S., Human intelligence peaked thousands of years ago and we’ve been on

an intellectual and emotional decline, in: “The Independent”, 12.1.2013

4. Helbing D., Frey B. S., Gigerenzer G., Hafen E., Hagner M., Hofstetter Y., Hoven

van den, R., Zicari R. V., Zwitter A., „Digital-Manifest“ w: Eine Strategie für das

Digitale Zeitalter“ in: „Spektrum der Wissenschaft“, Januar 2016

5. Leinfelder R., Anthropozän ausgerufen – Golden Spike im Berliner Regierungs-

viertel eingeschlagen, in: Spektrum der Wissebschaft, 01.04.2016 (http://sci-

logs.spektrum.de/der-anthropozaeniker/anthropozaen-golden-spike-berliner-re-

gierungsviertel)

6. Livraghi G., Il potere della stupidità, Monti & Ambrosini, Pescara 2009

7. Mill, John Stuart. "On the Definition of Political Economy, and on the Method of

Investigation Proper to It," London and Westminster Review, October 1836.

8. Muntschick V., Die digitale Weisheit der Freeager, in: Pro-Aging (ed. H. Gatterer),

Wyd. Zukunftsinstitut Frankfurt a/M. 2016

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9. Muray Ph., Festivus festivus. Conversations avec Élisabeth Lévy, Ed. Flammarion

Paris, 2008

10. Nikišin A., Cifrovoje rabstvo v cifrovoj civilizacii, http://kolokolrussia.ru/globali-

zaciya/cifrovoe-rabstvo-v-cifrovoy-civilizacii#hcq=Mdvrttq, 2017

11. Prajsnar P., Cyfrowy humanizm. Czy branża IT stworzy „człowieka 2.0”?

(https://edutorial.pl), 2017

12. Rationalität heute: Vorstellungen, Wandlungen, Herausfordergen (ed. Banse G.,

Kiepas A.), Lit Műnster, 2002

13. Rieger, S. Philippe Muray -„Homo Festivus festivus“ (http://www1.rfi.fr/actupl/ar-

ticles/122/article_10026.asp)

14. Sztumski W., Człowiek w środowisku artefaktów, in: „Problemy Ekologii“, Nr. 6

(60), 2006

15. Sztumski W., Enwironmentalizm i cywilizacja życia, Wyd. Res-Type Katowice

1997

16. Toczyski P., Srebrne treści cyfrowe: międzypokoleniowy transfer mądrości po-

przez internetowe twórcze pisanie osób starszych, in: „Zagadnienia Rodzajów Li-

terackich”, LX z. 1, 2017

17. Waters C. N., Zalasiewicz J., Summerhayes C, Barnosky A. D., Poirier C.,

Gałuszka A, The Anthropocene is functionally and stratigraphically distinct from

the Holocene, in: ”Science”, 08 Jan. 2016, Vol. 351, Issue 6269).

18. Welzer H., Die smarte Diktatur.Ein Angriff auf unsere Freiheit, S. Fischer Verlag,

Frankfurt a/M. 2016

19. Zalasiewicz J. et al. „GSA Today“ 18(2), 4–8, 2008.

20. Zalasiewicz J., When did the Anthropocene begin? A mid-twentieth century

boundary level is stratigraphically optimal, in: “Quaternary International”,

12.1.2015

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Ekorozwoju – Problems Of Sustainable Development” 2011, vol. 6, no 1

Prof. Wiesław Sztumski (em.) – Silesian University, Katowice, Poland

e-mail: [email protected]

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Waclaw A. KASPRZAK

Karol I. PELC

EXPLORATION OF HUMAN DESIRES: A NEW PERSPEC-

TIVE ON FORESIGHT AND SOCIAL PLANNING

ABSTRACT

Distinction between human needs and desires is viewed as important subject for con-

sideration in foresight, social planning and all other studies related to social change.

Human desires are defined as expression of subjective wishes that are not always

founded on rational principles or beneficial for individuals interested in their satisfac-

tion. Those desires are related to but not identical with objective human needs. In gen-

eral, the level of human sense of happiness depends on satisfaction of desires. However

satisfaction of some human desires doesn’t necessarily bring positive effects for indi-

vidual well-being and may not lead to solving individual or social problems. To the

contrary, it may lead to pathologies. Unfortunately, lack of satisfaction of such human

desires that extend beyond objective needs may lead to frustration and conflicts at a

social scale. On the other hand, satisfaction of objective needs guarantees possibility of

safe existence. The authors suggest using analysis of both human needs and desires as

a conceptual framework for the foresight and social planning. A social planning model

following this approach is also presented.

Keywords: human needs, human desires, well-being, foresight, social planning

1. INTRODUCTION

It became a commonly accepted rule to define the national and regional devel-

opment strategies by identifying possible options for economic development

and exploring social needs. On that basis the economic and social goals are de-

termined and the plan for their achievement is finally created and developed in

the form of a roadmap. The latter also involves verification of the financial fea-

sibility for the multi-year program of actions. The timing of the planned actions

is compared with a forecast for technology development to insure feasibility of

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the proposed plan. A review of respective methods may be found in papers by

(Cuhls, 2016; Linstone, 1969; Porter et al., 2004; Porter, 2010) . Such an ap-

proach has also been presented in the UNIDO instructions for foresight

(UNIDO Vienna International Centre, 2005) and in the methodology publica-

tion approved and recommended by the European Union (Steinbeis European

Centrum Germany, 2006). That methodology has been improved by the com-

mon project of NISTEP, Japan, and TEKES, Finland, (Tekes, 2009), which

showed how social systems can be organized for achieving predetermined goals

of development, taking into account the recognized feasibility of technological

solutions. It has been applied, among others, in foresight for medical services

in societies of Finland and Japan. The proposed organization of those services

was somewhat different in each of the countries due to their specific conditions

but it is fully defined in detail, similarly to that of the system for lean manufac-

turing. It is assumed that execution of these plans will lead to satisfaction of

needs.

As in all other cases, assessment of the plan implementation should be based on

documented data reflecting the socially observable outcomes. In the recent

years, indicators of well-being such as data on longevity, education system etc,

are being used for presenting the pattern of human needs satisfaction. Analyses

of needs and subjective desires for purposes of foresight and social planning

have been mentioned in several publications reviewed briefly below.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the feasibility of using consistently, sys-

tematically and directly both categories i.e. human needs and human desires as

bases for social planning and to emphasize distinction between needs and de-

sires in this context.

Usually human needs constitute central category of earlier analyses. However,

more and more frequently the subjective indicators are suggested in the litera-

ture (Diener & Seligman, 2004; Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2008; Eiffe &

Ponocny et al., 2016) to present level of satisfaction due to well-being achieved

in a given society. Importance of subjective aspects of the human sense of hap-

piness has been shown by Diener & Biswas-Diener (2008) who introduced the

concept of subjective well-being. If the objective statistical indicators can be

accepted as certain measures of human need satisfaction, then the subjective

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indicators reflect individual assessments of human desire satisfaction but they

are still seldom included in official statistics.

Already in 1973, Kocowski (1973) introduced in psychology the concept of ob-

jective human needs, that can be defined by science, and the concept of subjec-

tive desires, which are wishes/wants reflecting individual desires, sometimes

loosely associated with the real needs. Linstone (1969) emphasized importance

of needs analysis for normative forecasting in his paper of 1969. According to

Cuhls (2016) a need was viewed as “a necessity, as something not only nice to

have, but with real usability or problem solving potential.” That concept corre-

sponds to the objective need definition of Kocowski (1973) as distinct from a

desire. In 1978, the authors of this paper proposed an extended approach

(Kasprzak & Pelc, 1978) to the design of plans for development. It is based on

exploration and definition of human needs as an objective category, and of hu-

man desires.

Satisfaction of needs doesn’t necessarily yield a social well-being because the

lack of satisfaction of some desires may lead to the sense of frustration in soci-

ety. On other hand, the satisfaction of some desires that should be excluded for

objectively justifiable reasons may evoke serious pathologies. In other terms,

instead of identifying needs through surveys (as in several planning proce-

dures), we propose to conduct research on both the objective human needs and

on subjective human desires. In the latter case, the social pattern of desires may

be determined by statistical analysis and surveys. Foresight and long term de-

velopment plans need to be based on the complete exploration of both human

needs and desires.

2. HUMAN NEEDS AND DESIRES VERSUS OPPORTUNITIES PROVIDED BY

THE MARKET

Identification of social and individual human needs and their diversity should

be based on scientific analysis. Some desires may lead to diversification of op-

portunities searched for and being developed by the market. They might or

should be socially acceptable, if they remain within certain limits, and are not

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violating the well-being of other individuals, society or environment. The re-

maining part of desires derived from individual preferences, tastes or interests

could also be socially acceptable, if they are not in conflict with accepted val-

ues. Both desires and needs are being satisfied by opportunities available on the

market. Assuming set A contains all opportunities existing on the market and

set B represents human desires (it is also assumed that individual objective

needs are included in the set B), then it is possible to suggest that the market is

capable of satisfying all desires through opportunities it provides. Set A will be

almost identical to set B hence we’ll use only sets A and C in the following part

of this paper. However the set of objective needs C, together with their differ-

entiation, and taking into account the range of individual tastes, extended into

the acceptable desires, will be smaller than B (C included into B). Opportunities

providing satisfaction of acceptable desires and needs are represented by the

product of sets A C. Opportunities from the set A not belonging to the prod-

uct of A C, hence belonging to A\(A C) should not be used. They are in

conflict with the objective interests of individuals or society. Usage of many of

them can’t be prohibited by legal regulations. In many cases such attempts

could be, and are, ineffective. Contemporary societies have difficulties with an

early identification of desires and opportunities belonging to the set A\(A

C). For example, it has happened with a relatively common problem of obesity.

Similar problem may emerge due to expanding scale of living in a virtual world

(as it is already common in the computer games). Further development of such

possibilities appears to be probable in the future. It is impossible to declare that

we are already prepared for counteraction against such pathologies. In addition,

we are not able to predict potential sources of those pathologies at a proper time,

in advance of their emergence. Exploration of human desires, especially those

socially unacceptable (or dangerous), may be even much more valuable and

required than exploration of needs for purposes of social and scientific policy

development.

According to Kocowski (1973), the fundamental level of social need satisfac-

tion has been defined as guaranteeing the human existence (it has been named

existential needs satisfaction). The next level of need satisfaction is related to

procreation (reproduction). It is relatively easy to determine the level of income

per capita that guarantees achievement of individual goals at those two levels.

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In developed societies, such level of income should be correlated with the min-

imum wage and scale of employment availability. Satisfaction of needs at those

levels corresponds to opportunities existing on the market mainly in form of

available food and shelter as well as access to health care and education. Data

on so called “Purchasing Power Index” are presented in the European statistical

reviews. It allows assessment of the degree of material needs satisfaction and

even that of potential oversupply. For example, in the area of rational alimenta-

tion the market abundance is represented by opportunities providing an appro-

priate amount of calories. As a matter of social policy, the opportunities for

satisfaction of those needs should not be too easily accessible as it might lead

to overeating and to obesity as a consequence. It is doubtful if such situations

may be predicted. However a monitoring system appears to be feasible for de-

tecting occurrence of such pathologies in advance i.e. at the time when the first

symptoms emerge (early warning system). Such prediction would be facilitated

by implementation of a system capable to assess the level of satisfaction of ex-

istential and procreation related needs. It would require means for assessment

of accessibility in two domains i.e. health care and education. Both systems are

extremely important for any considerations related to evaluation of the level of

well-being. Without them, such evaluation would always be imprecise and

based on subjective estimates only. Currently, it is being oversimplified and

reduced, in the formal statistical reviews, to presenting only the average life

expectancy (as representation of health situation) and the average time of edu-

cation in combination with the percentage of population achieving certain level

of education (as representation of education situation). Those data are not broad

enough from the social planning point of view, in particular for the domain of

health care. An adequate organization in that domain would require a system

similar to that developed by Tekes and NISTEP to be introduced (Tekes, 2009).

Establishing a data bank with information on health condition of each citizen is

of greatest importance from the perspective of social planning. Such data bank

would be accessible and used for statistical analysis only (hence it would not

reveal personal data). It would allow for quantitative assessments of the level

of health needs satisfaction, and for monitoring of any threats and pathologies

caused by an exaggerated satisfaction of certain desires. There is no doubt, the

European countries and other members of OECD can afford the establishment

of such systems. At the same time, it seems to be obvious that any substantial

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advancement in health care can’t be achieved without implementation of such

systems. Along the same line of reasoning, it seems advisable to consider im-

plementation of a similar monitoring and control system for education. It would

allow for more advanced solutions and actions aimed at taking full advantage

of individual talents and for essential improvements in continuous education.

Satisfaction of three subsequent categories of needs i.e. functional, coexistential

and sense of happiness is much more difficult, highly individualized and de-

pendent not only on income or wealth. A complete matrix of needs has been

presented in our earlier paper (Kasprzak & Pelc, 1978, p. 136, Fig.1). In many

cases, the non-material goods and opportunities can satisfy those needs. Needs

of self-actualization, participation, sense of influence, and finally sense of hap-

piness belong to this category. Such individual impressions depend on quality

of social system, organization of community life, organization of workplace, as

well as on the level of culture and spectrum of opportunities for participation in

cultural life. This area requires a broad interdisciplinary research on definition

of needs with contributions from sociologists, psychologists, experts in culture

and process management. In summary, in addition to studies on human needs it

is equally important to conduct research on human desires and potentially neg-

ative effects of their satisfaction or lack of it. A monitoring system will be

needed for early detection of all negative phenomena. It would become realistic,

if data on subjective indicators, described by Diener & Seligman (2004), Diener

& Biswas-Diener (2008), and Eiffe & Ponocny et al., (2016) and reflecting sat-

isfaction of desires, were systematically included in official statistical reports.

3. IDENTIFICATION OF NEEDS AND DESIRES AT THE FUNCTIONAL AND

HIGHER LEVELS

It becomes more and more difficult to identify scope and condition of human

needs and desires when we move toward higher levels of their satisfaction. At

the same time they become less dependent on the level of income. In reality, we

are able to determine rather precisely the needs related to food, shelter, health

care and education. Certain doubts may emerge in assessment of resources ne-

eded for assurance of the sense of security, in particular those related to defense

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against violence and terror, and maintaining the balance between security and

personal freedom. It appears the more wealthy societies are the less they are

interested in opportunities providing just the material means for need satisfac-

tion. Diener & Seligman (2004) indicated that “…money is an inexact surrogate

for well-being, and the more prosperous a society becomes the more inexact a

surrogate income becomes.” Interesting information on this subject may be de-

rived from studies on relation between the level of income per capita (GDP per

capita) and the level of satisfaction and sense of happiness. Results of such re-

search have been published in reports on quality of life and happiness such as

“Europe: Quality of Life Index by Country” (2016) and “World Happiness Re-

port. Update 2016” by Helliwel, Layard & Sachs (2016). Comparing of those

two documents is possible only for a few indices because different sets of

measures have been applied in each document. In the study “Europe Quality of

Life Index” (2016), there were eight factors taken into consideration: purchas-

ing power index, cost of living index, house price to income ratio, health care

index, safety index, pollution index, traffic commute time index, and climate

index. The study on World Happiness (Helliwel, Layard & Sachs, 2016) in-

volved six basic indicators: GDP per capita, social support, healthy life expec-

tancy at birth, freedom to make life choices, generosity, perception of corrup-

tion. Some relations among indicators have also been studied. The authors no-

ticed that “effect of income on the happiness answers (to the poll questions for-

mulated according to Cantrill Ladder) to be less significant than on satisfaction

with the life.” In the same study some consideration was given to the impact of

inequalities. The authors stated (p.40) that “countries with the largest increase

in well-being inequality have all been undergoing significant social and eco-

nomic difficulties.“ It is interesting to find that countries of the lowest GDP per

capita (in Europe) not always received the lowest ranks according to (Europe:

Quality of Life Index by Country, 2016). For example Lithuania is ranked at

26th position among 29 countries of Europe even though it’s GDP per capita

($28,400) is much higher than that of Bosnia and Herzegovina ranked on the

same scale at 21st position even though their GDP per capita is only $19,500

(see Table I). It is worth mentioning that, according to study presented by the

Eurostat, Vilnius, the capital city of Lithuania, is ranked almost at the top of

European capitals with 98% of its population sense of happiness, second only

to Oslo, Norway, with 99% (Eurostat, 2016) .

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Similar situation and discrepancies or apparent inconsistencies of ranking may

be observed in the group of countries with higher income per capita. For exam-

ple Spain ($34,800) is ranked on 7th position in terms of Quality of Life when

the U. K. ($ 41,200) is ranked at 11th position. The second type of ranking,

representing different levels of happiness in respective societies may also sug-

gest that the level of income does not constitute the main factor of happiness.

For example, Finland with GDP/capita of $41,100 is ranked as the 5th most

happy nation in the world, when Germany with GDP/capita of $46,900 is

ranked at 16th position with regard to happiness (both ranks among 157 coun-

tries of the world). At the same time, Germany is ranked higher (16th) than Lux-

embourg (20th), which achieved GDP/capita more than twice as high. In addi-

tion, as mentioned earlier, the two types of ranking differ substantially for sev-

eral countries (see rankings shown in two adjacent columns of Table I).

A still different approach has been applied in a study on “subjective well-being”

published by the Eurostat. The Eurostat’s quality of life framework is based on

nine dimensions: material living conditions (income, wealth and consumption),

education, natural and living environment, productive and valued activities (in-

cluding work), health, leisure and social interactions, experience of life, gov-

ernance and basic rights, and economic and physical activity (Eiffe & Ponocny

et al, 2016).

Table I. Comparative data on Income, Quality of Life, and Happiness in selected

European countries. Data extracted from: (Central Intelligence Agency,

2016), (Europe:Quality of Life Index by Country, 2016), and (Helliwel, Lay-

ard & Sachs, 2016).

Country

GDP per ca-

pita (2015)

$ PPP*)

Quality of

Life QL

Index (2016)

Rank in

Quality of

Life - Europe

(2016)

Rank in Hap-

piness -

World (2013-

15)

Serbia 13,700 138.26 25 86

Macedonia 14,000 115.03 27 95

Bulgaria 19,100 141.61 23 129

Bosnia and

Herzegovina 19,500 146.70 21 87

Portugal 27,800 181.18 10 94

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Lithuania 28,400 134.33 26 60

Spain 34,800 186.41 7 37

Finland 41,100 184.01 9 5

U.K. 41,200 180.25 11 23

Germany 46,900 199.70 3 16

Luxembourg 99,000 n. a. n. a. 20

*) PPP = Purchasing Power Parity

All of these data indicate a necessity of finding appropriate measures for as-

sessment of social well-being and confirming that the level of income, above

certain minimum threshold, does not reflect social situation in a country ade-

quately. On the other hand, such elements of social well-being as for example

the sense of satisfaction due to professional success (self-esteem) is being as-

sessed mostly in the creative environments. One could expect that similar con-

ditions should be satisfied by social and family environments in order to provide

a sense of happiness. The desire of self-actualization should be satisfied by wide

and unlimited access to opportunities provided in the domain of culture. This

problem has been discussed extensively by Florida (2004). His considerations

are focused mainly on features of creative communities. To some extent, the

conditions for sense of well-being are a subject for consideration in manage-

ment and organization systems. However, the existing social and political sys-

tems don’t have a direct impact on conditions of social well-being through or-

ganizing and culture of coexistence. It is possible to influence this domain only

by education and diffusion of research results in relevant fields. Hence, it seems

necessary to intensify detailed research on those phenomena to be conducted by

interdisciplinary scientific teams. The approach based on exploration of human

needs and desires, suggested in this paper, is intended to provide a conceptual

framework for design of measurements that could be applicable in foresight

studies. It requires research on human desires at a social scale and developing

diagnoses of existing dissatisfactions and satisfactions. Both types of those di-

agnoses may serve for identifying conditions for social sense of happiness. Ex-

ploration of correlations between the identified desires, feasibility of their sat-

isfaction and the sense of happiness may suggest solutions and provide tools for

policy makers in social planning.

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4. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The purpose of this paper is to emphasize importance of research on human de-

sires in addition and parallel to that of research on human needs as support for

social and economic planning. In particular, such studies should focus on those

desires that can develop beyond the scope of identified needs. We propose to

extend the traditional approach to foresight, used by corporations, regions and

countries, by adding the analysis and forecasting of unwanted or dangerous con-

sequences of implementation of new technologies and side-effects of satisfac-

tion of certain human desires. At the same time, we believe that certain level of

social and political tensions and disturbances in some countries reflects the im-

pact of an inadequate satisfaction of desires causing social frustration, even

though the economic growth indicators remain high. An area of potential threats

due to technological change is related to advances of artificial intelligence and

emergence of intelligent robots capable to read out the thoughts of their owners.

According to some authors, the computer intelligence may reach the level equal

to or higher than that of human beings already in the current century (phenom-

enon of singularity described by Kurzweil (2005) and others (Singularity Sum-

mit, 2012). It might become possible to predict effects of implementation of the

owner’s thoughts or concepts. Hence our own capacity of eliminating or reduc-

ing the potential threats will be of special importance in the new world of those

emerging technologies, reaching the brink of uncontrollability.

In addition to the foresight based on analysis of human needs only, it will beco-

me necessary to predict also the future desires or to detect potential emergence

of such desires or addictions. Social systems have to be equipped with adequate

protective monitoring and early warning systems, not just with systems for sat-

isfaction of desires. The corresponding changes in the social planning system

are suggested in the graph presented in Fig 1. That graph expands the scope of

information needed for social planning by including the whole system of fore-

sight oriented at predicting the future threats and their monitoring (not just new

technologies). Some of the published statistical data, as those shown in Table

I., already allow for such expansion. A wide range of literature, reviewed in

(Diener & Seligman,2004) includes some suggestions for expanding of the

well-being indicators together with explanation of their impact on society. A

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major part of these suggestions should be already taken into account in research

on conditions of society. They could also be applied in the planning processes

(example shown in Fig 1). Identification of the pattern of discoverable threats

and emerging pathologies constitutes an extremely important component of this

process. Similarly, the reports on social well-being should assess its current

condition on the basis of accepted indicators, and should present data on ex-

pected future condition as a result of the foresight.

In summary, it is proposed to extend and enhance the planning systems such as

those of OECD and UNIDO (UNIDO Vienna International Centre, 2005),

which are currently focused on economy and innovation processes, by introduc-

ing a broader approach allowing for monitoring and influencing the individual

and social sense of satisfaction.

Fig 1. Social planning system – basic components

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Our thanks are extended to Professor C. Nosal, Wroclaw University of Technology, and

Professor P. Nelson, Michigan Technological University, for their suggestions and

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comments on an earlier version of this paper.

REFERENCES:

1. Cuhls, K. (2016). Comment on Harold A. Linstone: When is a Need a Need? The

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2. Diener, E., & Biswas – Diener, R. (2008). Happiness: Unlocking the Mysteries of

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a3c0-8207726ad141. Retrieved October 17, 2016.

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V1Ch2_web.pdf. Retrieved October 11, 2016.

9. Kasprzak, W., & Pelc, K. (1978). Analysis of Human Needs as a Basis for Research

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10. Kocowski T. (1973). Matrix Concept of Repertoire of Needs. Prace Naukowe

Ośrodka Badań Prognostycznych, 1, 59-83.Wrocław University of Technology,

see also: Kocowski T., System Theory of Human Needs and Sociotechnics. Papers

of First Conference of Research Committee on Sociotechnics, Loughborough 1973.

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12. Linstone, H. A. (1969). When is a Need a Need? The Problem of Normative Fore-

casting in a Changing Environment, Technological Forecasting and Social

Change, 1, 55-71.

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13. Porter, A. L. et al. (2004). Technology futures analysis: Toward integration of the

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21. UNIDO Vienna International Centre (2005). UNIDO Technology Foresight Man-

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Wacław A. Kasprzak – Wroclaw University of Technology, Wroclaw, Poland

Karol. L. Pelc - Michigan Technological University,1400 Townsend Dr., Hough-

ton,Michigan 49931, U.S.A.

e-mail: [email protected]

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II. IMPACT

OF

NEW TECHNOLOGIES

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Alina BETLEJ

SOCIETY OF E-CONTROL

IN HYPERCONNECTED REALITY

ABSTRACT

Author analyse the problem of transformation society of control into society of e-con-

trol in hyperconnected reality. The term is defined by calling to works of Foucault,

Deleuze and Castells. Contemporary societies becomes more and more complicated and

technologically based. The process of networking has influenced the changes of power

relations in networked reality, where all connections are enhanced by the networked

power. The question is what those processes mean for the future of society of e-control.

Keywords: e-society, control, hyperconnectivity, networked transformations

“The administrations in charge never cease announcing supposedly necessary re-

forms: to reform schools, to reform industries, hospitals, the armed forces, prisons.

But everyone knows that these institutions are finished, whatever the length of their

expiration periods. It’s only a matter of administering their last rites and of keeping

people employed until the installation of the new forces knocking at the door. These

are the societies of control, which are in the process of replacing the disciplinary so-

cieties. ‘Control’ is the name Burroughs proposes as a term for the new monster, one

that Foucault recognizes as our immediate future.”

Gilles Deleuze, “Postscript on the Societies of Control”

INTRODUCTION

Assigning ethics to the concept of society is not a novum in the social sciences.

The ever increasing complexity of the social reality creates a necessity of

searching for new concept tools. Describing the world, which becomes more

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and more multi-contextual and multinarrational construct, is not easy1. The

amount of available interpretation matrices, related with various scientific vi-

sions describing today's civilization changes appears to be a sign of the network

era. All the attempts at defining the emergent values of a technological society

are an expression of an attempt to name new phenomena that play a significant

role in the process of discovering the direction of social transformations.

A symptom of the contemporaneity and connectivity is the necessity of living

in a new reality, one that we call a hyperconnected one, characterized by the wi-

despread or habitual use of devices that have Internet connectivity. Hypercon-

nectivity is a term invented by social scientists Anabel Quan-Haase and Barry

Wellman. It has arose from their studies of person-to-person and person-to-ma-

chine communication in networked societies and organizations. The term refers

to the use of multiple means of communication. Hyperconnectivity is also a

trend in computer networking in which all things that can or should communi-

cate through the network will communicate through the network. This encom-

passes person-to-person, person-to-machine and machine-to-machine commu-

nication. The trend changes communication because of the complexity, diver-

sity and integration of new applications and devices. Hyperconnectivity is a

pervasive and growing market condition that is at the core of their business

strategy.

A hyperconnected reality is rooted in the networked social order, identified and

described in the works of many known sociologists2. The concept of 'network'

is an example of one of the most important metaphors, the ideological materi-

alization of which has influenced a series of significant social and economical

transformations. Deeds, processes, spaces, acts of communication and social

relations in the world of the network have the common signs of universality and

historical necessity.

1 Zacher Lech W., (2013), Reconfigurations in the World System - Between the Old Driving

Forces and New Networks, TRANSFORMACJE, 3-4 (78-79), s.182-198. 2 Betlej Alina (2009), Metafora sieci a nauki społeczne- w kierunku zmiany paradygmatu struk-

tur, Transformacje. Pismo interdyscyplinarne ( 2007-2008), Fundacja Edukacyjna „Transfor-

macje”, Centrum Badań Ewaluacyjnych i Prognostycznych Akademii Leona Koźmińskiego

w Warszawie, Warszawa, s.98-116.

Zacher Lech W. (2013).

Castells Manuel (2009), Communication power. Oxford/New York, Oxford University Press.

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Asking for a place of social actors in the network structure and the hypercon-

nected reality, and their role in the process of creating a networked order ap-

pears to have a particular significance. It is also very complex, when one takes

into consideration the amount of available interpretation contexts, under which

the attempt at an answer would be located. The matter of control and security

in such a technologically complicated space, rooted in difficult to identify fields

of power is particularly interesting.

In the article, the concept of a “society of control” is called. It comes from post-

modernism and is related primarily with various concepts of political philoso-

phy. The term “control” in this case means the way of self-organisation of the

world in the near future. The border line of those transformations is the fall and

the end of the classical disciplinary institutions that have defined the way of

managing power and the distribution of control in panoptical societies. The idea

of a society of control has been developed between 1986-1990 by the philoso-

phers Gilles Deleuze and Antonio Negri3. Their great inspiration were the works

of Michel Foucault, especially his concept of discipline and punishment (“Dis-

cipline and Punish”, 1975). The term has been borrowed from the works of a

novelist W. Borrough's. The term of society of control carries a big potential of

explanation, especially for social analysis of key transformations of today's so-

ciety, the social and economic development of which is conditioned by the de-

gree of technological advancement. The power criticism of post-modernist's ap-

pears to be the key to understanding the transformations of the control phenom-

enon in the hyperconnected reality.

The will to control the citizens is inscribed into the very core of every power.

The ideas of democracy and freedom of the citizens seems to be one of the

biggest myths of the last decade. The rapid technological advancement, espe-

cially with social and network technologies, is not without influence to the

change of meaning of the classical terms. Old conceptual grids have been

stripped of their “natural” meanings. Control, oversight, security, freedom, pri-

vate space, subjective world of experiences, individualism are currently under-

going a process of ideological redefinition4. Today's democratic systems and

3 Deleuze Gilles, Post-script on society of control: https://cidadeinseguranca.files.word-

press.com/2012/02/deleuze_control.pdf Access: 05. 04.2018. 4 Agamben Giorgio (2016), The Use of Bodies, Stanford University Press, California, p.49-66.

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networked structures of power inhabit more and more significant spaces, ones

once thought to be a private domain of a citizen. The relations of powers related

to the coming of the era of total social technologies take away more and more

domains of everyday life from the unit, ones devoid of external control.

The myth of freedom and independence is contextualized within various dis-

cursive narrations of daily life in reality the “natural trait” of which becomes

the technology. The redefinition of control in a hyperconnected reality is an

example of technological substantiation of a certain symbolic idea of the end of

the world which we know. The axionormative of the world of network is char-

acterized by a high degree of change potential. Behind the façade of technolog-

ical freedom, one can identify many processes that deligitimize the rules of

democratic social order. Panoptikon lies in ruin. The symbolic of modern power

and dominating relations of power in the hyperconnected reality goes beyond

the known images of guards and disciplinary institutions. Network control is of

a total character, is invisible and is not represented by classic institution. Bi-

opolitcs is transforming into a strategy of self-control.

The citizens themselves surrender to total techniques of network influence and

voicelessly accept the primacy of the technological rules in everyday life. The

total control and oversight in the hyperconnected reality are an example of an

attempt at assigning new meaning to the concept of a society of control. The

label “e-control” serves to underline the new aspects of transformation of the

networked power, read in the spirit of postmodernists, pointing one's attention

to new problems of society in the world of network.

NETWORKED CONTROL

A sociological analysis of the process of transformation of “control” into “e-

control” will not be possible without calling back to works of Michel Foucault5.

That author saw the problem of power in a very specific light, which differs

greatly from the works of French Marxists. Analyses of Foucault have gone

beyond the classical descriptions of government institutions and other official

5 Foucault Michel (1982), The Subject and Power, University of Chicago Press, Retrieved 25

November 2014.

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tools of violence6. He was interested in the processes of political and social

knowledge entanglement, which he inseparably connected to the concept of

power. The epistemological aspect of power in Foucault's eyes is underlining

the role of power in the process of social and political construction of given

knowledge areas.

Foucault's contemplations have influenced the way of analysis of power defined

in the introduction of Deleuze. He argues that our environment has shifted from

disciplinary societies to ‘societies of control’. He claims that we are living in a

generalized crisis and spaces of enclosure mould people into data dividuals:

“In the societies of control, on the other hand, what is important is no longer

either a signature or a number, but a code: the code is a password, while on the

other hand disciplinary societies are regulated by watchwords (as much as from

the point of view of integration as from that of

resistance). The numerical language of control is made of codes that mark ac-

cess to information, or reject it. We no longer find ourselves dealing with the

mass/individual pair. Individuals have become dividuals, and masses, samples,

data, markets, or banks[…]. The disciplinary man was a discontinuous producer

of energy, but the man of control is undulatory, in orbit, in a continuous net-

work” (Deleuze, 1992:6).

He tries to understand individuals and their behaviour in “Society of Control”.

Connections between politics and economy seems to him be very important in

the context of global problems of environmental control and ecological change.

Understanding individuals and their moralities as products of the organization

of control bring crucial implications for social sciences. The ethical and political

implications of those processes gain a significant meaning in the reality defined

as hyperconnective.

The terms of “network”, “networked” and “society of network” refer to socie-

ties characterized with two basic traits. The first is the ability to reproduce and

institutionalize networks. In a networked space, social structures transform un-

der the influence of the networked structural interactions. The network layout,

6 Foucault Michel (1975), Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison.

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configuration, force of pressure, the structure of communicational and narra-

tional power interact with the production and information distribution pro-

cesses, as well as scientific and common knowledge7. Another trait of that space

is being made technical, a civilizational addiction to new technologies. Today's

technological innovations greatly differ from the technologies of old. They in-

teract with the change of the social way of experiencing time and space (time-

space compression), geography (deteritorialisation), decentralization and con-

trol, as well as interactivity. Technical networks are spread apart, hard to iden-

tify, interconnected on multiple levels. Power dispersed into a network of tech-

nical relations is a mechanism of preserving social order. It is a subject to social

anthropomorphizing and becomes a natural laboratory of power.

In hyperconnected reality we have moved from the disciplinary society to a

more invasive and more powerful society of e-control. The transformation is

connected with the change of role and function of disciplinary institutions and

the arisen of the great social technology. Disciplinary institutions have not dis-

appeared. Their authority is no longer confined to particular institutions. Instead

power and control are becoming integrated into every aspect of social life in

increasingly hyperconnected networks. The power dispersed in a network of

relations influences the process of creating individual, social and cultural iden-

tities more and more8. The global systems of power and knowledge are co-cre-

ated within networked structures and distributed via them. The power in hyper-

connected reality has a polymorphic character. The social relations in the net-

work layouts are co-created with the power relations that dominate the network.

The idea of power relations seems widespread, especially in the social sciences,

is a term that is highly ambiguous9. It has more connotation than a real meaning.

Possibly the most often quoted part of the Foucauldian works is the analysis of

power relations. They are commonly discussed as fundamental to social rela-

tions, scientific and common knowledge of the world and ourselves. Two ele-

ments are one of the crucial to understand power transformations in networked

world. The first one is subjectivity- the way we relate to ourselves. The second

7 Castells Manuel, A Network Theory of Power: Access 05.04.2018, https://fac-

ulty.georgetown.edu/irvinem/theory/Castells-Network-Power-2011.pdf 8 Valiaho Pasi (2014), Biopolitical Screens. Image, Power and Neoliberal Brain, The MIT

Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, London, England, p.27-80. 9 Castells Manuel, A Network Theory of Power (opcit).

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one is the way we are with people and things around us. He tried to answer the

question how we mirror ourselves in them. Power relations are relationships in

which one person has social-formative power over another. Compelling obedi-

ence transformed as a process from a very compulsive way to a more subtle

way.

It is very difficult to recognise the object and the subject of the influence as well

as the transfer direction10. The power is operative by the nature of such relations.

Power relations are connected with many aspects of social life like language,

economy, ethic, political, etc. Sociologists debate the specifics of power trans-

formations in the hyperconnected reality without giving the notion "power re-

lations" a concrete definition. As Manuel Castells says: “Power relationships

are the foundation of society, as institutions and norms are constructed to fulfill

the interests and values of those in power. However, wherever there is power,

there is counterpower, enacting the interests and values of those in subordinate

positions in the social organization. […]Power is multidimensional, and it is

constructed around multidimensional networks […]”. He identifies four differ-

ent forms of power under which are under the specific social and technological

conditions discussed in the paper: networking power, network power, net-

worked power, network-making power. The most interesting king of seems to

be networked power (“ the power of social actors over other social actors in the

network. The forms and processes of networked power are specific to each net-

work”). In the networked reality social power is primarily exercised by and

through networks. The e-control is also networked in the world of total connec-

tions between humans and machines. It is a new tool for self-organisation of

social and technological systems which are still being arisen.

The social reality is not given ad hoc, it's constantly being generated, changed,

created, transformed. With the help of network, interpretational codes, symbolic

among users of the digital world are propagated. The fight for power is etched

into the essence of the network. In a society of network, there are no universal,

irrefutable centres and sources of power. Networked power is characterized not

only by its global range. A dispersed networked power is influencing the inti-

mate world of a man, taking over the more spiritual areas of activity of its users

10 Hartley John (Edited by), A Dictionary of Postmodernism. Niall Lucy, Wiley Blackwell 2016,

p. 30-76.

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and co-creators of the digital world11. It expands into the most intimate regions

of human activity, through providing ready to use interpretational matrices

which serve to explain both the external and subjective world of human experi-

ences and emotions. The networked disciplinary and biopolitical techniques

spectacularly control more and more universal areas of the human life (time,

worth, sexuality, lifespan, social relations)12. If individuals are continuously and

limitlessly controlled by systems of domination where is the place for freedom

in societies of e-control?

CONCLUSIONS

The analysis of a society of e-control in the hyperconnected reality requires a

new approach. The transformation of the relations of strength, power, control

and symbolic violence is clear, interconnected in a new way with the creation

of knowledge, the process of control institutionalization and the social order.

New technologies connected with technical innovations generate specific social

technologies. The imperative of being connected has a global character in this

networked space. Symbolic access codes to defined knowledge areas are not

publicly accessible. Power in a reality interpreted as such is not an attribute, it's

a relation. In the network discourse, the strength of relation is universalized.

The social actors are devoid of reflexitivity more and more, unconsciously re-

signing from having the competences of valuing technical achievements.

The scientific exploration of unplanned and difficult to predict social conse-

quences of technological advance more and more often means an attempt to

evaluate the degree of its influence on limiting the widely understood independ-

ence of human beings. The technologies that allow for limitless control of the

network users influence every aspect of everyday human activity in today's

world. The issue of transformation of power relations in a hyperconnected

world requires systematic and interdisciplinary analysis. The way of creation

11 Betlej Alina (2016), Konflikty tożsamości w dobie globalizacji,[w:]Betlej A., Partycki S.,

Parzyszek Magda J.,(red.), Organizacja społeczna w strukturach sieci. Doświadczenia i per-

spektywy rozwoju w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej, s.387-395. 12 Alleyne A. (2014), Narrative Networks Storied Approaches in a Digital Age, Goldsmiths,

University of London, SAGE Publications Ltd | 224 pages.

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and decay of relations of power in the world of connections is difficult to de-

scribe and analyse. Power is an attribute of man, network, and technical tools

(machine, computer). The process of e-control in such a complicated and non-

transparent structure of flow is rooted more and more in the market and political

dimension.

The network institutionalization of classical network areas, serving, according

to Foucault, purposes of power, is happening outside of the traditional structures

responsible for preserving the social order. In the non-linear logic of hypercon-

nective space, the source and value of power is network. If that network is

rooted in specific cultural layouts, it is created around strictly defined values,

what value do freedom and independence hold in a technical society? Is power

related to e-control order-creating? What universal values will soon become the

fundamental base of social order? Is e-control an example of a symbolic capital

in a hyperconnected reality?

The conviction about the birth of an era of freedom in the network, based on the

belief in impossible to control architecture of the Internet, has lost its meaning.

More and more areas of human activity are subject to e-control, not only the

ones related to the information realm. New social technologies carry serious

dangers to democratic basics of network layout function. The danger of meta-

cyberpanoptikon is very current in a hyperconnective reality. The decentralized

structure of the Internet is intertwined in the market context and it's hard to

clearly pinpoint the major junctions and tools used for total e-control of users

of new technologies. One can also suspect that we will be witness to a signifi-

cant divide of the new technology users in the near future, divide between those

who consciously or unconsciously give themselves up to e-control.

The right to privacy, anonymity and freedom of communication will return in a

completely new context in public debates. The stances of users of hypercon-

nected reality will influence the potential destabilization of social order, which

is currently defined in democratic categories. If the proces of e-control spreads

to such widespread areas of human activity and creativity as: producing infor-

mation and knowledge, global discourse, risk management, communication,

sexuality, emotions, where will one find freedom in such a world? In what way

the new technologies could become tools of freedom in an universal way?

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LITERATURE:

1. Agamben Giorgio (2016), The use of bodies, Stanford University Press, California,

p.49-66.

2. Alleyne A. (2014), Narrative Networks Storied Approaches in a Digital Age, Gold-

smiths, University of London, SAGE Publications Ltd | 224 pages

3. Betlej Alina (2016), Konflikty tożsamości w dobie globalizacji,[w:]Betlej A., Par-

tycki S., Parzyszek Magda J.,(red.), Organizacja społeczna w strukturach sieci.

Doświadczenia i perspektywy rozwoju w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej, s.387-

395.

4. Betlej Alina (2009), Metafora sieci a nauki społeczne- w kierunku zmiany para-

dygmatu struktur, Transformacje. Pismo interdyscyplinarne (2007-2008), Funda-

cja Edukacyjna „Transformacje”, Centrum Badań Ewaluacyjnych i Prognostycz-

nych Akademii Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie, Warszawa, s.98-116.

5. Castells Manuel (2009), Communication power. Oxford/New York, Oxford Uni-

versity Press.

6. Castells Manuel, A Network Theory of Power:

7. Access 05.04.2018

8. https://faculty.georgetown.edu/irvinem/theory/Castells-Network-Power-2011.pdf

9. Deleuze Gilles, Post-script on society of control:

10. https://cidadeinseguranca.files.wordpress.com/2012/02/deleuze_control.pdf

11. Access: 05. 04.2018.

12. Foucault Michel (1982), The Subject and Power, University of Chicago Press, Re-

trieved 25 November 2014.

13. Foucault Michel (1975), Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison.

14. Hartley John (Edited by), A Dictionary of Postmodernism. Niall Lucy, Wiley

Blackwell 2016, p. 30-76.

15. Valiaho Pasi (2014), Biopolitical Screens. Image, Power and Neoliberal Brain,

The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, London, England, p.27-80.

16. Zacher Lech W., (2013), Reconfigurations in the World System - Between the Old

Driving Forces and New Networks, TRANSFORMACJE, 3-4 (78-79), s.182-198.

Dr. Alina Betlej – Institute of Sociology, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin,

Poland

e-mail: [email protected]

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Urszula ŻYDEK-BEDNARCZUK

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE SPHERES

OF THE INTERNET AND CULTURE

ABSTRACT

The aim of the article is to show the transformations taking place in new media. The

focus was on selected areas of the Internet. The changes and transformations brought

about by new technologies also result in cultural transformations. The most dynamic

phenomena include changes in scientific paradigms, the effects of which can be ob-

served on the Internet, and permanent media communication related to mobility. Web

2.0 has a significant impact here, so does the projected Web 3.0 . Changes in culture are

the result of changes on the Internet - society relationship, as well as on the Internet -

society relationship.

Keywords: change, transformation, scientific paradigms, communication behaviours,

Web 3.0.

BACKGROUND

The Internet is in a phase of continuous and systematic development. This re-

sults in a number of changes and transformations. The concept of change is bro-

ader than that of transformation, the latter being defined as alteration, reorgan-

isation, restructuring taking place not only in the new media but also in culture.

Lech Zacher systematised the transformation issue, distinguishing five areas:

social, political, environmental, economic and technological (Zacher 2013, 2-

44). Investigating the relationship: Internet-culture-transformation requires at-

tention to be paid to those elements which are of a dynamic and variable nature.

They also take place in the mental sphere. The essence of transformation is dif-

ficult to describe accurately, because it is in continuous operation and requires

observation, evaluation and assessment of phenomena on many levels, and this

can only be done in a multidiscursive way. In this article I shall address a few

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areas of the Internet that are changing fast. These include, but are not limited

to:

• changes in the scientific paradigms,

• permanent media communication,

• - changes and transformations in the areas: technology, society, culture and

economics. presented in TrendBoo 2017.

CHANGES IN THE SCIENTIFIC PARADIGMS

The changes that took place in the prevailing world views had a significant im-

pact on the created and interpreted knowledge. We are talking about a change

in scientific paradigms here. "The scientific paradigm is a collection of basic

and most important concepts and assumptions valid in science at a given time,

concerning the essence of the world, nature and subject of research in a given

field of knowledge" (Olechnicki, Załęcki 2004, 151). In the area of humanities,

we talk about turns: linguistic, semiotic, cultural, iconic and performative. Lin-

guistic turn was extremely important in the perspective of 20th century human-

ities. Its functioning is closely linked to F. de Sausussure's structuralism and

theory. The essence is word and text. The model of humanities was inspired by

structure, function and form. At the same time, it ensured autonomy and objec-

tivity (independence from the context), linearity, universality, comprehen-sive-

ness and neutrality (Burzyńska 2006, 46-47, Leszczyńska, Skowronek 2012,

12-13). At this point, the following questions should be asked: "Is the definition

of the concept of turn a dynamic change of direction of research or a change

that connotes "severance? These questions are not trivial. Although there is a

consensus on the pluralism of "ways of being in the world", their variability and

freedom of expression in the contemporary reality - contrary to the connotations

hidden in the slogans - we are still immersed in the world organized by the

cultural framework. Thus, the research turn can be perceived as an act of rup-

ture, reversal, transformation. Following this path consistently, it is difficult not

to ask a question about the place of tradition in the face of the phenomenon of

research "turn"? Do the latter constitute themselves in the face of, above or be-

yond the current interpretative canon? (Kowalewski, Piasek 2010, p. 7).

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The introduction of new media is the cause of changes and transformations in

the knowledge paradigm. We are talking about the digital humanities here. Dig-

ital humanities are also characterised by a strong emphasis on visualization. Im-

aging research material, the process of analysis and its results become an indis-

pensable way of understanding the reality of huge data. Traditional methods,

such as text, cease to work and often become dysfunctional in the age of a rap-

idly changing world and huge amounts of data. However, visualization tools

and visual communication of research results bring about significant changes.

The first is the aestheticisation of the test field. Science understood in this way

is no longer only characterised by rational values. To a greater or lesser extent,

they are complemented and supplemented by aesthetic values, such as: the form

of visualization, color, shape, animations, interactive elements, which increase

the attractiveness and persuasiveness of such forms. "In the case of digital hu-

manities, the question arises of whether more attractive and standardised forms

of presentation and research based on visualisations will not be easier for the

public to absorb, and thus - will they not have a deeper impact on its shape than

has been the case so far? Because it may turn out that more attractive forms of

communication of research results (and even the research tools themselves

which have aesthetic values) will be more willingly chosen by the recipients,

thus transforming their habits and social expectations /.../. The acceleration of

the pace of life and the excess of information somehow force us to rely on visual

forms of knowledge transfer. It is easier and faster to absorb information in the

form of an attractive infographics than a two hundred-page report. It can there-

fore be assumed that public attention will be more focused on visual and es-

theticised forms of research" (Bomba 2013, pp. 57-72). So we live in a world

where images are at the forefront, and society's actions consist of producing and

consuming images. As John Berger points out, in none of the earlier societies

was there such a concentration of images or such a density of visual messages

(Berger 2002, 475). According to Jan Hudzik, "we perceive our world as a

screen on which we observe the course of successive images" (Hudzik 2005,

43). As Kazimierz Krzysztofek notes, "nowadays the perception of an image

becomes a substitute for thought. An image becomes a carrier of information,

knowledge, emotions, and values, significantly shortening the time of decoding

the message it contains, despite its ambiguity" (Krzysztofek 2006, 46). Image

culture has dominated not only the mass media, but has also become a commu-

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nication practice. The problem concerns terminology and definitions, namely

that the notion of "visual culture" dominating among Polish researchers is not

the only possibility. After all, we also have categories such as image culture or

iconosphere. The following terms are used interchangeably: visual culture - vis-

ual culture - image culture - iconosphere - visual. Images are not only a product

of perception, they are a product of individual or social symbolisation. The ten-

dency to emphasize the importance of the image and its primary role in human

life is described in literature as an iconic turn (Böhm, Michell 2012, Michell

2012). The image becomes a central theme in the reflections on contemporary

humanities. This term is not immune to criticism. Ophthalmocentrism is not the

invention of the 21st century. We had met this phenomenon before, for example

in the Middle Ages, when culture and mentality were also shaped by images. It

is also worth noting the ambiguity of the interpretation of the image, which

leads to relativity and contextuality.

The last paradigm that has had a strong impact on the media is the performative

turn. According to Ewa Domańska, "/.../ performance has become a word as

popular in the humanities as a text used to be. Sometimes you get the impression

that the word performance has become a catch-all term, and virtually all actions

can be described as performance. Once we were inclined to see everything as a

text, today as a performance" (Domańska 2007, 47). The basic concepts for this

turn are processuality and action, but also interdisciplinarity and transdiscipli-

narity. Domańska draws attention to the following features of performative

turn:

• pro-agency orientation,

• posthumanism,

• interdisciplinarity of perspectives, methods and procedures,

• conceptualisation of the world as performance,

• praxis in a broad sense (Domańska 2007, 52).

The development of new media fully respects the performative paradigm. It is

visible in the over-presence of games, but also in the increase of phaticity, lu-

dicity and carnival. This also applies to various types of social and political

activities visible in social media as well as in blogs and chat rooms. It is also

worth noting the performativity and interactivity present on the Internet.

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CHANGES IN COMMUNICATION BEHAVIOURS OF USERS OF NEW MEDIA

Continuous mobility is another area undergoing transformation. New technolo-

gies such as the Internet, computers, smartphones and tablets have a huge im-

pact on people's everyday lives, starting with interpersonal communication,

through professional communication or our interests. The Internet has taken

over a number of areas of human activity, such as communication, transferring

knowledge and information, purchasing products and services, financial mana-

gement. The man of the 21st century is completely connected with the Internet.

If one tries to separate from it, one belongs to the excluded people (Prensky

2001). It is therefore worth considering the relationship between the Internet

and the individual and society. This relationship is connected with media and

its influence on people. On the other hand, we must not forget the impact that

humanity has on the Internet as a result of the feedback between the two ele-

ments. Such a symbiosis with new media is connected, among others, with the

development of Web.2.0. Users use the Internet and take advantage of the Web.

2.0 in the following forms: sending and receiving electronic mail (57.8%),

searching for information about goods and services (56.6%), using social net-

working sites (39.1%), playing computer games (19.2%), using electronic bank-

ing services (39.1%) of respondents. In 2016, 15.3% of Internet users made use

of the Internet to upload their own content (texts, photos, videos), while 58%

read and downloaded newspaper and magazine files. Internet users searched for

health-related information (40.3%), used tourism-related services (20.6%). An-

alysing the data over the years, we can observe a constant increase in the use of

the Internet (Central Statistical Office 2016).

The transformations and changes on the Internet concern two groups: digital

natives and digital immigrants. Leading media expert M. Prensky (2001) points

out that digital natives are born in the digital age. For them, new media are their

natural habitat. They definitely prefer hypertext, graphics, images in their com-

puters or other multimedia devices to written words. Moreover, the way of thin-

king of digital youth is completely different from that of their parents or teach-

ers. Digital natives do not read the operating instructions of any media device,

but assume that the same device or computer program will teach them how to

use it. They use multiple media devices at the same time or one multifunctional

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device, such as a smartphone. They can use the Internet, listen to music, send

messages and watch movies on one device at the same time. So they are doing

multi-tasking. They fully benefit from the phenomenon of media convergence

(Żylińska 2010; Krauze-Sikorska, Klichowski 2013, p. 71-72).

Digital immigrants are the generation of the pre-digital era. New media (the

Internet, smartphones, tablets, ipods ) are not their living environment. They are

much better at working on printed text, where they can use a pen to edit it freely.

They can use the Internet, but not as technologically advanced as young people

brought up in the world of new media. M. Prensky (2001) indicates that they

speak an outdated language which is not adapted to the requirements of the con-

temporary educational system. In most cases, the phone is only used to answer

and make calls. In the digital world, they often lack the courage to get used to

new technological developments. They are sceptical and distrustful of all new

technologies. It is also worth noting that technological progress is slowly turn-

ing digital immigrants into digital natives. New media force new communica-

tion behaviours, and these become our everyday practices.

Another relationship between the Internet user and the medium is that it is so-

ciety that provides data, information and knowledge to the Internet. It allows it

to earn money and is a proverbial bank providing money. We live in a big data

age. This is a phenomenon of an increasing amount of data that we store and

process. The ever-increasing amount of data leads to information chaos and per-

ceptual paralysis. This surplus of information requires managing it (Piekarski

2017). Let us not forget that it is man who has created an immeasurable poten-

tial of information, which is constantly expanding. We are gradually becoming

digital people because, as Kazimierz Krzysztofek writes, "A digital man

breathes with bits. The bit shapes existence" (Krzysztofek 2015, 52). These re-

flections on the relationship between the Internet and society boil down to the

key question of what digital technologies "do" with society, culture and all other

spheres of life. The Internet certainly codes a new society, but also the society

develops, transforms and allows the Internet to function.

WEB 3.0 AS TRANSGRESSION

Web 3.0 is the next stage in the development of the network over recent years.

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We are witnessing the evolution of the Internet, which in itself is a transgression

that is ongoing. The well-known and widely used Web 2.0 technology had al-

ready crossed the line of the existing experience, proving that there is no gap

between the virtual and the real world - a community functioning in reality not

so much moves to the Internet but supports its activities with the help of the

Internet. The use of the Internet has become a daily necessity and the mental

barrier between these two environments is gradually disappearing. This is a ma-

jor change and a significant milestone in social development. This change can

be described as social transgression. According to Józef Kozielecki, transgres-

sion is an innovative phenomenon which goes beyond the limits of human social

and cultural activity to date (Kozielecki 2001). Now another transgression is

coming. Signals announcing its arrival can be observed on the Internet and in

the statements of specialists.

A significant step supporting the development of Web 3.0 phenomenon is the

popularization of mobile access terminals in the form of laptops, palmtops and

mobile phones adapted to functioning on the Internet. The development of mo-

bile telephony is geared towards becoming a network of personal internet ter-

minals. This is a phenomenon that is already observed on a daily basis, both

technical and social. The ultimate idea is a common (collective?) intelligence,

accessible through the interaction of different technical devices. However, Web

3.0 needs to be distinguished from the existing forms of spontaneous categori-

sation of network resources - helpful in searching and selecting them. The trans-

gressive aspect of Web 3.0 has a psychological, cultural and social dimension.

Web. 3.0. is a semantic network which includes:

1. "Psychological transgression - is reflected in the acceptance of constant

monitoring of an individual's intellectual and information needs (carried out

on the Internet); a semantic network, in order to read the meaning, it must

first obtain, collect and process information - this creates a special (worry-

ing) situation for the individuality of a person;

2. An unquestionable facilitation of the use of existing information resources

- it supports the creation of new ones (therefore, the development of

knowledge), and on the other hand it reduces the motivation to think and

act independently and to undertake verification and selection efforts;

3. The semantic network - by being popularised, may become an authority

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which will be very difficult to undermine for a major part of network users

- and there may therefore appear a temptation to shape knowledge and col-

lective awareness through the smart network;

4. The transition from a culture of intellectual independence to a culture of

full intellectual online service entails the danger of being dependent on the

comfort of thoughtlessness" (Lubina 2008).

Changes on the Internet and culture are a fact and are being analysed not only

in the context of technological changes, but also in all areas of our lives. Modern

trends in changes have been published (TrendBook 2017) and are divided into

four areas: technology, society, culture and economics. They show not only the

transformations but also the changes we face in our everyday lives.

„Chapter 1: TECHNOLOGIES

1. Post-Reality - the physical and virtual worlds have become inseparable

from each other, creating together a new form of reality: post-reality. The

material world is no longer the only one that can be considered real, and

often the digital environment wins the battle for an impact on our lives - for

example the Google navigation is treated as more reliable than the road

signs.

2. Post-communication - in short, this trend involves a change of communica-

tion with devices - from touch-based or keyboard and mouse-based com-

munication to natural communication for humans, i.e. voice communica-

tion. So there are chatbots and all sorts of conversation interfaces, with

Alexa (Amazon) at the top. The long-term perspective is ears only experi-

ence and ultimately open air design.

3. Post-Earth - since the 1960s, when it turned out that safe flight outside the

Earth is not only a fantasy, mankind has focused its efforts on further and

more daring escapades into space. New discoveries and investments show

that we are getting closer and closer to achieving our vision out of science

fiction.

Chapter 2: SOCIETY

1. Womenomics - a trend connected with the growing role of women in the

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world economy and the social development that follows. In the US, the

number of women setting up a business between 2007 and 2016 was five

times higher than the national average. At that time, Poland recorded the

highest growth (up from 12th to 9th place) in the Women in Work index,

which tracks the participation and conditions of participation of women in

the labour market. In 2017, the UN Commission on the Status of Women

dealt with the subject of how the growing economic power of women is

changing the world. This is visible, among others, in investments where

women, in addition to the rate of return, during the investment, pay great

attention to intangible assets of enterprises.

2. he power of no - recent events in the world (Brexit, Donald Trump President

of the USA) show that societies rebel against the "elites" (in quotation

marks, because it is difficult to unequivocally define who the elites are).

These socio-economic concerns are, among other things, the result of the

global crisis resulting from social inequalities. From a brand perspective,

this trend may seem too distant, but in reality it has a huge impact on the

activities of the business. Today, we are talking about the so-called human

economy and about the fact that companies which want to succeed in the

future will have to become so-called blue companies, i.e. act honestly, have

a positive social impact, that is, they will give more - for example to ex-

cluded groups, the local community - than they receive (even the largest

clothing companies and their way of producing clothes will have to undergo

a significant transformation in this context).

Chapter 3: CULTURE

1. Post-truth - we are in the post-truth era, in which truth (in the scientific, not

philosophical sense) is no longer certain. What is true, that is, verifiable,

supported by facts and evidence, ceases to be the most important, giving

way to information that is considered reliable, because it seems to be so.

For brands, this trend means, on the one hand, a crisis of confidence and,

on the other hand - the need to adopt a strategy of full transparency.

Chapter 4: ECONOMY

1. Subscription Economy - in the global economy there is a shift from a pay-

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per-product model to a subscription-based business model where we pay a

subscription fee for a product or service. The Subscription Economy Index

is 9 times higher than the stock market index S&P 500 - 15.1% vs. 1.7%. (

cf. TrendBook 2017). Subscription Economy - in the global economy there

is a shift from a pay-per-product model to a subscription-based business

model where we pay a subscription fee for a product or service. The Sub-

scription Economy Index is 9 times higher than the stock market index S&P

500 - 15.1% vs. 1.7%. ( cf. TrendBook 2017).

Both Web 3.0 and new trends can be described as "open transgression" (Kozi-

elecki 2004, 136). Thanks to predictions and reflections, we already know a bit

about this and we are preparing in a sense for the process of including this trans-

gression in the system of culture and its optimal assimilation. The dynamism of

change and transformation in the Internet space also requires new communica-

tion behaviours of users. The human being must become a "digital man". How-

ever, this change should not be described only in positive terms. The new media

also carry with them anxieties and threats to the culture and society of the 21st

century.

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[access: 16.05.2017]

Prof. Dr hab. Urszula Żydek-Bednarczuk – University of Silesia, Katowice, Poland

e-mail: [email protected]

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Maciek ZAJĄC

REGULATING CIVILIAN-USE DRONES AND ROBOTS AS A

SERIOUS HOMELAND SECURITY HAZARD

ABSTRACT

Drones – platforms remotely controlled by humans – and robots – platforms designed

to operate in fully autonomous mode most of the time – are quickly becoming quite

ubiquitous throughout our society, bringing a promise of great economic advancement,

much safer transport of goods and people and elimination of Dull, Dirty and Dangerous

jobs. Welcome as these developments are, they also introduce into our lives thousands

of platforms that, absent effective safety measures, could become cheap and easy to use

tools for launching mass-casualty attacks from safe distance. Given the potential scope

of these attacks, this is one of the most pressing homeland security issues for the next

decades. The article puts forward a vision for a regulatory, technological and infrastruc-

tural measures for reducing the homeland security threat to an acceptable level without

sacrificing either the economic and ethical promise of the Robotic Revolution or the

values and interests protected by the civil liberties in the form they currently take.

Keywords: drones, robots, homeland security, national security, Robotic Revolution,

terrorism, ethics of technology

It would be hard to assert that the dangerous aspects of emerging technologies

are underappreciated in present day academic discourse. Prominent and vital

debates are being had on issues such as AI safety, hazards related to develop-

ments in nano- and biotechnology, ethics of human enhancement, social aspects

of increasing automation of successive trades and professions and the ethics of

employing all these new technologies in military context. What seems to have

largely eluded the spotlight is the widespread, tangible and serious homeland

security danger posed by service drones and robots, employed in purely civilian

capacity, that are becoming more and more ubiquitous in our daily life. In this

paper I will try to provide a description of the character and magnitude of this

threat, proper analysis of the values and interests at stake and a general overview

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of ways for mitigating it desirable, or at least tolerable, from an ethical stand-

point. If the results of my effort prove valuable, I will also achieve my second-

ary goal, which is demonstrating the usefulness of abstract, general philosoph-

ical analysis at the early stages of crafting policy related to potentially trans-

formative technologies.

ROBOTIC REVOLUTION – DESIRABILITY, INEVITABILITY, UBIQUITY

The space we live in is quickly filling with machines capable of remotely con-

trolled or autonomous movement – from hobbyist drones to autonomous cars

to delivery vehicles. These are all already existing technologies that will grow

in sophistication and popularity. No large technological breakthroughs need to

be assumed to make the machines I am focusing on into real threats, while only

moderate progress in their gradual maturation would render them fully capable

of becoming the backbone of the transport industry.

There are large economic, environmental and quality of life incentives to adopt

drones and robots as vital, omnipresent elements of our transport infrastructure.

They not only have the potential to cut costs, consumption of scarce resources,

pollution and congestion; they will also allow new possibilities in business and

social domains. There are also more explicitly moral incentives for launching

the Robotic Revolution as fast as its safely possible. To begin with, it holds a

promise of cutting the road accident rates tenfold and therefore sparing hun-

dreds of thousands of lives a year worldwide. Doubts about their present capac-

ity to achieve these levels of safety, such as put forward by Hanckock (2018),

are surely justified, but in the mid-to-long-term perspective these vehi-cles are

sure to bring casualties down, especially if proper infrastructure is erected to

alleviate some specific performance drawbacks that may remain inherent in

their performance1. Timelines and technical details aside, models devised by

RAND Corporation indicate that moderately early adoption of vehi-cular au-

tonomy – at the levels of safety slightly better than human in an aggregate of all

road conditions, rather than after significantly better performance has already

been achieved – is optimal in terms of saving the most lives. Such large gains

1 For a deeper treatment of this idea, see Bober (2018) in this volume.

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in safety have to be sought after by any minimally conscientious policymaker,

and would still be boosted by direct and indirect effects lessened congestion

would have on the air quality, stress levels or the accessibility of emergency

care.

In the long run, Robotic Revolution may well ensure that no human will have

to engage in what is known as Dull, Dangerous and Dirty jobs. Miners, truckers,

dedicated drivers, sex workers – the characteristic risk and misery of these oc-

cupations may forever be removed from the realm of human experience. Of

course not all of that job automation requires that we allow large numbers of

movement-capable drones and robots into our cities and onto our highways, but

automation of trucking, delivery and taxi industries certainly does. Few of us

would want the dullness of these careers to befall ourselves or our loved ones,

and for a reason. A qualitative ethical argument can therefore be had that the

automation of these trades is, ceteris paribus, a good to be sought after2.

Add to all these incentives the fact that these technologies are not coming from

a single research facility of some techno-superpower, but are developed world-

wide by a diverse network of thousands of companies, across tens of legal ju-

risdictions, perfected and adopted incrementally – and you see a process than

can hardly be stopped, yet alone reversed. I believe that an appeal to abandon

these technologies made on public safety grounds would – on a global scale,

required to make such a solution work – have no more chance of success than

telling contemporary societies that because of cybersecurity threats, the world

needs to give up the Internet.

THE THREAT – CHARACTER AND MAGNITUDE

Thus, I believe that for all practical purposes we are bound, both by insurmount-

able technological and economic trends and by ethical considerations – to share

2 There are, of course, well-grounded fears of automation induced mass unemployment, hyper-

inequality, social restlessness and lack of purpose for people who previously found meaning

in their jobs although Takayama et al. (2008) show not all forms of automation are looked

upon with such fears. I would argue that while a genuine and fundamentally important set of

problems, these are issues of wealth and meaning distribution within our societies that need

to be addressed at a social and political, rather than technological level.

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our public spaces with large quantities of drones and robots. This is where a

very serious security threat enters the picture. As the sophistication and numbers

of drones and robots3 present around us at any given moment grow, human bi-

ology and the vulnerabilities inherent in it stay essentially the same. The impli-

cations of this are troubling. Every machine capable of navigating our streets

while carrying a few kilograms of payload is a potential weapon platform – one

only needs to imagine a drone-delivered Amazon package to contain a bomb,

or a remotely triggered sub-machine gun. Every machine that is itself harder

than human flesh – that is, all of them – and capable of speeds in excess of 50

km/h is not only a weapon platform, it is a weapon itself. Again – think an

autonomous car roaming the city streets in context of the car bombs of Middle

East and weaponized cars of Marseilles, Barcelona, Toronto terrorist attacks.

Unsurprisingly, there is already a precedent for the utilization of such a weapon.

In March 2017, a billion dollars worth of ammunition (sic!) exploded at Ukrain-

ian Balaklaya depot. Ukrainian investigation indicated a use of a small drone

armed with a single grenade as the most probable way of infiltration – and sim-

ilar attempts repeated themselves throughout the Donbas fighting (Mizokami,

2017)4. The attack, launched at minuscule cost with off-the-shelf equipment, at

no direct risk of own casualties, demonstrated how deadly the threat has already

become.

Attacks at soft targets, terrorist massacres, assassinations – all these may now

be done remotely and cheaply with the use of machines that have been only

slightly or not at all specialized for warfare (Card, 2018) (Gallagher, 2013)

(Shear & Schmidt, 2015). And the amount of harm that may be effected by a

single relatively capable individual will grow significantly, perhaps by a few

3 For the purposes of this article I will be calling all remotely-controlled platforms “drones”,

independently of whether they move on land, in or under water, in the air, or may transport

themselves via several or all of these environments. Similarly, I will call all platforms con-

trolled by AI of any level of sophistication “robots”. The importance of this distinction will

come into focus later on. 4 It has to be noticed that the Ukrainian investigation was not entirely conclusive as to the exact

cause of the incident, naming a use of a drone as the most probable scenario based on witness

reports and previous such attempts. Existence of drone-shot propaganda footage of the explo-

sion that has subsequently appeared on the Russian Internet indicates that there were indeed

Russian drones over the area. What matters for the purposes of this article is the fact that no

expert, Ukrainian or foreign, has disputed that an attack by commercial drone was a probable

scenario, indicating a universal consensus on the technology’s worrying potential.

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orders of magnitude. Such an individual will no longer be sure to suffer either

capture or death, at least not immediately, and so the range of potential domestic

terrorists will no longer be limited to fanatics and lunatics, and may grow to

include those who are disgruntled enough to wish harm upon their countrymen

but not enough to accept harm to themselves. And, of course, forces much more

powerful than a single individual will be more than happy to take advantage of

this free force multiplication. Fringe groups of various provenience; terrorist

organizations; rogue states; finally, near-peer and peer competitors engaged in

hybrid warfare – all of these forces will most probably be more than willing to

turn the godsend ability to wreak large-scale havoc with off-the-shelf equipment

at any given point of the targeted country. And as drones and robots would al-

ready be roaming within the population centers and close to locations of import,

the mere sight of a group of them approaching a target would not raise alarm.

Hiding in the everyday crowd of their robot brethren, they would be able to

approach unnoticed up till the very last moment.

Imagine this scenario: a member of a fringe political group, an owner of two

trucks and collector of quadrocopter drones, quietly prepares to attack a large

music festival, just like the Las Vegas shooter of 2017 did. He programs his

twelve drones to autonomously hover over the targeted gathering, and to release

– where the crowd is densest – small containers of home-produced acid. This

causes quite spectacular, media-worthy injuries and panic. As the panicked

crowds gather at one of the exit gates, he remotely pilots his truck to exert max-

imum casualties, all of this while already outside the attacked country’s juris-

diction. Assistant software sends emails with his grievances and demands to

major newspapers six hours later, while his manifesto, published on his blog

and spread via screenshots on the fringe net, calls for other aficionados of his

extremist views, with equal access to the same equipment, to make a similar

attack a monthly fixture of the country’s life as long as the demands are not met.

Now imagine a more skilled and numerous adversary scaling such a plan up,

while coupling it with detailed intelligence on the tactically and strategically

important weak spots. It is not improbable that a small or medium sized nation

could be overwhelmed by a well coordinated series of such attacks alone, while

even a superpower like the US may have a short-term problem with weathering

a hundred of them on a single day or absorbing several of such month after

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month. More than likely overreaction, inducing which could be the real goal of

the perpetrator, could still exacerbate the cost of such an attack.

COUNTERMEASURES THAT WILL NOT DO

It is not a stretch to claim that the challenge described above is unique in the

history of security efforts. Never before has any security agency been con-

fronted with the prospect of having to defend, in real time, every single target

in every part of the protected territory. The unprecedented levels of safety pro-

duced by modern homeland security arrangements relies on the fact that large-

scale threats can either be easily detected before they cross a country’s border

and then engaged or deterred by a threat of retaliatory violence. Agents that are

able to penetrate the borders are not numerous and do not carry effective enough

means of destruction to become an existential threat without a large degree of

popular support from native population. Commercial drones and robots change

that equation by multiplying both the number and efficiency of terrorism, sab-

otage and guerrilla attacks and by making the threat of retaliation much more

doubtful and certainly much less immediate. The unscrupulous attacker need

only to select several out of the multitude of soft targets at the time of his choos-

ing; the conscientious defender needs to protect all targets at all times.

Thus, three broadly understood strategic approaches seem available to the

homeland security apparatus – lowering the number and potency of threats, up-

ping its deterrence game or developing an ability to meet force with force at any

place of the protected territory and in real time. Let us discuss all three, starting

with the least promising one – that of deterrence.

To put things bluntly, deterrence will not be enough even in case of a power

such as US, let alone for countries like Ukraine which may not rely on NATO’s

nuclear umbrella or EU’s economic clout. Seventeen years of the American War

on Terror demonstrated beyond doubt that the West does not at present possess

the means to deter sufficiently determined non-state agents from trying to attack

it – and if the sole global superpower does not, neither does any other state. As

for state actors, consistently deterring them may require acting on the promise

of retaliation which may be very costly, and prohibitively so in case of nuclear-

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armed agents. Relying solely or mostly on deterrence would further lower the

threshold of escalation to full-scale war or even to nuclear exchange and would

not, in any case, provide the defender with a desired level of control. It would

be akin to the policy of Mutually Assured Destruction being introduced into the

realm of conventional warfare. Such a costly mode of overreaction is to be cat-

egorically avoided.

Developing an ability to meet force with force at every point of the defender’s

territory, if understood as being able to physically destroy and/or capture drones

and robots within minutes (or even seconds) of them going rogue, even if

achievable, would constitute an enormous economic burden, likely to cost much

more than the benefits of Robotic Revolution in transport, and introduce an un-

precedented level of public life militarization. An additional problem is that

piecemeal solutions of these kind do not seem likely to work. Measures de-

scribed by USAF major Bryan A. Card, in the most up-to-date analysis of these

class of military countermeasures available short of putting an anti-aircraft tur-

ret on every public building (Card, 2018), such as limited protection by nets and

jammers focused narrowly on large public gatherings would not offer compre-

hensive enough protection from determined enough foe, or from one concen-

trated on producing mass casualties rather than striking at high stature individ-

uals. Getting out of drone and robot ubiquity conundrum is nowhere close to

achievable by reactive use of force, especially for a country with moderate de-

fense budget, such as Poland or Ukraine.

If what I said in the previous two paragraphs is true, then it appears that a sig-

nificant drop in the levels of homeland security would be inevitable were we to

allow commercial drones and robots to attain the number and capabilities that

would be the effect of significant automation within the transport and logistics

industries. That could lead one to a conclusion that such an automation may not,

after all, be desirable or ethically allowed. But that is too radical a conclusion

to draw. As already mentioned, one of the key issues is devising a good enough

solution at an acceptable cost, so as to retain the largely beneficial character of

the incoming revolution. One of possible modes of overreaction would certainly

be an effort to severely restrict or ban altogether the use of civilian drones and

robots. Even if ultimately futile, such a ban would carry, for reasons I already

mentioned, a huge opportunity cost in short- to mid-term.

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The obvious solution lies in lowering the drones’ and robots’ capacity for harm

while retaining their fitness for serving humans in commercial and social set-

tings. The realization of this simple postulate requires, however, a great deal of

technological and regulatory effort, and beforehand some conceptual work.

Some of this work had already been done by Tung (2015) and Card (2018),

however, their regulatory proposals seem tentative and insufficient compared

to the scale of the problem. In the next section I intend to put forward a much

more extensive proposal.

FOUR CONDITIONS OF PROPER REGULATION

Safe-proofing civilian-use drones and robots will require the fulfillment of four

conditions, that is:

1. Sufficiently robust cybersecurity of every such device

2. Placement of a kill switch easily accessible to local law enforcement

3. Every platform being bound to a certain specific area of operations, and

automatically rendered inoperational outside it

4. Assuming fulfillment of 1) through 3), move away from remote control and

towards autonomy.

Condition 1) seems to be within the realm of wishful thinking, at least in the

present. After all, cybersecurity problems are a major homeland security con-

cern even apart from the issues being discussed here. Yet this also means that

they are an object of well-funded government and corporate research, and al-

ready very high on the political agenda. Similarly, the world’s armed forces are

increasingly relying on drone and robotic platforms, with the US Department

of Defense vowing to render a third of its force so in twenty years (Lin, Bekey

& Abney, 2008) (US DoD, 2013). The technological solutions needed to secure

these platforms from enemy hackers would not be very much sophisticated – in

fact, given the military-grade danger posed by commercial unmanned vehicles,

could not be very different from those the authorities should require to be placed

on all potentially harmful vehicles. The condition is very demanding in terms

of performance, but not in terms of setting any extra goals for the homeland or

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national security systems. And it truly is a sine qua non – to coexist within a

single life-space with platforms that may be easily overtaken by a number of

malicious agents is not a proposition anyone should seriously entertain.

Assuming the attainment of 1) – a big assumption indeed – a serious system of

regulation should aim at implanting every such remotely controlled or autono-

mous device with a kill switch, this being an equivalent to a human citizen ca-

pacity to understand that he is being lawfully arrested and not to resist in such

a case. Law enforcement agencies should not have to rely on the use of force to

be able to stop an unmanned vehicle, especially in densely populated urban ar-

eas where they may not be capable on using such force without large amounts

of collateral damage. Upon receiving a certain kind of encrypted message from

an authorized law enforcement agent, the machine should be capable of imme-

diately ceasing whatever it is doing, making itself motionless in a safe enough

manner and remaining in that mode up until the agent who has used the code

will not release it. The proper placement and maintenance of the kill-switch

should be enforced in all manufacturing facilities and required of all the vehicles

entering a country, and any attempt at its removal should result in irreparable

damage to the vehicle itself and the authorities being informed of the attempt,

its time and location. I do not believe such a task to be too challenging, not for

the culture so enamored with planned obsolescence as ours.

The third effect that should be required consists of essentially tying the un-

manned platforms to a certain location, and having it automatically switch itself

off if it does saw without the authorities permission. This might be done in a

few different ways. One could require a platform – say, an autonomous cargo

truck – to stay within an area delineated by a set of beacons, perhaps placed

regularly by the side of a highway. If the truck ever ventured far enough from

the specific set of beacons it was assigned to, it would stop receiving the signal

and had its kill-switch activated. Alternatively, the same could be done by as-

signing it a set of geographic coordinates and having it check itself either with

the GPS or an inertial positioning system calibrated beforehand. In this way it

could stay within a zone that would be exclusively set aside for unmanned cargo

traffic and so would contain few if any people. Manned and unmanned zones

could then be so constructed that leaving the unmanned zone without authori-

zation would not be possible, much as it is not possible for a subway train to

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come to the city surface. Naturally, the more low-tech the option, the more

costly it is likely to be.

Even within the bound of conditions 1) through 3), much remains to desire in

terms of safety from behavior of potentially deadly platforms controlled from

beyond the reach of immediate deterrence. Interim solutions are possible here,

like promotion and/or enforcement of standards for civilian remote control that

prohibit it to be effective above a certain range (which could vary from one

unmanned zone to another). Simultaneously work on robust but low-level, lim-

ited task range AI is to be continued. Autonomous platforms, paradoxically, are

more easily controlled by security services than remotely controlled ones. Anal-

ogy may be formed with otherwise law-abiding servants on one hand, and

blindly loyal militia on the other. Ultimately a hack proof, kill-switch equipped,

properly zoned autonomy seems much more resistant to foul play than drone

platforms.

IMPLICATIONS AND AVENUES FOR FURTHER STUDY

The implications of implementing the fou conditions outlined above go well

beyond their obvious and immediate consequences, such as the need to make

heavy, forward-looking investment in both transport and security infrastructure.

It is true that they seem to give yet more power to the already omnipresent Le-

viathan of the XXI century state. This power also needs to be regulated and

watched over, and, like with many other modern technologies, may not be con-

tainable without a major upgrade to the existing set of checks-and-balances.

Still, no matter how weary of potential abuses one is, the emerging technologies

simply create more power to go around, juxtaposed against the constant frailty

of the human body, cognition – and ethical character. It is probable that we may

need a whole new paradigm of private property, which will allow for certain

essential freedoms – like the freedom to travel or the freedom to freely experi-

ment and pursue technical knowledge – to flourish even though certain rights

that used to secure them, like a right to have complete control over each plat-

form one owns, may be partially abolished. While the Robotic Revolution car-

ries great promise if executed rightly, it may end up empowering the forces of

destruction, or the forces of semi-totalitarian control. It is the strait between

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those that we need to navigate by creating technologies and regulations that are

safety promoting, transparent and within the firm grasp of public control. I sin-

cerely hope that some technological solutions outlined above fall into this cate-

gory, and that they may be pursued by technologists, scientists and policymak-

ers. Every step of the way, much careful work in applied ethics is to be done

along the more technical efforts.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

1. Bartsch, Coyne & Gray (2017) - Bartsch, R & Coyne, J & Gray, K.. Drones in

society: Exploring the strange new world of unmanned aircraft, Routledge, New

York 2017

2. Card (2018) – Bryan A. Card; “Terror From Above; How the Commercial UAV

Revolution Threatens the US Threshold”, Air and Space Power Journal, Volume

32 Issue 1, Spring 2018

3. Gallagher (2013) - Sean Gallagher, “German Chancellor’s Drone ‘Attack’ Shows

the Threat of Weaponized UAVs,” ArsTechnica, 18th September 2013, httpar-

stechnica.com/information-technology/2013/09/german-chancellors-drone-attack-

shows-the-threat-of-weaponized-uavs/.

4. Hanckock (2018) – Peter Hanckock, „Are Autonomous Cars Really Safer Than

Human Drivers?”, February 2nd, 2018, theconversation.com/are-autonomous-cars-

really-safer-than-human-drivers-90202

5. Kalra & Grooves (2017) - Kalra, Nidhi and David G. Groves, The Enemy of Good:

Estimating the Cost of Waiting for Nearly Perfect Automated Vehicles. Santa Mon-

ica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2017. https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_re-

ports/RR2150.html.

6. Lin, Bekey & Abney (2008) - Lin, Patrick, Bekey, George and Abney, Keith “Au-

tonomous Military Robotics: Risk, Ethics, and Design,” Philosophy (2008)

7. Lele&Mishra (2009) - Ajay Lele and Archana Mishra, “Aerial Terrorism and the

Threat from Unmanned Aerial Vehicles,” Journal of Defense Studies 3:3 (July

2009): 54–65

8. Mizokami (2017) – Kyle Mizokami, “Kaboom! Russian Drone With Thermite Gre-

nade Blows Up a Billion Dollars of Ukrainian Ammo”, July 27th, 2017,

https://www.popularmechanics.com/military/weapons/news/a27511/russia-drone-

thermite-grenade-ukraine-ammo/

9. Rasmussen (2015) – Mikjel Vedby Rasmussen, „The Military's Business: Design-

ing Military Power for the Future”. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2015

10. Shear & Schmidt (2015) - Michael D. Shear and Michael S. Schmidt, “White

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House Drone Crash Described as a U.S. Worker’s Drunken Lark,” New York

Times, 27 Jan 2015, nytimes.com/2015/01/28/us/white-house-drone.html?_r=0

11. Takayama et al. (2008) - Takayama, Leila & Ju, Wendy & Nass, Clifford Beyond

dirty, dangerous and dull: What everyday people think robots should do. HRI 2008

- Proceedings of the 3rd ACM/IEEE International Conference on Human-Robot

Interaction: Living with Robots. 25-32. 10.1145/1349822.1349827.

12. Tung (2015) - Tung Yin, „Game of Drones: Defending Against Drone Terrorism”,

2 Tex. A&M L. Rev. 635 (2015). Available at: scholarship.law.tamu.edu/lawre-

view/vol2/iss4/5

13. US DoD (2013) - U.S. Department of Defense, DOD Unmanned Systems

Roadmap: 2013-2038 (2013), defense.gov/Portals/1/Documents/pubs/DOD-

USRM-2013.pdf

Maciek Zając - doctoral candidate with the Department of Ethics, Institute of Philoso-

phy, University of Warsaw.

e-mail: [email protected]

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Wojciech Jerzy BOBER

DO WE NEED TO IMPLEMENT AN ETHICS

INTO AUTONOMOUS VEHICLES?

ABSTRACT:

Autonomous vehicles (AVs) are thought to be one of major solutions to the problem of

traffic-related deaths (ca 1.25 million people worldwide per year). Unfortunately, this

kind of technology is not expected to eliminate them completely. Therefore, researchers

start to put questions about rules, including moral ones, that should govern the behav-

iour of an AV in face of emergency. At least three moral principles have been proposed:

utilitarian principle, principle taking the security of passenger(s) of a given car as most

important as well as the principle that I would call “legality first principle”, according

to which life of those obeying legal rules should be preserved in the first place. Faced

with this plurality, we have to choose between these rules. The task is demanding since

(1) we are not univocally decided about choosing moral rules and (2) the technology is

developed in such a way that enforcing strict rules of that kind may disable at least some

of its advantages. Therefore, a more pragmatic approach is proposed consisting in fo-

cusing on development of future infrastructure for AVs as well as of advanced means

to save human lives rather than imposing strict rules on machines themselves.

Keywords: autonomous vehicles, AI, moral rules, ethics, ethics of technology

On the Sunday, March 18th, 2018, at about 10 p.m., an autonomous vehicle (AV)

operated by Uber, with an emergency backup driver behind the wheel, struck

and killed a 49-year-old woman, Ms. Herzberg, on a street in Tempe in Arizona,

USA. The woman tried to cross the road with her bicycle when she was struck.

It is believed to be the first pedestrian death, although not the first fatality, as-

sociated with self-driving technology. The investigation should show if and to

what extend the woman was responsible for the accident. Nevertheless, the

driver had not his hand put on the wheel and was not focusing on driving

[Griggs and Wakabayashi 2018]. But the first and most widely discussed fatal

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accident involving AV took place in Williston, Florida, USA, on the May 7th,

2016, when Tesla car was put into autopilot mode during highway driving. The

driver did not control the car properly and its sensors system failed to distin-

guish a large white truck and trailer crossing the highway. The car drove full

speed (9 mph above the limit) under the trailer so that the top of the vehicle was

torn off, but did not stop, veered off the road, and then crashed through two

fences and into a power pole [Yadron and Tynan 2016]. The driver died. Later

fatalities, as that of March 25th, 2018, a week after Ms. Herzberg’s death, in-

volving “only” car driver, caught much less public interest.

Fatalities are common feature in the development of cars from its very begin-

nings. According to WHO, the number of traffic-related deaths is about 1.25

million per year worldwide, with the highest rates in low-income countries

[WHO 2015]. Lowering these numbers is certainly one of important goals for

policy. AVs are thought to be one of possible solutions, with estimated reduc-

tion of the number of fatalities by up to 90% till the mid-century in the USA

[Bertoncello and Wee, 2015].

However, direct advantages of expected AV revolution include not only reduc-

tion of traffic-related deaths but making transportation easier for those incapa-

ble of driving themselves as, e.g., minors, disabled, elderly (a very important

feature for ageing societies), or temporarily incapable, e.g. drunk. Other ad-

vantages include also freeing drivers’ time for their chosen activities, less space

needed for parking (if AVs start to park themselves and communicate peer-to-

peer), and more indirect ones, as estimation that the broad penetration of AVs

will likely accelerate the development of robotics for consumer applications.

Besides, with rearrangement of transportation some further social and economic

changes caused by AV revolution are expected in areas such as car-service land-

scape (shift from independent service providers to original equipment manufac-

turers) and insurances, since “with driverless vehicles, auto insurers might shift

the core of their business model, focusing mainly on insuring car manufacturers

from liabilities from technical failure of their AVs, as opposed to protecting

private customers from risks associated with human error in accidents” [Ber-

toncello and Wee 2015]. Those changes may converge with already developing

forms of new mobility such as car sharing.

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The technology exhibits also important shortages. First, it will not be available

soon for individual customers and its first applications will probably occur in

controlled environment such as mining or farming while at public roads first

AVs that appear will likely be on-highway trucks [Bertoncello and Wee 2015]

or autonomous taxis or buses that operate in select urban regions [Hars 2016, p.

3]. Further, the technology needs very detailed maps that are not available yet

and it is incapable of driving during bad weather conditions, such as heavy rain-

fall, snowfall, or fog [Hars 2016, p. 2]. Besides, it is expensive and may became

obsolete quicker than traditional cars [Anderson et al. 2014, p. 136]. We should

remember that today’s AVs are just serial cars equipped with additional radar,

sensors and cameras [Griggs and Wakabayashi 2018] and operate in environ-

ment suitable for human-driven cars rather than structured especially for them.

The minimal threshold of application of such a kind of technology is its per-

forming at least as good as humans do with the perspective to outperform hu-

mans. Therefore, such technology should e.g. properly discriminate between

various kinds of obstacles (say chickens and children) and behave accordingly:

a chicken’s death counts differently than a death or injury of a child. This means

implementing, or obeying on other grounds, various kinds of rules, including

moral ones, that usually govern human behavior. As lowering the number of

traffic-related fatalities does not mean their elimination, the AVs will face ne-

cessity to prove to behave in a manner comparable to that of human drivers.

With no human being at steering wheel, the kind of action performed by the AV

during normal drive or that undertaken in face of danger should be chosen by

the machine itself – including those leading to potential deaths or injuries of

either its passengers or any other people involved in an accident as drivers and

passengers in other cars, pedestrians, cyclists etc. Therefore, the question arises,

what rules should be implement into AVs and what is the best way of doing

that.

Delegation of important decisions, including moral ones, to artificial intelli-

gence (AI) is, therefore, an inevitable outcome not only in the case of AVs but

of any autonomous machines. An important voice against any such delegation,

which could be heard already tens of years before any suitable AI system ap-

peared, belonged to Joseph Weizenbaum, MIT professor and inventor of ELIZA

software, who, in his important book Computer Power and Human Reason of

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1976, proposed some moral constraints on development of computer systems:

“I would put all projects that propose to substitute a computer system for a hu-

man function that involves interpersonal respect, understanding, and love in the

same category [i.e. that either ought not to be undertaken at all or … should be

approached with utmost caution]. I therefore reject …proposal that computers

be installed as psychotherapists, not on the grounds that such a project might be

technically infeasible, but on the grounds that it is immoral” [Weizenbaum

1976, p. 269]. Even if love is not necessary for driving a car, interpersonal re-

spect and understanding certainly are as a driver’s behavior may impact other

human beings.

In discussions about possible moral rules that should be implemented into AVs,

generally three kinds of rules may be found: (1) utilitarian principle, (2) passen-

ger’s safety first principle [Bonnefon et al. 2016] and (3) legality first principle

[Donde 2017]. All the kinds of rules deserve attention.

According to utilitarian ethics, AVs should be programmed in such a way as to

minimize possible fatalities and injuries, without discrimination between

groups of people involved in an accident. Therefore, if faced with possibility to

save more lives than those of passenger(s) in the car, as in case of a group of

pedestrians crossing the road, the car would rather swerve and crash (e.g. into a

concrete wall) than cause pedestrians’ injuries or deaths. If the technology will

develop further, the decision might be made not by a single vehicle but by a

network of them [Weinberger 2018]. We can think also about a kind of modified

utilitarian principle, that would focus on minimizing fatalities only to the effect

that injury of all involved in the accident would be considered a better result

than death of one person and safe rescue for all others; in that case the AV would

choose rather possibility of heavy injuries of all or many participants than would

risk life of anyone. Moral problems with adopting utilitarian principle may be

divided into general objections to utilitarian ethics, that I will not discuss thor-

oughly, as they are widely known, and specific ones, dealing with this specific

application of utilitarianism. Of the former kind, one can recall a rule of folk

morality that a person in danger has the right to promote one’s own life even at

the cost of other lives; utilitarian principle would deny the rule. Of the letter

kind, e.g., while doing our moral decisions, including those of utilitarian kind,

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we usually take into account not only quantitative but also qualitative charac-

teristics (recall all the examples involving, say, two people on the raft, a com-

mon man and a genius, of whom only one may survive) that would be rather

impossible for machine(s). Other problems will be discussed later.

Passenger’s safety first principle, on the contrary, would promote such solutions

that would lead to minimal dangers, both as deaths or injuries, to passenger(s)

riding in the car at the expense of deaths or hurts of others. According to this

principle, the self-protecting car should protect both life and health of its pas-

senger(s), irrespective of greater loss on the part of pedestrians, cyclists or pas-

sengers of other cars or AVs. Additional utilitarian (or other) rule could be ap-

plied regarding health and life of those involved in dangerous situation who are

not the AV’s passengers. However plausible this principle may appear, it vio-

lates some common intuitions, particularly those in agreement with consequen-

tialist (utilitarian) rules: hurting both the passenger and a pedestrian may be

regarded a better result than killing the pedestrian with no injury of the passen-

ger. Besides, if utilitarian principle forces to perform self-sacrifice, passenger’s

safety first principle excludes it; irrespective of the frequency of self-sacrifices,

it would disable agents to behave in the noblest way.

Legality first principle, the third of principles proposed, may be summarized in

words of Jay Donde: “Minimize casualties, unless one party put itself in dan-

ger” [Donde 2017]. It corresponds to those ethical considerations that assume

the agent’s moral cooperation (at least minimal one, i.e. not-wrongdoing) with

other actors before the person may expect care and protection from others;

wrongdoing, according to some theorists, including Immanuel Kant, dismisses

the agent from moral community. Assuming that AVs should always obey the

rules, they generally would perform as in passenger’s safety first principle and

would deviate from it mainly in situation when the car would recognize its own

previous fault, e.g. an attempt at crossing on the red light; in such a case it

should protect legally behaving pedestrians, cyclists etc., even at the cost of life

or injury of its passenger(s). Such a rule seems to be just; contrary to utilitarian

principle, AVs should protect the “innocent” in the first place. This would apply

to minimizing casualties between all those who are not passengers as well: the

AV would, e.g., rather hit four people who illegally run into the street than one

pedestrian on the sidewalk. The principle could be used as additional rule to

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passenger’s safety first principle governing the choice of action non-involving

death or injury of passenger(s). The problems with this principle are roughly

the same as in previous case with one important exception: it seems to be justly

applicable to sane adults but not so much to minors or disabled persons; we can

blame a careless adult for illegal run into the street, but in case of children the

blame is to be put rather on their parents or guardians. So, we can ask if such a

principle would not deny our commonly recognized obligations to take respon-

sibility for those vulnerable and incapable of fully responsible behavior them-

selves.

Having these three kinds of principles, we can deliberate, how should we choose

between them. It seems, that at least three approaches are possible. First, we

could investigate, what people would choose if in position to decide about adop-

tion of a principle. The other question consists in possibility of application of

such strict rules into algorithms governing the behavior of AVs. Thirdly, there

are some general philosophical objections, drawing at the existence of many

ethical theories and disagreement about moral principles.

Fortunately for the first approach, a great job had been done by Jean-François

Bonnefon, Azim Shariff and Iyad Rahwan [Bonnefon et al. 2016], who investi-

gated into people’s choices. In six experiments, they presented participants with

patterns of dilemmas involving deaths of either those riding in a car or pedes-

trians etc. According to the authors’ findings, people generally tend to agree

that everyone would be better off if AVs adopted utilitarian principles. These

same people, however, have a personal incentive to ride in AVs that will protect

them at all costs rather than in utilitarian cars. Therefore, if both kinds of AVs

were allowed on the market, few people would be willing to ride in utilitarian

AVs, even though they would prefer others to do so. So, enforcing regulations

that would make legal only utilitarian algorithms in AVs may paradoxically in-

crease casualties by postponing the adoption of a safer technology: adoption of

strict utilitarian principles may prove to be ineffective from utilitarian point of

view [Bonnefon et al. 2016, p. 1575-6].

If the preferences the authors found would persist, possible scenario is such that

there would be no strict regulations in favor of utilitarian cars but only some

incentives, perhaps of economic kind, to those buying them rather than self-

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protective AVs. In that scenario, however, we can arrive at something like

“Kantianism for the rich, utilitarianism for the poor” principle (modelled after

Robert Nozick’s “Kantianism for people, utilitarianism for animals” [Nozick

1974, p. 39]), being certainly very bad, if not the worst, outcome from moral

point of view. In such scenario, those who could afford would buy cars protect-

ing them while the less mighty would be forced to buy utilitarian AVs. It would

mean that the new technology would add to already existing inequalities so that

the gap between the rich and the poor would broaden further.

All that said in previous paragraph assumes that the preferences of people will

persist. But do we have reasons to believe that? At the moment, people are not

accustomed with AVs and the technology itself had not been fully developed

yet, so the preferences may change with time, as it was with many others kinds

of technology. Besides, when a kind of technology proves to do well, majority

of people readily depend on “default” settings (as majority of users in computer

technology) and may be at ease with whatever will be chosen for them either

by car companies or by the governments. Additionally, in place of incorporating

general moral principles (that may prove neither easily applicable nor generally

agreed upon, these problems are addressed below), a more specific approach

may be adopted, based rather on average choices made by people, obtained due

to on-line experiments performed on detailed scenarios. In such a case, it would

be rather many specific rules that would be agreed upon and preferred to adopt

than general and universal moral principles. Therefore, findings by Bonnefon

and collaborators, though impressive and important now, may prove to be ob-

solete with further developments of both technology and social understanding

of it.

Another challenge to approach of incorporating ethical principles to algorithms

of AVs stems from the way the algorithms are created. Such artefacts as AVs

are not controlled by classical computer algorithms written by use of if-then

rules but heavily rely on machine learning and pattern recognition – approaches

from the field of AI [Hars 2016, p. 4-5; Weinberger 2018]. If developed in that

manner, the algorithms would rather learn moral rules from patterns than have

the respective rules incorporated directly. Therefore, strict moral rules (as any

other strict rules) may not be easily (or even may not be at all) incorporated into

AVs’ software. David Weinberger, a philosopher, in his paper Optimization

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over Explanation [2018] goes further and insists that we should refrain from

forcing AI algorithms to be explicable to humans (how it comes up with its

decisions) since it would mean to make AI “artificially stupid”, i.e. disable what

its major advantage is: machine learning. Instead, the author proposes that we

should, with use of our existing policy-making processes, decide what we want

these systems optimized for. In short, the author proposes three principles: “1.

AI systems ought to be required to declare what they are optimized for. 2. The

optimizations of systems that significantly affect the public ought to be decided

not by the companies creating those systems but by bodies representing the pub-

lic’s interests. 3. Optimizations always also need to support critical societal

values, such as fairness” [Weinberger 2018]. In this approach, moral rules

should be introduced into AVs through optimization of their algorithms and

performance rather than in-build into the algorithms themselves.

I have already recalled Joseph Weizenbaum’s idea that we should refrain from

introducing AI where important human values such as “respect, understanding,

and love” are involved. But, are these objections sound? Weizenbaum wrote

his book tens of years before any suitable AI system had been developed. In

order to clear the problem, let us consider a few instances of AI misbehavior

that took place during last few years and attracted public interest. In 2015,

Google Photos application identified black people as “gorillas” what forced the

company to apologize [Guynn 2015]. In LinkedIn, a search for a female contact

may yield website responses asking if the searcher meant to search for a similar-

looking man’s name. According to the company, the gender bias resulted solely

from an analysis of the tendencies of past searchers [Day 2016]. Another widely

known example is Microsoft AI chatbot Tay that was corrupted by Twitter users

in less than 24 hours: starting from “innocent” position, the chatbot ended as a

racist and sexist and was switched off; it took place on March 2016.

These three examples, though unwelcome and violating important social values,

have only minor impact on humans and their wellbeing. It is not the case with

another example to be recalled. On May 23rd, 2016, ProPublica organization

announced that COMPAS (Correctional Offender Management Profiling for

Alternative Sanctions) software, provided by for-profit company Northpointe

and used across the USA to predict future recidivism, has bias against the blacks

and in favor of the whites (more false positive predictions of recidivism in case

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of blacks and more false negative predictions in case of whites, including dif-

ferent outcomes for very similar cases) [Angwin et al. 2016]. The case is surely

worth of more detailed consideration than that I can present, as it caught much

attention. During the discussion, joined by third parties and involving mathe-

matical analysis, the findings by ProPublica have been challenged: higher ratios

of blacks’ false positives correlates to general higher ratios of their recidivism.

Besides, the race was not included into variables used by the algorithm. There-

fore, the problem seems to be not the algorithm itself but different understand-

ing of justice, deserving further concern and elaboration [Corbett-Davies et al.

2016]. However, recent study by Julia Dressel and Hany Farid shows, that

COMPAS software, operating on 137 variables, does as well (or: as badly) as a

group of people untrained in criminal justice matters considering two factors

only (race being not included): in both cases the bias is very similar [Dressel

and Farid 2018]. These findings undermine the reasonability to use such a soft-

ware in situation when human freedom is at stake. All the four examples lead

to conclusion that we should consider Weizenbaum’s warning still plausible.

Conclusion for AV technology must take into account the fact that machine

learning is performed on current patterns related to human decisions and behav-

ior that may be – and usually are – heavily biased; therefore, the bias is very

likely to be copied by machine learning. Therefore, some counterreaction is

needed, either in already discussed form of optimization or in some other kind

of “debiasing” [Greenwald 2017].

Now we turn to skeptical view that no definite principle is possible that could

be unquestionably written into AVs’ algorithms. This idea stems first of all from

ongoing ethical discussions between various kinds of ethical theories that seem

to be unable to agree on ultimate and most general principles but it may also be

reinforced by the fact that many examples used as patterns for moral decision

in the realm of autonomous vehicles are undecided both on the grounds of

many, if not all, existing ethical theories and common intuitions. Practically, it

may lead to conclusions already met: that we should leave AI to develop on its

own terms and then put the results under scrutiny (optimization) but without

imposing stricter moral rules. Two objections to this skepticism may be pro-

posed. First, the bottom-to-top direction of moral considerations is as plausible

as more usual top-to-bottom direction, preferred by ethicists in exposition of

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moral theories. In such a case, we start from particular decisions and then, even-

tually, may arrive at general principles. Does existence of dilemmas difficult to

solve undermine the plausibility of such strategy? In the realm of AV technol-

ogy many such examples had been proposed, some of them hopeless (e.g.:

should the car hit four mothers or rather four women that are not mothers?

[Donde 2017]). We have no solution to such dilemmas in the realm of AV tech-

nology since we have no solutions to similar ones outside of such technology,

either. General answer to such objections is that because of their rarity, we can

take them as good topics for academic discussion but need not to incorporate

them into plausible moral theories, not to mention moral practice. Being a chal-

lenge to common moral rules they need not to undermine more abstract moral

theories, as many philosophers argued, including Richard M. Hare [1981, chap-

ter 8]. As it is impossible to predict all such rare dilemmas, we have no need to

incorporate them into AVs’ algorithms.

What all these considerations reveal for the main question about implementing

an ethics into autonomous vehicles? First of all, I would like to stress the neces-

sity of making new technology – any kind of technology – compatible with our

most important values and beliefs, including moral ones. But the process need

not necessarily take form of incorporating strict, general and universal princi-

ples as a part of AVs’ algorithms. Fortunately, we have much time to discuss

these problems as the technology will not mature soon. Looking at the problem

from the point of view of what I would call “pragmatic approach”, it may not

to be the best strategy to investigate into general and universal rules that the

machines should obey but it would be perhaps better to check further develop-

ments of the technology itself and shape it in such a way that it would agree

with our values. For example, assuming that life is certainly one of important

values for both individuals and societies, we should develop new means of sav-

ing passengers that would enable action in advance, e.g. launching airbags be-

fore the crash rather than as a result of it, means that would prevent deaths or

injuries of both passengers and pedestrians in place of tradeoffs between their

lives. Assuming that present casualties occur at least partially due to imperfect

means of environment recognition, we could focus on the development of such

infrastructure that would better suit AVs’ capabilities, i.e. generally interactive

infrastructure, e.g. in a form of machine-readable road signs and traffic guards

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or other interactive elements in the environment, as transportation expert Ben

Pierce proposes [McMahon 2018]. Assuming that future AVs will be capable

of mutual communication, we can use the future net of cars not only to predict

jams and collisions, to adjust the speed for best performance of all etc., but also

for human security to the effect that the net should predict possible accidents

and adjust performance of all in advance. Instead of incorporating rules when

and whom the cars should kill, perhaps we should focus on reshaping the tech-

nology along the lines of human needs and desires including such rearrange-

ments that will change our infrastructure in a way more suitable for technology

itself. The widely-discussed idea of incorporating moral principles as a part of

technology, principles that are at least similar to those adopted by humans may

prove not to be the best solution of the problem: instead of making AI similar

to us, we can rather develop it in most efficient way and only then make it suit-

able for our needs. It is technology that should be adjusted to us, not the reverse,

but the way of such adjustments need not to copy our powers and weaknesses

into the artefacts. Therefore, the way of optimizing results of machine learning

proposed by David Weinberger seems to me necessary but insufficient: we

should rethink not only our values that we would like to impose on AVs but

also the ways technology should be allowed to interfere into our personal lives

and social interactions. It is obvious that proliferation of such technology will

mean acceptance of improvements, e.g. on the part of infrastructure, that will

have impact on our lives; but the degree and depth of such improvements can

and should be discussed and agreed upon before the technology becomes ubiq-

uitous. Certainly, it will not be the best development in our transport technology

if we end either in AVs as passengers, but wearing, for security reasons, some-

thing like spacesuits, or on the street as pedestrians or cyclists, but – again for

security reasons – chipped to be visible for AVs, though it perhaps would both

suit technology and our goal to prevent casualties. The golden mean lies some-

where between machines deliberately killing people in accordance with rudely

rendered utilitarian principle and debilitating idea of practical enslavement due

to security reasons. But advantages of new mobility certainly will impose on us

some constraints if all the benefits are to be achieved.

The future shape of the technology is not known yet. Its social impact may be

profound. Some topics related to the main subject of this paper have not been

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discussed, as, e.g., the possible use of AV technology for terrorism. Making the

technology resistant to such uses may prove to lead to quite different forms of

control and different principles governing both the technology and its use (see,

e.g., Zając, 2018, in this volume) that will interfere with principles already pro-

posed. These matters certainly deserve further attention and elaboration.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. James M. Anderson, Nidhi Kalra, Karlyn D. Stanley, Paul Sorensen, Constantine

Samaras and Oluwatobi A. Oluwatola (2014), Autonomous Vehicle Technology. A

Guide for Policymakers, RAND Corporation.

2. Julia Angwin, Jeff Larson, Surya Mattu and Lauren Kirchner (2016), Machine

Bias, available at: https://www.propublica.org/article/machine-bias-risk-assess-

ments-in-criminal-sentencing (accessed 19.05.2018)

3. Michele Bertoncello, Dominik Wee (2015), Ten Ways Autonomous Driving Could

Redefine the Automotive World, available at: https://www.mckinsey.com/indus-

tries/automotive-and-assembly/our-insights/ten-ways-autonomous-driving-could-

redefine-the-automotive-world (accessed 19.05.2018)

4. Jean-François Bonnefon, Azim Shariff, Iyad Rahwan (2016), “The social dilemma

of autonomous vehicles”, Science 352, 1573-6.

5. Sam Corbett-Davies, Emma Pierson, Avi Feller and Sharad Goel, A computer pro-

gram used for bail and sentencing decisions was labeled biased against blacks. It’s

actually not that clear, available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/mon-

key-cage/wp/2016/10/17/can-an-algorithm-be-racist-our-analysis-is-more-cau-

tious-than-propublicas/ (accessed 19.05.2018)

6. Matt Day (2016), How LinkedIn’s search engine may reflect a gender bias, avail-

able at: https://www.seattletimes.com/business/microsoft/how-linkedins-search-

engine-may-reflect-a-bias/ (accessed 19.05.2018)

7. Jay Donde (2017), Self-Driving Cars Will Kill People. Who Decides Who Dies?,

available at: https://www.wired.com/story/self-driving-cars-will-kill-people-who-

decides-who-dies/ (accessed 19.05.2018)

8. Julia Dressel and Hany Farid (2018), “The accuracy, fairness, and limits of predict-

ing recidivism”, Science Advances 4

9. Anthony G. Greenwald (2017), “An AI stereotype catcher. An artificial intelligence

method identifies implicit human biases such as gender stereotypes”, Science 356,

p. 133-4

10. Troy Griggs, Daisuke Wakabayashi (2018), How a Self-Driving Uber Killed a Pe-

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destrian in Arizona, available at: https://www.nytimes.com/interac-

tive/2018/03/20/us/self-driving-uber-pedestrian-killed.html (accessed 19.05.2018)

11. Jessica Guynn (2015), Google Photos labeled black people ‘gorillas’, available at:

https://eu.usatoday.com/story/tech/2015/07/01/google-apologizes-after-photos-

identify-black-people-as-gorillas/29567465/ (accessed 19.05.2018)

12. Richard M. Hare (1981), Moral Thinking. Its Levels, Method, and Point, Oxford,

Clarendon Press

13. Alexander Hars (2016), “Top misconceptions of autonomous cars and self-driving

vehicles”, Inventivio Innovation Briefs, available at: www.inventivio.com/innova-

tionbriefs/2016-09 (accessed 19.05.2018)

14. Jeff McMahon (2018), 7 Ideas To Pave The Way For Autonomous Vehicles, avail-

able at: https://www.forbes.com/sites/jeffmcmahon/2018/04/09/7-ways-the-roads-

can-get-ready-for-autonomous-vehicles/#11029d8d43dd (accessed 19.05.2018)

15. Robert Nozick (1974), Anarchy, State, and Utopia, Basic Books

16. David Weinberger (2018), Optimization over Explanation, available at: https://me-

dium.com/berkman-klein-center/optimization-over-explanation-41ecb135763d

(accessed 19.05.2018)

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W.H. Freeman.

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19.05.2018)

Dr. Wojciech Jerzy Bober - senior lecturer at the Institute of Philosophy of the Uni-

versity of Warsaw.

e-mail: [email protected]

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III.

RESEARCH

AND

EDUCATION

ISSUES

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Jan GONDEK

SIGN – TECHNOLOGY – SIMULATION REFLECTIONS

ON THE PROJECT OF JEAN BAUDRILLARD’S RESEARCH

METHOD

ABSTRACT:

Contemporary social reality is determined by the mode in which new technologies func-

tion. The mass media have become a factor instrumental in introducing a new social

order. Jean Baudrillard’s theory of simulation may be interpreted as the basis for devel-

oping a research method explicating modern phenomena which are caused by an over-

flow of information. This refers in particular to communication detached from an object

reference. Against this background the author explains the process of sign transfor-

mation which leads to implosion of sense in communication and to an artificial “pro-

duction of reality”.

Keywords: Jean Baudrillard, sign, technology, simulation

INTRODUCTION

For present-day researchers the process of a rapid advance of new technologies

is becoming an area in which they seek a universal method aimed at elucidating

the workings of the most salient components of social phenomena. In the realm

of new technologies, a special place is occupied by various forms of communi-

cation. Among them, the predominant communication trends are based on a

creative transmission of information, most commonly in the form of an image.

This is best exemplified by social networking sites whose aim is to keep a soci-

ety in a state of constant communication readiness. The era of a passive receiver

of media transmissions is gone. Modern communication techniques are oriented

towards interaction and creativity. Creating short messages in the form of posts

and awaiting reaction lays the foundations of a virtual communication system

which substitutes direct social relations. Thus, an invisible layer of the network

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society is being developed based on modern communication techniques.

Social studies of this phenomenon date back to the pre-Internet times. Commu-

nication sciences involve a current of technological determinism whose main

representative was Marshall McLuhan. He argued that the development of the

media affects social transformations. His thesis that the medium is the message

reveals relations that hold between the content and the medium. It does not in-

clude a division and distinctiveness in relation to information and the source by

which it is conveyed. This lack of distinctiveness results in neutralization of all

kinds of content. A medium in itself, through its capacities, but also through its

technical limitations, shapes the communication model. Jean Baudrillard adds

one more essential element to the above formula (particularly noticeable in

modern world), that of implosion of the medium itself. If one cannot talk of the

media in a classical sense, i.e. of a bipolar division into a transmitter and a re-

ceiver, then in this context the line between reality and virtuality is blurred1.

Against this background, there arises a fundamental problem of the image of

reality being created by the message. This provides the starting point for Jeana

Baudrillard’s theory of simulation to which we refer in our deliberations. How-

ever, our interest concerning this issue will concentrate on two threads. The first

one relates to artificial intensification and improvement of the message which

can be perceived as digitalism effects. The other one involves artificial message

production in the context of the phenomenon of implosion of the sense in com-

munication. Such references will be made against the background of the most

important aspects of the sign (message) transformation which has taken place

in historical space. This provides context for analyzing the phenomenon of con-

stant “production of sense” by the media as well as the accompanying infinite

“production of reality”. In our deliberations we delineate the factors shaping

simulation which may constitute methodological grounds for studying modern

social phenomena in the context of information technologies advance.

1 More on the subject see W. Merrin, Baudrillard and the Media: A Critical Introduction, Cam-

bridge: Polity Press 2005, pp. 45-62.

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SIGN TRANSFORMATION

Jeana Baudrillard’s theory of simulation is based on observation of processes

taking place in modern consumption society. The most important novelty in his

theory is discerning crucial social transformations which assume the form of

reality creation. The basis for these transformations is the autonomization of the

sign. The process of simulation becomes a method of transforming the real

world by signifying it. Artificially produced and autonomized matrices, codes

and images (as the smallest elements of the message) result in a loss of cognitive

contact with the real world. Thus, new sign surrogates are created separated

from their real sources of existence. An artificial break with real reference re-

sults in triggering off a “machine” of self-reproduction of the sign. Simultane-

ously, there appears a field in which autonomous sign relations function hyper-

realistically and eventually realize themselves as copies. Baudrillard empha-

sizes the fact that signs as copies are capable of hampering social processes of

a real character2. This takes place by means of the new technologies based on

the phenomenon of virtuality.

At this juncture, there arises a question: why do messages formed as part of

communication technology not present what is real? In fact, the reason is they

themselves become reality. Thanks to the new communication techniques the

value of the message becomes more real than reality. Since it is given directly

as a sign in itself which conceals its object basis. According to Baudrillard,

when we introduce signs without reference into the social domain we stand at

the threshold of a new reality in which technology dominates facts and wields

control over them. That is why in a virtual world, the sign is responsible for the

“destruction” of the real but also, which is particularly significant and worth

emphasizing, concealing this fact “destroys”.3 Simulations are responsible for

the mechanism which is called “the peak of reality” i.e. the creation of a new

world based on virtuality.

Distortions or rather a disappearance of the real object reference gave grounds

2 J. Baudrillard, Simulacra and simulation, trans. by S. F. Glaser, Ann Arbor: University of

Michigan Press 2004, pp. 2-3; S. Kember, J. Zylinska, Life After New Media: Mediation as a

Vital Process, Cambridge: MIT Press 2012, pp. 38-39. 3 J. Baudrillard, The perfect crime, trans. by Ch. Turner, London-New York: Verso 2008, pp.

1-7.

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to the emergence of simulacra or a special kind of products of simulation which

may occur in the form of signs, models, codes, film frames, that is of all infor-

mation. The sign as the smallest information element, technologically subjected

to an artificial transformation creates a world devoid of real reference. In the

historical context, one can discern a progressive transformation of the sign re-

lating to the way it is distributed and received by the society. Baudrillard posits

that since the times of the Renaissance there have been three orders of simula-

cra: imitation, production and simulation4.

The order of imitation was created together with the fall of the feudal society.

In feudalism, social classes and strata were subject neither to mobility nor to a

change of status. Against such referents the sign was perceived as something

permanent and constant. It referred directly to what it signified. The sign, there-

fore, functioned as transparent. Obviously, the number of signs was very limited

in those days. Also, the way in which they were distributed was strictly deter-

mined and a society perceived it as something inviolate5. These conditions nat-

urally enabled people to construct a message synonymous with a faithful depic-

tion of a profound reality.

Baudrillard, while tackling the problem of the genesis of the order of imitation

which occurred against the background of the fall of the inviolate (obligatory)

sign, argues that it originated at the threshold of the emergence of the bourgeoi-

sie class. The fall of strict divisions in the society led to a universality of signs

which, since that time, could be created and distributed without any limitations,

conditioned only by their demand. They commenced to emerge due to the ex-

pansion of the material they were produced of, which had hitherto been limited.

The sign begins to liberate itself from all conditions in social strata. It does not

have the quality of an obligation, however it continues to have a real referent.

As Baudrillard postulates, already in this era there appeared a certain fallacious-

ness of signs. Man dreamt of creating the world anew. Qualities such as a sense

of community and a lack of status differences provided the grounds for the idea

of creating a new society. An essential aspect was to unite the society after the

4 J. Baudrillard, Symbolic exchange and death, trans. by L. H. Grant, London: Sage 2000, p.

50. 5 G. Genosko, Baudrillard and Signs: Signification Ablaze, London-New York: Routledge

2002, pp. 44-45.

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Reformation which preceded the epoch6. Uniting the world and society was

possible only thanks to simulacra and the instrument of the message was theat-

ricality. Theatrical and architectural performances constituted various kinds of

imitations which assumed the form of simulacra. For the adoption of such a

form of signifying both concealed and distorted reality in that epoch.

The order of production, which Baudrillard mentions as the second in the se-

quence of creating simulacra, was mainly present in the era of the industrial

revolution. It was the time when the value of technology was particularly ap-

preciated. This led to the production of signs on a large scale. Since then repro-

ducibility i.e. the possibility of producing multiple identical copies has become

the main instrument of the transformation of the sign. The original and natural

reference to the object was discarded. Technology became the sole source of

the sign. A feature of objects manufactured on a production line is their indis-

tinguishability which provides a possibility of creating several identical simu-

lacra. The simulacra were indefinitely reproducible which could be used as a

means of controlling the world. The relation between the prototype and a copy

was lost.

Baudrillard claims that the production order was not very ambitious compared

both to its predecessor (the imitation order) and to its successor (the simulation

order). There were attempts at realizing the vision of controlling the world

solely by means of mass production7. According to Baudrillard, a very im-

portant element of this order is the fact that simulacra represent the reality, mod-

ifying it by improving objects. This takes place within the confines of generally

accessible science and is the reason why inventions are developed. This type of

transformation of the sign comes down to increasing production capacity. Thus,

the order of production was the last era in which reality was replicated by im-

proving technical solutions8. Since then, in Baudrillard’s approach, the model

has taken a completely different direction, and namely, “it masks the absence

of a profound reality”9.

In the third order, called the order of simulation, a key change is introduced:

6 J. Baudrillard, Symbolic exchange and death, pp. 50-52. 7 Ibidem, pp. 55-56. 8 J. Baudrillard, Simulacra and simulation, pp. 121-124. 9 Ibidem, p. 6.

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signs begin to be created based on their very reproducibility. The generator of

transformation of such sign forms is the model which results from the essence

of reproducibility. Simulacra are created here by modulating differences.

Baudrillard posits that the crucial feature of this era is the dominance of the

metaphysical code. Present-day metaphysics is understood as digitalism.

Baudrillard employs the notion of the “code” which he compares, in the order

of simulation, to a genetic cell (an elementary particle) which is the genesis of

simulacra. In a genetic cell, there exist exchangeability relations thanks to

which interactions happen. In this context, the code as the smallest particle of a

form of message is subject to artificial modification whose ultimate goal is to

conceal its reference10. Digitally programmed signs are characterized by a ca-

pacity for interrelating with other messages emitted. As a result of this, their

role is purely tactical since their only objective is to conceal true reality.

Transformed signs no longer constitute, in any aspect, a representation of the

real world but they themselves create it. Whereas the process of simulation

spreads in various directions and begins to freely modify models of reality. Con-

sequently, one cannot define what fiction is since the contact with the prototype

becomes distorted by the processes of simulation. It is possible to recognize

artificial phenomena only when we are able to refer to the real world as the

central reference point. Because of this, a message which has no longer any

reference to reality assumes the form of the ideal simulacrum, being a reflection

of itself. In the order of simulation there occurs an autonomization of signs

which is characterized by infinite reproducibility11.

IMPLOSION OF SENSE IN COMMUNICATION

The simulation process presented by Baudrillard is not only a theoretical point

of social discourse but may also be employed as a research method to elucidate

various types of social phenomena. By utilizing this method, allowing for the

dominance of technology over the real world, researchers are able to analyze

present-day sociological phenomena such as e.g. globalization, the impact of

10 J. Baudrillard, Symbolic exchange and death, pp. 56-58; G. Genosko, Baudrillard and Signs:

Signification Ablaze, pp. 47-48. 11 J. Baudrillard, Simulacra and simulation, pp. 6-7 and p.122.

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politics on everyday life and on constructing the information society. To con-

firm this thesis, one may refer to Baudrillard’s analyses directly involving a

practical use of the simulation method. According to Baudrillard, in the modern

system, crucial events, even if they have their natural origin, are shaped based

on an artificial media message. He takes as the subject of his reflections J. F.

Kennedy’s killing, building Disneyland amusement park or the Watergate scan-

dal. Using the simulation method Baudrillard analyses students’ strikes in Paris

in 1968, the Gulf War in 1990 and the World Trade Centre attack in 2001. These

events are known to people mainly through media reports. According to

Baudrillard, they were constructed or created from scratch by means of simula-

tion whose aim is to construct a new reality which would have the character of

an absolute reality. The most important factor depicted by the examples pro-

vided is domination of an artificially improved sign (information) which, under

the influence of technology, has in itself become a virtual and digital event.

From this perspective, Baudrillard considers a great mistake the fact that most

people adopt the assumption that information is responsible for creating sense.

He claims that it is a myth which is artificially sustained so that the world should

not “fall apart”. Today, information is the factor on which most world econo-

mies are based. Man is incapable of taking action without information. It is an

integral part of the development of communication and the whole process of

new media creation. Baudrillard’s most important comment in this context is

that “information devours its own content”12. Why is it so? Baudrillard specifies

precisely his thought claiming: “Rather than creating communication, it ex-

hausts itself in the act of staging communication. Rather than producing mean-

ing, it exhausts itself in the staging of meaning”13. This sort of staging of sense

is what the simulation method in the media is based on.

Modern media use such information whose presentation to the public is not jus-

tified in itself. This information does not convey anything new or important,

nevertheless it has an essential technological objective: to keep people in a state

of sense or permanent reception of meanings. It is sufficient to mention media

communication broadcast 24 hours a day, journalist reports and the permanent

12 J. Baudrillard, Simulacra and simulation, p. 80. 13 Ibidem.

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media identification of the viewer with the event. Information has to be attrac-

tive non stop that is why it needs to be artificially created. Media generate enor-

mous energy so that information may play the function of a simulacrum. Since

they do not want to allow the phenomenon of desimulation i.e. the moment

when the true reality emerges again. This is the reason why one creates simula-

cra which have a preventative character. Their goal is to control the process of

simulation.

While considering the simulation method in studying the condition of modern

world, it becomes necessary to adopt the principle of the impossibility of repro-

ducing the real world or of the true reality which had still existed before the

order of imitation. That is the reason why, according to Baudrillard, information

enters a sort of closed circuit. It goes around a “circle” on which simulation and

hyperreality interrelate14. People functioning in this closed circuit absolutely

believe in the truthfulness of the message. As a result of this belief they are

influenced by signs which do not reflect reality. However, according to

Baudrillard, trust for the media, which is sustained by people, has an ambiguous

dimension. Thus, on the one hand, people implicitly trust information, however,

on the other one, the phenomenon of the passivity of the masses intensifies,

which makes it necessary to produce an artificial sense. That is why there are

such frequent attempts at testing and surveying society which play the function

of social control.

Media communication functions in a society as artificially doubled that is why

reality cannot be presented in its intact form. Such a state of affairs has an enor-

mous influence on the condition of modern society. According to Baudrillard,

a loss of sense and creation of an artificial sense constructs a certain “nebula”

i.e. reaching a state of “total entropy”15. Baudrillard’s use of the term “entropy”

indicates a constant increase and intensification of implosive technological pro-

cesses. Similar phenomena may refer to the socialization process since the me-

dia have long not played this type of function. While looking more closely at

14 Baudrillard introduces this notion to define reality which has been artificially produced. Hy-

perreality consists in substituting the real world with simulacra and in perceiving them by

people as something real. (J. Baudrillard, Simulacra and simulation, p. 2; M. Lister, J. Dovey,

L. Grant, S. Giddings, K. Kelly, New Media: a critical introduction, London-New York:

Routledge 2009, p. 138). 15 J. Baudrillard, Simulacra and simulation, p.81.

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the media, one may even draw a conclusion that they act in the opposite manner.

For they cause implosion in the domain of social life. The role of information

conveyed in the media is to create messages establishing a sense of meaning in

man. Since information creates interpersonal communication. There is a univer-

sal agreement that even if there is a certain loss of sense in reception, neverthe-

less the message itself is needed. He explicitly emphasizes on many occasions

that information functioning without any reference no longer has anything in

common with the real sense16. A similar phenomenon is observed in the case of

production of commodities, where numerous products are useless but they lead

to the development of innovativeness. In this way, Baudrillard endeavours to

show that today everyone is responsible for such a state of affairs.

Present-day technologies, and in particular the media communication based on

them, require apart from information itself, a supplementation in the form of an

image. Additionally, it would be ideal if one could interfere with pictures, film

frames or TV journalist reports. That is the reason why an important turning in

perceiving reality was a technological switch from analogue to digital content.

Actually, in the light of conclusions that can be drawn from Baudrillard’s re-

flections, the expression “in perceiving reality” should not even be used since

he wants to show the process of substitution, or even disappearance of the real

world. Creating an image recorded by means of a code, that is digital values,

opened up a possibility of constantly modifying it. In the analogue system, a

certain fragment of replicated reality was clearly visible. According to

Baudrillard, digitalism has its beginning and at the same time its end, in the

screen itself. It is perceived as perfect simulation since each image may be

freely altered and adjusted to any fragment of the world, without its real refer-

ence. The idea of setting the world free by means of an image, discerned by

Baudrillard, is an immensely topical phenomenon in this day and age. It triggers

processes which are characterized by a total disappearance of any reference to

reality and by man’s lack of influence on the possibility of replicating any ob-

jects or phenomena from the world17.

16 Ibidem, pp. 79-81; A. Lombardinilo, The meta-language of an absent world. Baudrillard,

McLuhan and the media consumption, “Mediascapes journal” 9 (2017), pp. 52-53. 17 J. Baudrillard, Why hasn’t everything already disappeared?, trans. by Ch. Turner, Seagull

2009, pp. 32-46.

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The origin of the phenomenon of image simulation, and consequently of the

implosion of sense, is necessarily connected with man’s perceptual-cognitive

desire to comprehend the whole world. If the world in impossible to grasp in a

given area, appropriate technological instruments are introduced. Their involve-

ment is not only supportive but also mediating. Technological instruments are

becoming a non-transparent mediator which imposes an artificial layer on the

real world. A crucial function in the process of making the world real is played

by the image which, by means of virtual technologies, attempts to construct the

world anew and to fill all cognitive gaps. Present-day screens emitting a digital

image have renounced the symbolic dimension of an image and have fully en-

tered the order of seriality. However, seriality, which creates immense possibil-

ities of constructing media events, actually reaches zero degree of infor-

mation18. Therefore, in the system based on endowing imagines with sense, an

enormous impact in exerted on the replicated item. The image substitutes un-

recognised fragments of reality becoming something more perfect than the real

world itself. From this perspective, the process of substituting reality with the

image constitutes simulation in its pure form19.

CONCLUSION

Contemporary social relations are to a significant extent dominated by the new

technologies. Their contribution is particularly discernable in the development

of the mass media. However, technological advance has revealed phenomena

which introduce a new order according to which the society functions. And this

requires developing a research method allowing one to interpret ongoing social

processes in a reliable manner. The theory of simulation postulated by Jean

Baudrillard appears to be one of such solutions. Since it is a theory which elu-

cidates, both in the historical and systemic contexts, the media impact on shap-

ing the modern image of reality. Baudrillard argues that modern world has be-

come entangled in an overflow of information. A lot of information functions

18 Ibidem, pp. 49-56. 19 J. Baudrillard, The perfect crime, p. 4 and pp. 17-18. Baudrillard calls the abovementioned

processes of the image’s impact on creating modern social life “the violence done to the im-

age” (J. Baudrillard, The Intelligence of Evil or tile Lucidity Pact, trans. by Ch. Turner, Ox-

ford-New York: 2005, p. 91).

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randomly, without any objective reference, which is an effect of the transfor-

mation of the sign taking place over the last centuries. A transformation of me-

dia communication has taken place in the historical and technological dimen-

sions. The basis of this transformation has been the sign. Originally, the sign

depicted something faithfully and clearly, which held true until the moment

when it became a simulacrum i.e. a sign without an objective reference to real-

ity.

A factor additionally intensifying systemically this process is implosion of the

sense which leads to narrowing down the information field and cumulating the

message. This results in media communication being detached from any objec-

tive reference. For the media, by constantly striving to improve image messages

and to create information, lead to the production of an artificial sense. Simulta-

neously, this sense may interact freely with other artificially produced images

and information. Thus, under the influence of information technologies, an im-

plosion of media processes occurs, creating a sphere of the hyperreal. In this

way, simulation is becoming the instrument continuing the dynamics of social

transformations in the era of the information society.

The abovementioned theoretical assumptions of the concept of simulation in

Baudrillard’s approach may be applied as a research method to analyse the im-

pact of modern communication technologies on the society. The expansion of

hyperreal phenomena in the social domain, intensifying together with techno-

logical advance, is no longer an isolated phenomenon today. However, it has

not been fully explained yet. Therefore, the ways of elucidating it seem to re-

quire a method which will be based on the simulation process which is crucial

to these phenomena. The text discusses only the factors which are significant

for developing the simulation method. Developing fully this method requires a

detailed presentation of research procedures and forms of applying it.

REFERENCES:

1. Baudrillard J., The Intelligence of Evil or tile Lucidity Pact, trans. by Ch. Turner,

Oxford-New York: 2005;

2. Baudrillard J., The perfect crime, trans. by Ch. Turner, London-New York: Verso

2008;

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3. Baudrillard J, Simulacra and simulation, trans. by S. F. Glaser, Ann Arbor: Uni-

versity of Michigan Press 2004;

4. Baudrillard J., Symbolic exchange and death, trans. by L. H. Grant, London: Sage

2000;

5. Baudrillard J., Why hasn’t everything already disappeared?, trans. by Ch. Turner,

Seagull 2009;

6. Genosko G., Baudrillard and Signs: Signification Ablaze, London-New York:

Routledge 2002;

7. Kember S, Zylinska J., Life After New Media: Mediation as a Vital Process, Cam-

bridge: MIT Press 2012;

8. Lister M., Dovey J, Grant L., Giddings S., Kelly K., New Media: a critical intro-

duction, London-New York: Routledge 2009;

9. Lombardinilo A., The meta-language of an absent world. Baudrillard, McLuhan

and the media consumption, “Mediascapes journal” 9 (2017), pp. 43-55;

10. Merrin W., Baudrillard and the Media: A Critical Introduction, Cambridge: Polity

Press 2005.

Jan Gondek - Ph.D. student in the Department of Social Microstructures and Modern

Sociological Theories, John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Po-

land

e-mail: [email protected]

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Joanna LORENC

Monika MICZKA-PAJESTKA

MAN FACING MULTIPLICITY AND DIVERSITY

AND RESPONSIBILITY AND RELATIONALITY

IN THE POSTMODERN EDUCATION

ABSTRACT

The following article presents and analyzes the problem of "being" of the child in the

world of multiplicity and diversity. The authors of the study consider the issue of the

search, of man in general, and in particular of teachers, for the way to adapt to the mul-

tiplicity, which is the domain of postmodernity. Attention has been also paid to the

problem of thinking about a human subjectivity, which in the context of the new edu-

cation is the basis of relationality on the ground of the education of tomorrow. Further-

more, the author pointed to the heterogeneity of the teacher-student relationship, and

the idea of self-responsibility that is important in the process of planning and imple-

menting such a relationship. The article also discusses the problem of a teacher’s re-

sponsibility for students' access to the symbolic culture, and thus the responsibility for

shaping in them skills and competences to "be" in the world of multiplicity. Moreover,

reference has been also made to the concepts of, among others, Wolfgang Welsch and

Charles Taylor, as well as considerations of Tomasz Szkudlarek and Hans Jonas.

Keywords: multiplicity, diversity, responsibility, subject entity

„The first and most general

condition of responsibility is causal power,

that is, that acting makes an impact on the world (…)”.

Hans Jonas (Jonas H., 1995, p. 74)

MULTIPLICITY AND DIVERSITY AS THE DOMAIN OF POSTMODERNITY

Interpersonal relationships are a delicate network of connections related to ex-

periences, emotions, impressions, ideas, symbols, meanings and searches for

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meaning. Everything that appears in the relational space between the teacher

and the student, the educator and the student or care giver and the person under

their care, combines all possible aspects of the human experience, all spaces of

man’s "being" in the world.

However, the domain of the postmodern world turned out to be categories, the

scope of which significantly changed the way people perceive and understand

the world, and thus interpersonal relations. Most precisely, those categories are

multiplicity and diversity, manifesting themselves in all areas of human life,

actions, experiences, ideas or ways of thinking. All this translates into the fun-

ctioning of people in the educational space. Wolfgang Welsch has emphasized

that the search for a way to adapt to this multiplicity has somehow become a

standard today. Thus, in thinking about a subject entity in educational relations,

it appears incredibly significant – as he states – to notice the situation of "weak-

ening the prevailing image of the subject entity” (Welsch W., 1998, p. 437).

As subject entities, a child and teacher not only face modern and post-modern

pluralisation and differentiation of types of rationality, but are also perceived

through them. Hence, it seems important to think about the so-called "weak"

subject entity, who, in Welsch's understanding, "knows more, experiences

things more widely" and is sensitive to dissimilarity (Welsch W., 1998, p. 437).

This is related to the different that in the past perception of the human subjec-

tivity that results from far-reaching socio-cultural changes related to, as Andrzej

Kiepas writes, shaping the "culture of the real virtuality" (Compare: Kiepas A.,

2013, p.129-142). In it, along with the increase of the importance of technology,

problems related to the human subjectivity are revealed. Technology, becoming

a "field of mediation of interpersonal relations", as well as "relations between

man and the world" (Kiepas A., 2013, p.130), unveils - as the author emphasizes

- "the problem of intentionality of acting entities", and more specifically the

opaque nature of their intentions, as well as "non-transparent consequences",

the inability to control the effects (Compare: Kiepas A., 2013, p.130). This is

directly related to the responsibility of acting entities, and more specifically "to

the understanding of the terms of responsibility" (Kiepas A., 2013, p. 130). In

the intentional sense, it is necessary to define what it means to be responsible at

all, and in relation to the consequences and effects, one should assign responsi-

bility to someone. This applies to all possible social interactions, in which there

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does not only reveal the element of mutual interaction, but also the formation

of the conditions of identity, and therefore the teacher-student relationship.

A HUMAN BEING AS A SUBJECT

Thus, it becomes important to strive to create a rational and responsible entity

that can control their own activities in the world of diverse needs and the mul-

tiplicity of external impulses. In the perspective of various challenges of the

human subjectivity, this seems a really complex task. A. Kiepas points to the

specificity and multiple directions of the formation of postmodern subjectivity,

and the significant change associated with making distinctions between subjec-

tivity and objectivity, which was clearly evident in traditional cultures. As he

states: "Subjectivity and human identity remain (...) under the influence of their

shaping areas, i.e. the network of >> flows<<", and at the same time they them-

selves achieve a fluid and unstable nature in this way” (Kiepas A., 2013, p. 140).

What in the perspective of multiplicity and diversity is associated with activities

marked by uncertainty and risk, as well as universal relativism.

Perception of the subject entity and its subjectivity through the prism of these

conditions forces us to look for valuable aspects of post-modern subjectivity of

man. Therefore, the proposal of Charles Taylor, who recognizes subjectivity as

the authenticity of moral subjectivity, appears to be significant. In his convic-

tion, the two basic categories of subjectivity, that is, "authenticity" and "iden-

tity", mutually condition and permeate, leading to the freedom of self-determi-

nation of a human being. A. Kiepas, when considering this concept, emphasizes

that in Taylor's thinking, "authenticity is the basis of differentiation and differ-

ence, however, distinctness itself is not a source of value yet. It can only be it

when it is a carrier of appropriate values" (Kiepas A., 2013, p. 140-141, also

compare: Taylor Ch., 2002). All this must be done along with the establishment

of sense and determination of meaning. Without giving it the meaning there

would be no genuine subjectivity. And this can only be done in relation to a

certain axiological horizon, and thus the entity recognizes its own responsibility

for both itself and everything around (Compare: Taylor Ch., 2002, p. 141).

Ch. Taylor’s view of the subject as authentic and intentional, marked by sense

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can be regarded as the basis for validating thoughts about valuation on the edu-

cational ground. The subject in the educational relationship is after all the goal

of postmodern aspirations, reflected in many concepts and theories. Neverthe-

less, it is important to recognize the importance of axiological awareness of all

who undertake any educational or upbringing activities. As emphasized by

Mirosław Kowalski and Daniel Falcman, the axiological awareness that Ch.

Taylor writes about, "is not a purely theoretical construction", but has its prac-

tical dimension, associated with the imperative of "transmitting patterns of no-

ble, valuable action" (Kowalski M., Falcman D., 2010, p. 173-174, also com-

pare: Taylor Ch., 2001). Only man as a subject entity can take such action. And

the understanding of the subject by Ch. Taylor goes beyond the traditional con-

cepts of D. Hume, J. Locke or I. Kant, that is beyond self-awareness. The sub-

ject entity turns out to be something more than self-consciousness, "exists - as

Ch. Taylor writes - only in a certain space of questions, only thanks to certain

constitutive senses" (Taylor Ch., 2001, p. 100). These questions and senses are

related to the nature of good, towards which the subject is seeking orientation

and finds it precisely through moving in this space of questions, as well as "be-

ing" to other entities, "being" in the relationship (Taylor Ch., 2001, p. 67-68).

Considering correlation of education with the world of values and meanings, as

emphasized by the aforementioned authors (Kowalski M., Falcman D., 2010, p.

174), turns out to be indispensable in the world of the multiplicity and diversity

of events, signs, actions, ideas, choices and thoughts. This correlation deter-

mines the educational and upbringing path of the subject entity’s conduct lead-

ing to self-realization, as well as the subject entity’s axiological orientation in

the world (Kowalski M., Falcman D., 2010, p. 174).

It can be stated that everyone makes a worldview referring to both: different

types of rationality (economic, technological, ethical, aesthetic, media, etc.), as

well as different values. Furthermore, in the process of education and upbring-

ing, everyone is also a subject of education. Considering Taylor's thought, M.

Kowalski and D. Falcman assume that such an entity "(...) IS, EX DEFINI-

CIONE, A MORAL ENTITY: HE OR SHE CANNOT BE THEREFORE

CONSIDERED BEYOND THE SPHERE OF MORAL STANDARDS AND

VALUES" (Kowalski M., Falcman D., 2010, p. 175). Hence in education, the

"moral dimension of the student’s personality" (Compare: Kowalski M.,

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Falcman D., 2010, p. 175), for which every educator takes responsibility, turns

out to be really important.

The postmodern perception and understanding of reason and rationality, espe-

cially in relation to activities related to education and upbringing, is equally

important. It is rationality that, being a criterion of human behavior, reveals

what is seen in another person and in relation to them. In the perspective of the

discussed multiplicity, that is the multiplicity of experiences, choices, possibil-

ities, etc., the issue of reason and rationality seems to be of key character, simply

because of the necessity to shape the way of seeing man as a subject. This brings

to mind the idea of Wolfgang Welsch, according to which in the postmodernity

man has to cope with transverse reason, existing across various types of ration-

ality, which gives the opportunity to see the various dimensions of human action

in a rational way, taking into account their differentness. He points to the fact

that in the present world man no longer functions in principle only as an subject

entity, but rather as a trans-subject entity. However, this is a completely separate

issue to consider.

It should be emphasized that transverse reason turns out to be not only "the

ability to think (überlegendes Vermögen)" (Welsch W., 1998, p. 420), but above

all - "the ability to make transitions [between the sectors of various types of

rationality - MMP] in a controlled manner" (Welsch W., 1998, p. 421), i.e.

"awareness and consideration of the appearing in each case relations between

identity and differences” (Welsch W., 1998, p. 421). Thus, it allows the subject

entity to operate across these various, different types of rationality, which favors

the perception of reality through multiplicity. The possibilities of transverse

reason refer to the practical sphere as well. As W. Welsch states, “In everyday

life transitions are not taken in a distracting and destructive manner, but are

made as reasonably explained and controlled" (Welsch W., 1998, p. 421-422),

and therefore "reasonable practice involves not only following the consistency

of one type of rationality, but also encompasses the environment and gives it a

regulative importance" (Welsch W., 1998, p. 422). The functioning of the rea-

son is not limited to one relation, but to the whole of man's relations and expe-

riences of the surrounding world. But, one can consider the discussed here

teacher-student relationship one of many situations embedded in a network of

connections and contexts that should not be considered in isolation , but rather

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as an element of this network.

In this multi-context and based on transversal reason relation, subject entities

manifest themselves as "weak". It is the already mentioned weakening of the

subject entity in postmodernity. "In it [- as W. Welsch writes -] the right power

of rationality - its diversity – comes to the fore. Such entities may know more,

experience things more widely, be more accurate in their taking things into con-

sideration, but simultaneously remain sensitive to dissimilarity" (Welsch W.,

1998, p. 437).

In the postmodern perspective, it can therefore be assumed that a child, student,

or a teacher as subjects acting in many contexts reveal their openness and sen-

sitivity. The teacher's responsibility thus becomes a broadly understood respon-

sibility, not a one-way responsibility, but responsibility related to striving to

adapt to a multifaceted life and to experience it properly. Responsibility for ac-

cepting multiplicity and diversity, and noticing and accepting values connected

with them.

RELATIONALITY AND RESPONSIBILITY IN EDUCATION IN VIEW OF THE

DETERMINANTS OF POSTMODERNISM

Taking into account the postmodern situation of the subject entity, both relativ-

ity and responsibility in educational and upbringing processes seem to be deter-

mined by socio-cultural factors, and especially by a large number of currently

occurring phenomena, such as hybridization, virtualization or convergence. The

perception of the essence and role of transversal reason seems to be well-

grounded, because it allows the teacher-student relationship to take a heteroge-

neous form. It requires awareness of the existence of a complex identity, the

perception of variety of contexts and aspects of one’s “being”, as well as the

individuality and subjectivism of the subject entity, and thus it requires the ne-

cessity of taking into account all elements of existence of man in view of the

other human being.

Challenges referring to human subjectivity also concern, as A. Kiepas under-

lines, "instrumental and cognitive competences", revealing themselves along

with problems related to "limitations of knowledge", as well as "axiological and

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moral competences", which manifest themselves is the field of responsibility

(Compare: Kiepas A., 2013, p. 130). In his view, human life is never a set of

actions and experiences, it is associated with one’s subjectivity, and therefore

also with responsibility. Responsibility is one of the aspects of the self-authen-

tication of human subjectivity, and more specifically - as A. Kiepas writes re-

ferring to the concept of Ch. Taylor – an aspect of "making one responsible for",

that is, making yourself "responsible for yourself and the world" (Kiepas A.,

2013, p. 141).

This "making oneself responsible for" turns out to be a challenge for teachers,

because their actions are embedded in the situation of common changes aiming

- as A. Kiepas points out - "at the formation of the postmodern social and cul-

tural order" (Kiepas A., 2013, p. 136), manifesting itself among others in, the

formation of the risk society, the crisis of science and technology or the apparent

lack of identity (Kiepas A., 2013, p. 137). One of the main determinants sup-

porting these changes is the development of information technologies that stim-

ulate the dynamics of socio-cultural transformations. According to the cited au-

thor, the consequence of this state of affairs is the change in the relationship

between man and culture, as well as the change in the status of man’s subjec-

tivity (See: Kiepas A., 2013, p. 137), which is clearly visible in the sphere of

science, education and the space of upbringing.

However, it is difficult to fully determine what the postmodern "practice of cre-

ating subjectivity" (Compare: Szkudlarek T., 2009) is based on both in the re-

lational perspective and the context of responsibility. As Tomasz Szkudlarek

points out, the problems with specifying the subject entity, so widely discussed

in the field of postmodernist pedagogy, are "an expression of the theoretical

difficulty of this category in a relational perspective, taking into account both

the construction of individuality through the relationship of power and the re-

sistance of individuals and social groups against these relations" (Compare:

Szkudlarek T., 2009, p. 167).

In the author’s opinion, it is difficult to talk about the individual and their caus-

ative actions, taking into account the "constructive character of domination",

because resistance seems to be an act of a free and autonomous individual, and

in the meantime the individual turns out to be "constructed by the relationship

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of power", which makes them determined through this relationship and hence -

as T. Szkudlarek emphasizes - " not autonomous" (Compare: Szkudlarek T.,

2009, p. 167). Furthermore, the author also states that in such a situation the

"danger of the lack of grounding for any causative actions (...) for which one

could take responsibility" is revealed (Szkudlarek T., 2009, p. 167-168), and

consequently, both relations and sense of responsibility cease to function in a

legitimate relationship. And this dependence seems to be of key importance for

shaping the personality and identity of the subject entity.

A. Szkudlarek believes, however, that it is possible to reconcile the thesis "about

the social construction of subjectivity with the thesis about the universality of

resistance against domination" (Szkudlarek T., 2009, p. 168), as he stresses "we

are able to create a conceptual model that supports the thesis about the active

character of the subject entity despite being subject to domination mechanisms

externally determining the sphere of making choices" (Szkudlarek T., 2009, p.

168). It will not be an ideal model, but will allow the subject entity for some

kind of self-creation. The author also points to the processes of mimicry, emu-

lation and resistance understood as a challenge to the relationship between an

individual and society, especially to the relationships of power, but not directly

affecting the agency of the subject entity.

In such a perspective, quoted at the beginning the words of Hans Jonas, stating

that "the condition of responsibility is the causative power, and that the action

has an impact on the world” (Jonas H., 1995, p. 74), slightly change their mean-

ing. They refer to a postmodern view of the world and man and the relationship

in which we are entangled. Since the levels and surfaces of relativity have been

varied and multiplied, the action has gained both the community and individual

character, every action is both autonomous and determined. The merge of the

spaces of everyday, social and cultural life has increased the number of entan-

glements and possibilities of functioning between different levels of the process

of creating human subjectivity. Responsibility associated with action must,

therefore, also refer to this multidimensionality.

The child faces these processes as a subject entity while still shaping relational

skills and open to accepting responsibility internally, as well as learning about

the "sense of being responsible for". In shaping the young mind, it is important

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not only to indicate the way or the direction of thinking about what is its subject,

but above all to stimulate awareness related to the agency and ambiguity of the

concept itself.

Hence, it seems justified to draw attention to the distinction made by Hans Jonas

when describing the necessary conditions of responsibility in his theory of re-

sponsibility. He indicates the causative power, the action being subject to the

control of the agent, and the ability to predict the effects of actions as three

essential conditions of responsibility (Compare: Jonas H., 1995, p. 74). He em-

phasizes, however, that they can be fulfilled in relation to two different senses,

namely: in the recognition of responsibility as being "accounted >> for<< ones

actions”, and also in taking responsibility "for" specific objects that engage the

agent in specific actions regarding these objects" (Jonas H., 1995, p. 74). In the

first approach, the concept of responsibility is of formal character, in the second

– of the content one. With regard to this distinction, the image of a teacher as

one who is responsible and takes responsibility for is drawn in two ways.

Namely, "teachers are responsible for what has happened (without intention of

praising or condemning)" and "they are responsible people, who respect their

duties" (Jonas H., 1995, p. 74). Furthermore, being involved in various relation-

ship connected with their profession, they take - as H. Jonas says- established

"artificially", contractual responsibility for, which as designated " is condi-

tioned a posteriori by the fact and conditions" (See: Jonas H., 1995, p. 81) of

the currently occurring relationship. In this case also the causative power, which

is the source of responsibility "is generally created together with the obligation

by the contract" (Compare: Jonas H., 1995, p. 81). Thus, it becomes important

to stimulate the awareness of the relationship between relationality and respon-

sibility that coincides with the obligation manifested in the teaching and educa-

tional work, in the teacher-student relationship.

THE IDEA OF THE TEACHER'S SELF-RESPONSIBILITY AND THE PERCEP-

TION OF SUBJECTIVITY

Relationality and responsibility are bounded together regardless of changes oc-

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curring in the field of education, but this does not mean that they remain auton-

omous. They are an important aspect of being of every human being as a sub-

ject, and they keep developing in relation to human reason and psychological

and social capabilities. Nevertheless, as W. Welsch acknowledges, the subject

entity and their subjectivity are determined by the conditions in which the iden-

tity and personality are shaped (Compare: Welsch W., 1998, p. 436-440). That

is why all the perspectives and dimensions of the subject’s functioning turn out

to be important, including the situational aspect, the space for building ties, the

type of ties, its scope, as well as the awareness of social and cultural participa-

tion. And what follows - ideas inscribed in the essence of reason - self-respon-

sibility and joint responsibility. Therefore, changes taking place in society and

culture, and thus in education, determine largely the ways of forming the subject

and their view of reality. They also reveal the possible conditions for the occur-

rence of educational and upbringing relationships.

Moreover, it is also worth paying attention to the subject itself and the idea of

self-responsibility, which, as suggested by Edmund Husserl, is related to what

is transcendental in cognition. In his understanding, "Supreme and ultimate re-

sponsibility emerges (...) in cognition from the transcendental attitude to ulti-

mately constitutive accomplishments of feelings and will" (Husserl E., 1995, p.

105). It applies to every individual who as a subject entity is a member of a

given community, and thus they participate in the formation of their own, indi-

vidual self-responsibility, and self-responsibility of the community. As pointed

out by E. Husserl, "the community can (...) be responsible for itself only in a

particular personal entity" (Husserl E., 1995, p. 108), and the self-responsibility

of the individual "also includes responsibility for (...) the modus of practical life

and constitutes (...) a certain responsibility for the community itself" (Husserl

E., 1995, p. 108). Both the individual and the community reveal the possibilities

of their own actions and interactions, in the context of which all self-responsi-

bility "extends into the depths of all others" (Husserl E., 1995, p. 108).

This indicates the mutuality and relativity of what we call responsibility, and,

in relation to educational work, it can function as a kind of synthesis, in which

individual self-responsibilities interweave, creating the "internal unity" (Com-

pare: Husserl E., 1995, p. 108). In every relationship, including the educational

relationship, each entity reveals their own self-responsibility, while striving to

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broaden the scope of responsibility "for" and “to".

In this perspective, perceiving responsibility is itself the perception of subjec-

tivity, and - in the educational process -the broadly understood responsibility is

revealed and visualized as the responsibility of the subject entity/ teacher for

access to symbolic culture. It also includes one of the most important goals of

education and upbringing, namely: efficient dealing with multiplicity and shap-

ing an entity that is not afraid of it and is able to meet its requirements. This

may be favored by transversal reason, allowing us to move "between" various

types of rationality.

Entities with the ability to move within the rationality and perceive the idea of

joint responsibility are able to meet the normative requirements of postmodern

everyday life.

CONCLUSION

Summing up the presented considerations it is worth paying attention to the

necessity to locate the awareness of boundaries and care for the whole in the

relational activities. However, this cannot be done without the acceptance of the

horizon of multiplicity and diversity, both in the sphere of thoughts and ideas,

as well as in the sphere of things. This is a fundamental challenge for entities

participating in educational processes, resulting from a combination of respon-

sibility, self-responsibility, joint responsibility and "making one responsible

for" with the need to shape opportunities for full participation of next genera-

tions in culture.

One can conclude by adopting the concept and postmodern perspective of W.

Welsch that in learning, education and upbringing, it is important to defend

oneself against totalization and to show by practice that "the whole can be pre-

served when the horizon of elusiveness is left" (Welsch W., 1998, p. 451). Thay

means openness to changes and differences

Thus, analogically in relation to the sphere of education, education and upbring-

ing cannot be locked up in diagrams and methods. This can be prevented by

transversal reason, which allows us to be open to what is elusive (even in free

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play or creative action), but also to what is revealed and visualized by the mul-

tiplicity and diversity. So far, in the education process the emphasis was mainly

on the systematization of knowledge, its orientation, acquisition and develop-

ment. Currently, particular attention is paid to the interdisciplinary and multidi-

rectional nature, multidimensionality as well as the multifaceted nature of de-

velopment, learning and education.

Nevertheless, in the postmodern view, responsibility for shaping the ability to

"be" in the multiplicity, taken up by teachers and other active and committed

into educational activities people appears to be incredibly important.

It is also worth noting that in relation to attitudes and approaches to relationality,

within the discussed area, there occurs openness to context and difference. It is

important, for example, to focus on the equivalence of science and wisdom, and

thus combine science with wisdom. Irregularity and unpredictability of the pro-

cess of education and upbringing are also taken into account, paying attention

to the essence of the adults’ responsibility for this process. Likewise, stronger

emphasis is also placed on the relationship between education providers, mov-

ing away from uniformity and problem-free content.

The basis for thinking about the future of the education sphere is the necessity

to see the multiplicity as a complex image, defining thoughts and feelings, man-

ifesting itself in the diversity of languages, threads, ways of thinking, being,

acting, shaping subjectivity and identity. This is an important step in the process

of opening up, not only the postmodern discourse about education that is al-

ready taking place, but also in the process of the practical appearing of the re-

lational opening in the process of designing the future.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

1. Husserl E. (1995), O idei absolutnej samoodpowiedzialności (Eng. On the Idea of

Absolute Self-Resposibility, „Znak” no. 485, Kraków OCTOBER (10);

2. Jonas H. (1995), Teoria odpowiedzialności: pierwsze rozróżnienia (Eng. The The-

ory of Responsibility: First Distinctions, „Znak” no. 485, Kraków OCTOBER (10);

3. Kiepas A. (2013), Podmiotowość człowieka w kulturze „realnej wirtualności”

(Eng. The Human Subjectivity in the Culture of the Real Virtuality), [in:] Wirtual-

izacja. Problemy-wyzwania-skutki (Eng. Virtualization. Problems- Challenges-

Effects), ed. Lech W. Zacher, Poltext, Warsaw;

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4. Kowalski M., Falcman D. (2010), Świadomość aksjologiczna i podmiotowość

etyczna. Analizy i impresje (Eng. The Axiological Awareness and Ethical Subjec-

tivity. Analyses and Impressions), Impuls, Kraków;

5. Szkudlarek T. (2009), Wiedza i wolność w pedagogice amerykańskiego postmo-

dernizmu (Eng. Knowledge and Freedom in the Pedagogy of the American Post-

modernism), Impuls, Kraków;

6. Taylor Ch. (2001), Źródła podmiotowości. Narodziny tożsamości nowoczesnej

(Eng. Sources of the Self. The Making of the Modern Identity), PWN, Warszawa;

7. Taylor Ch. (2002), Etyka autentyczności (Eng. The Ethics of Authenticity) ,

ZNAK, Kraków;

8. Welsch W. (1998), Nasza postmodernistyczna moderna (Eng. Our Postmodern

Modernity), Oficyna Naukowa, Warszawa;

Joanna Lorenc, M.A. – Department of Pedagogy, University of Bielsko-Biała, Poland

e-mail: [email protected]

Monika Miczka-Pajestka, Ph.D.- Department of Pedagogy, University of Bielsko-

Biała, Poland.

e-mail: [email protected]

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IV. NEW MEDIA

IN ACTION

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Katarzyna KOPECKA-PIECH

INNOVATION OF NEW MEDIA CULTURAL PRODUCT –

THE CASE OF KONTAKT24.PL

ABSTRACT

Nowadays, new media generate new models of cultural production. In order to deter-

mine their potential and effectiveness, the issues of its innovation need to be taken into

account. The aim of this article has been to look at the culture management through the

prism of a cultural product, namely to capture the essence of innovation management

of a new media product. It is assumed that the cultural development results partly from

the development of specific products. Culture exhibits commercial aspects, hence it is

reasonable to consider the problems of its innovation. The problematic nature of the

indicated permanent creativity of the cultural sector (especially the media sector), and

implicitly its innovation, shall be suspended on the assumption that innovation takes

place when invention is being commercialised.

In the first place, based on the critical analysis of the existing findings, the specific

nature of a cultural product and its specific example - media product - will be deter-

mined. Then, product innovation, which stresses the so far overlooked product's per-

formative aspect, will be defined. Thanks to the analysis that assumes a gradual transi-

tion from the most general to the more and more detailed issues, the emphasis will be

put on the complexity of the phenomenon and the numerous contexts that should be

included in the research, in order to capture the innovative cultural mechanism. The

above-mentioned findings will allow the elements of the media product innovation

model to be determined, which has been our methodological goal. As a result of meta-

theoretical analyses1 of the current interdisciplinary research achievements, located at

the crossroads of various disciplines and areas of cultural practice, media product inno-

vation matrix will be created.

New media will constitute the subject of our detailed research and simultaneously will

1 Metatheories are "general theoretical constructs resting in part upon empirical evidence, but

which are not empirically verifiable in their entirety. Their function is rather to provide a

structure to which concrete research can be directed (...)", A. Hepp, Cultures of Mediatization,

Cambridge 2013, p. 49.

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serve as a test for the developed tool. For the pilot analysis, Kontakt24.pl and innova-

tions introduced to the website during its redesign in 2014 were selected. The analysis

was carried out in the context of the hybrid, technological and content nature of media

product.

Keywords: innovation, cultural product, media product, media innovation, new media

INTRODUCTION. THE SPECIFICS OF CULTURAL PRODUCTION

The discourse on the issue of a cultural product has been a part of several re-

search fields. On the one hand, it is an element of the cultural economics, which,

due to its dichotomous nature, combines the material, commercial and symbolic

aspectsof the cultural product. On the other hand, a cultural product is of cul-

tural policy interest, especially the policy of supporting the cultural and creative

industries2 and a subject of management research3. Whereas treated as an arte-

fact and text, it is a subject of cultural analysis within the cultural studies4. Me-

dia studies can encounter foundations for developing media product theory in

the previous findings on the cultural production.

The tradition of research on the relationships between the culture and the market

is rich. The basic feature that has been noticed is the two-sidedness and synergy

of relationships. Culture, acquiring new cultural meanings, becomes commodi-

fied (e.g. a work of art at the stage of social circulation becomes a commodity

of a certain value) and goods are subject to strong aestheticisation, acquiring

new cultural meanings (e.g. products that are not works of art, but primarily

utility products, designed in such a way that they meet the customers’ expecta-

tions in terms of their visual qualities)5.

2 More: K. Kopecka-Piech, Creative and Cultural Industries Policy in Poland of 2012. Status,

Strategies, and Inaugurating Projects, "Transformations" 2013, No. 3-4. 3 More e.g.: Handbook of Research on Management of Cultural Products: E-Relationship

Marketing and AccessibilityPperspectives, ed. L. Aiello, Hershey 2014. 4 Cultural studies are part of a long tradition of research derived from the British tradition,

whose leading representative is Stewart Hall, and, on the other side, of the Australian-Amer-

ican tradition, represented primarily by John Fiske. More: S. Hall S., Encoding and Decoding

in the Television Discourse, Birmingham 1973; J. Fiske, Understanding Popular Culture,

London 1991. 5 L. Aiello, C. Cacia, The Cultural Product: Integration and Relational Approach. In Hand-

book of Research on Management of Cultural Products…, op. cit., p. 7, retrieved from:

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From a methodological perspective, the complexity of the analysis of cultural

production, is explained by the Richard Johnson’s model, which takes into ac-

count both the individual and social conditions of the production and consump-

tion of cultural products and the course of their circulation6. The R. Johnson’s

model, although created in the 1980s, did not gain as much popularity as the

traditional cultural studies interpretations mentioned before, but it certainly de-

serves attention, perhaps even greater degree of attention than few decades ago.

Along with its update, resulting from the inclusion of a key cultural change at

the turn of the 20th and 21st century - the development of new media technol-

ogies – the model provides a comprehensive tool for analysing hybrid relation-

ships located at the crossroad of culture and market, which is where the issue of

media product and its innovation belongs.

According to R. Johnsons’ model the relationships between culture and eco-

nomics are multidirectional and synergistic. On the one side the economic pro-

cess of production can be observed; whereas on the other, cultural process of

"reading". The model also illustrates multiphase relationships between the flow

of capital, goods and commodities and the circulation of texts, forms and dis-

courses. The two spheres form the synergistic reservoirs extend between the

conditioning spheres: private and public sphere. Certainly the model needs to

be updated due to the dynamically growing prosumption7 and produsage8, en-

countered when dealing with the new media. However, what is interesting from

the product perspective and its innovation, is the fact that the creation and dis-

tribution of a cultural product is at the same time creating and sharing a cultural

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/261134147_The_Cultural_Product_Integra-

tion_and_Relational_Approach. 6 R Johnson R., What is Cultural Studies Anyway, "Social Text" 1986-1987, No. 16, p. 47,

retrieved from: https://rhetwritcult.wikispaces.com/file/view/RichardJohnsonCulturalStud-

ies.pdf/40048130/RichardJohnsonCulturalStudies.pdf. 7 In the 80s XX w. Alvin Toffler developed the concept of prosumption as a growing self-

sufficiency of consumers, who finally become producers of goods and services for their own

use, in accordance with the "do it yourself" idea. A. Toffler A., Trzecia fala, Warsaw 1997.

More: K. Kopecka-Piech, Prosumpcja, produkcja przez użycie (produsage), praca przez za-

bawę (playbour). Zmiana relacji nadawczo-odbiorczych w Kulturze 2.0 In Postęp techniczny

a język i literatura, ed. B. Walczak, A. A. Niekrewicz, J. Żurawska-Chaszczewska, Gorzów

Wielkopolski 2014. 8 Produsage is a “collaborative and continuous building and extending of existing

content in pursuit of further improvement“, A. Bruns, Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life and Be-

yond. From Production to Produsage, New York 2008, p. 2. More: K. Kopecka-Piech,

Prosumpcja ..., op. cit.

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text that is consumed and read and has the chance to gain innovative properties9.

The innovation can be generated directly by either the producer or the con-

sumer, but the very fact that the cycle exists, makes the thesis that supports the

producer provenance of cultural innovation seem debatable. Thanks to the

model, the innovative potential of prosumption becomes visible.

The growing importance of the consumer in marketing innovation was noticed

by Elizabeth Hirschman as soon as in the eighties. In Hirschman's opinion,

when the consumer interferes with the product, he/she alters it, affects its new

"readings", applications, then, it is possible to speak about the symbolic inno-

vation he/she generates (“consumer-generated symbolic innovation”)10. Such

an innovation will not always be crucial. Groundbreaking innovation usually

requires integrated efforts of various subsystems, such as creative, managerial

and communications subsystem11.

In conclusion it could be said that both the production and consumption of cul-

tural products are complex processes, and the innovative potential can be seen

at each stage. However, creating innovation is equally complex.

CULTURAL PRODUCT

Defining the notion of cultural product is not an easy task. Due to the large

diversity of the cultural sector and its products, it is difficult to adopt a definition

so spacious that the specificity of an architectural design, a computer game and

an artistic event would fit in it. The cultural sector cannot clearly fit into the

9 Elizabeth Hirschman writes about symbolic redefining of products based on consumer activ-

ity, which prompts a new orientation in research on innovation, including marketing, i.e. the

return from a phenomenon dominated by marketers (marketer-dominated) to a phenomenon

dominated by the consumer (consumer-dominated). E. Hirschman, The Creation of Product

Symbolism, "NA - Advances in Consumer Research" vol. 3, retrieved from:

http://www.acrwebsite.org/search/view-conference-proceedings.aspx?Id=6513. 10 Ibidem. 11 Ibidem. As E. Hirschman explains, creative subsystem is responsible for originating product

concepts. It includes, for example, authors of texts and playwrights. Managerial subsystem

operates in order to select products and implement their mass production and distribution. It

is formed by, for example, record or film companies. Communications subsystem is respon-

sible for providing consumers with information about products and it is created by e.g. adver-

tising agencies.

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offering of services nor the production of goods12. For the pragmatic needs13

and analyses of the practice of the media sector, it is helpful to adopt the defi-

nition by UNESCO, a world-wide organisation whose aim is to provide practi-

cal support for the development of culture in all its dimensions14. According to

UNESCO's proposal: "Culture should be regarded as the set of distinctive spir-

itual, material, intellectual and emotional features of society or a social group,

and that it encompasses, in addition to art and literature, lifestyles, ways of liv-

ing together, value systems, traditions and beliefs"15. The definition is capacious

and allows for categorising cultural goods. Starting from statistical catalogues

by UNESCO, it is possible to define cultural products of a specific field. The

list includes the following categories:

• Cultural and Natural Heritage,

• Performance and Celebration,

• Visual Arts and Crafts,

• Books and Press,

• Audio-Visual and Interactive Media,

• Design and Creative Services,

• Intangible Cultural Heritage (the so-called transversal domain16).

The listed domains are so diverse, also internally, that the analysis of their prod-

uct innovation based on one universal model can be difficult and sometimes

even impossible, hence the attempts to organise cultural products according to

classes that combine specific features. Using such divisions allows for compar-

12 L. Aiello, C. Cacia, op. cit., p. 6. 13 It has been stressed numerous times that the humanities and social sciences are rich when it

comes to culture definitions. Depending on the paradigm, theory, and research objectives, a

completely different perspective, scope, typology, etc. will be encountered. The purpose is

not to discuss on these definitions to analyses or to choose the best one, but rather to indicate

the direction of understanding culture, which has a chance to be useful in empirical research

on the innovation of a media product as a cultural product. 14 The choice of the definition proposed by the organisation focused on practical goals is related

to the practical goal of the research tool being constructed here: applying it to a specific area

of culture, namely the media. UNESCO situates media as one of the seven main cultural do-

mains. 15 UNESCO, UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity, Paris 2001, p. 4, retrieved

from: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001271/127162e.pdf 16 UNESCO, The 2009 UNESCO Framework for Cultural Statistics (FCS), General Confer-

ence, Paris 2009, p. 15, retrieved from: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/im-

ages/0019/001910/191061e.pdf

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ing the products belonging to various domains. Using the classifications devel-

oped by Tatiana Golubkova and Alla Iljina, cultural products can be divided

according to their:

• form of consumption (tangible, intangible, services),

• goals of production (commercial, non-commercial),

• time of consumption (unrestricted, restricted, simultaneous),

• original content (unique, replicated),

• definition of the audience (intended for the wide audience, intended for the

restricted audience)17.

Not only locating a product in a given category, class or group turns out to be

problematic. Its internal characterisation, isolation of elements that would be so

universal that they could be used as a basis for in-depth research is equally com-

plicated.

It may be helpful to analyse the specificity of a cultural product taking into

account the three dimensions indicated by Francois Colbert: referential, tech-

nical and circumstantial18. The first one organises the product within a specific

category, which allows for comparisons. The second concerns all technical

components and specifications. It is in the technical dimension where innova-

tive possibilities can be found. The third consists of: "the context in which the

product is located and consumer’s perceptions affected by the state of mind

during the act of consumption"19. Going back to the cultural placement of the

products, it can be concluded that it is impossible to isolate the product from

the social context or from the individualisation of its consumption. It is in the

socio-cultural sphere where the repercussions of innovations are placed. It is

also there, where the cultural (and not technological) innovation is placed. Con-

sequently, in this context, the cultural product analysis model turns out to be

very complex. Omitting one of the dimensions (referential, technical or circum-

stantial dimension) might deprive the analysis of completeness and contextuali-

17 T. Golubkova, A. Golubkova T., A. Iljina, The Role of the Product as an Element of Market-

ing Mix in the Field of Culture, "Advances in Economics and Business" 2015, No. 3 (4), p.

122, retrieved from: http://www.hrpub.org/download/20150410/AEB1-11803340.pdf. 18 F. Colbert, Marketing delle arti e della cultura, Milan 2004, as cited by L. Aiello, C. Cacia,

op. cit., p. 12. 19 Ibidem.

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sation. On the other hand, Colbert's proposal, though universal and applicable

to the analysis of many different media products, seems too general. Therefore,

the question arises whether, willing to get to the heart of innovation, we should

use models that would represent products of specific fields or cultural sectors,

that would take their uniqueness into account. For example, the media industry,

museology and handicraft are too different from each other, also in terms of

their business models. The specific nature of both media industry and media

product itself implies that it cannot be analysed in the same way as other prod-

ucts. Therefore, an updated version of the media product model will be pro-

posed below, followed by models for its innovation.

MEDIA PRODUCT

A media product is a type of cultural product, the so-called information cultural

product20. It is characterised by its complex structure. According to the model

proposed by Tanja Schweizer, it consists of the content, shaped by core (theme

and message) and inner form (style); as well as of the outer form (re-production

technology, design and media).

The proposal, even though important due to the completion of the gap existing

in the research in the media product and its innovation21, is characterised by

narrow perspective (mainly industrial perspective) and its incompleteness. Ac-

cording to the model, based on the research on the publishing industry, media

product is devoid of a performative dimension, e.g. interactive dimension, typ-

ical of new media. Even placed within what has been defined as "design" in the

model (e.g. interface design, affordances etc.), it remains only a project that

allows for operation in a technical sense, which is insufficient for innovation to

take place. What is needed is a specific mechanism, which can be defined as an

innovative cultural mechanism. As it was mentioned in relation to R. Johnson's

20 In addition to the performance activity, the services of cultural institutions for the organisation

of production and consumption of artistic and literary works, performances and applied arts

as well as cultural tourism; A. A. Kazakov, Marketing v SKS, files.lib.sfu-

kras.ru/ebibl/umkd/1466/u_lectures.pdf (material in Russian) as cited by T. Golubkova, A.

Iljina, op. cit., p. 120.cit., p. 120. 21 The problems of defining innovations, the specifics of media innovations and their typologies

are discussed in detail in: K. Kopecka-Piech, Typologie innowacji..., op. cit.

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model, specific consumer practice, placed within culture understood in a broad

sense is a core background. T. Schweizer's model is not universal, but proper

for traditional media. New media call for creating a new one, which would take

consumer activity - including prosumption practices or produsage - into ac-

count. Thanks to this, it will be possible to capture the innovative cultural mech-

anism that has been so far neglected.

MEDIA PRODUCT INNOVATION

Various areas of innovation potential (including context, outer form and user

actions), result from the model defined in this way. Innovation can be treated in

a narrow sense, being limited to a specific product, which is being analysed here

and now; or in a broader sense, where numerous socio-cultural aspects are taken

into account and long-term effects on many spheres of life are recognised. It

seems that the integration of both perspectives would be useful, hence the pro-

posal to divide innovation into innovation sensu stricto and sensu largo.

As media product innovation sensu stricto we understand the commercialisation

of technological, stylistic or social invention. Predominatingly the idea of media

change is implemented to the content and its success is measured mainly using

quantitative indicators such as readership, viewing audience, audience share,

page views, sales volume, profits etc. The product innovation understood in this

way is mainly of commercial nature, but innovation might be measured by other

indicators, e.g. a product reaching a specific number of people belonging to the

target group in order to generate e.g. a positive change.

Innovation understood in sensu stricto provides the basis for innovation sensu

largo. "When the term "innovation" is used to refer to a novel idea or thing,

innovation implies the creation of unique arrangements that will provide the

basis for the reorganisation of the way things will be in the future. Innovation,

in this sense, is about the shape of things to come. And although it is rarely

explicitly recognised in the popular literature on innovation theory, it is abun-

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dantly clear to technohumanists that all the innovations literally rearrange cul-

ture"22. The innovation of the media product sensu largo means a far-reaching

transformation of the socio-cultural conditions for the functioning of media us-

ers. It means not so much a technological revolution or profit generated, but the

socio-cultural repercussions, "reconfugurating spaces of possibility" of human

existence23. Innovation understood in a broad sense alters human everyday life.

As an example of such an innovation, we could use mobile internet, which not

only led to transformation of individual spheres of life and industries, but also

generated a new paradigm of functioning - living in symbiosis with a mobile

device (mostly a smartphone), which is always to hand, potentially possible to

use in the majority of everyday tasks and activities. From the management per-

spective, seeking the effect of innovation sensu largo implies the need to create

new technological solutions - „hybrid social-cultural-technical interventions”24-

crucial, transforming and, ultimately, ground=breaking.

MODULAR INNOVATION MODEL

As explained before, new media do not fit well with product and innovation

models designed for traditional media. It is so due to their specific structure,

mechanisms of operation and the culture they generate. In their case, not all

typologies and tools for innovation analysis will be effective. However, the

model corresponding to their innovation can be derived using two sources: the

innovation typology proposed by Rebecca Henderson and Kim Clark and the

new media layered structure by Michael Cummings.

R. Henderson and K. Clark proposed a simple division of innovations based on

two factors:

• changes within elements, concepts, ideas and

• changes within the relationships between elements, concepts, ideas25.

22 A. Balsamo, The Digital Humanities and Technocultural Innovation In Digital Media: Tech-

nological and Social Challenges of the Interactive World, ed. M. A. Winget, W. Aspray,

Lanham 2011, p. 215. 23 Ibidem. 24 Ibidem, p. 218. 25 R. M. Henderson, K. B. Clark, Architectural Innovation: The Reconfiguration of Exisiting,

„Administrative Science Quarterly” 1990, No. 35, retrived from: http://dimetic.dime-

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When the elements remain unchanged, or even strengthened, but what changes

is the way in which they are connected, we are dealing with architectural inno-

vation; when above-mentioned way is unchanged, incremental innovation takes

place. When the elements are changed, in other words overturned, a modular

innovation will take place. It so happens when the way in which the elements

bind together remains constant. The radical (or groundbreaking) innovation

takes place when both the elements and the relationships between them change.

The modular innovation model reflects the structure of new media innovation

sensu stricte. Due to digital media layered and modular structure26, this model

seems to be adequate for explaining, how its innovation is seen.

What modules and layers does a new media product consist of? Michael Cum-

mings justifies that looking at the new media from the user's perspective and

making use of linguistics. User Experience Design is viewed as a linguistic mix,

like a pidgin (simplified auxiliary language), "resulting from the integration and

synthesis of multiple discreet vocabularies, which are apprehended by a user

simultaneously as one"27. These individual "languages", or rather media layers,

were organised starting from the ones of which existence users were most

aware.

Table 1. M. Cummings, User Experience.UX Design, UX Design Defined,

http://uxdesign.com/ux-defined.

Written language English, Spanish, Mandarin etc.

Graphic design Shape, symbolism, line, colour, spacial composition, tex-

ture, dimension and other facets of visual rendering

Sound Music or spoken word (a.k.a. Voice Over/ V.O.) audio

Motion Animation, change, motion, time, rhythm, calculus

Information design Textual style, graphics, and composition for information

structure, meaning, relationship and user comprehension

Interface design Graphical and information design elements utilised to in-

dicate controls for data manipulation

eu.org/dimetic_files/HendersonClarkASQ1990.pdf.

26 More, e.g. L. Manovich, Język nowych mediów, Warszawa 2006. 27 M. Cummings, User Experience.UX Design, UX Design Defined, http://uxdesign.com/ux-

defined.

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Interaction design Task flow, system flow/behaviour and human compre-

hensibility of controls provided by the user interface

Programming "Front end" (client executed) or "back end" (server exe-

cuted) code for data input, processing, and retrieval

Eight layers of a new media product (e.g. a mobile application or a traditional

website) are eight elements whose new variants may result in modular innova-

tion. The method in which they are connected will not change in relation to the

existing one28. By combining both tools (media product model and new media

layered structure model), potential innovation opportunities can be identified,

thus creating a media product innovation matrix that can be used as a tool for

analysing specific cases; and in media practice, can serve as an inspiration to

look for new innovative solutions.

Table 2. Media product innovation matrix (own elaboration).

Content Content

inner form Outer form

Cultural

mechanism

Written language

Graphic design

Sound

Motion

Information design

Interface design

Interaction design

Programming

KONTAKT24.PL - EXAMPLES OF INNOVATION IN THE NEW MEDIA

Locating new media within the models and typologies analysed above and using

28 Modular innovation sensu stricto in particular circumstances can be seen as modular innova-

tion sensu largo. Wikipedia, which completely changed the way of creating, distributing and

using encyclopaedic information, could be quoted as an example. It began to play an im-

portant cultural role, influencing for example the shape of academic discourse (Wikipedia as

a (non) scientific source), or historical-political role (deciding on the version of history or

biography shaped in the public discourse). It is these social repercussions and reconfigurations

of the space of possibilities that gave birth to this new source of encyclopaedic character that

led to specific rearrangements in various spheres of culture.

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the media product innovation matrix, it is possible to analyse the innovation of

the selected website, which, over time, has implemented changes of different

nature. Kontakt24.pl is a part of the website TVN24.pl dedicated to interacting

with the viewers. Users can use it to provide material for the Internet platform

from which it can get on the air or hit the channel's website. In 2014 Kon-

takt24.pl was redesigned. Its redesign concerned the majority of layers indicated

by M. Cummings, and, the majority of its elements, looking at the website from

the perspective of the completed media product model. Basic innovations will

be analysed below.

CONTENT

Starting from the core, which is, at the same time, information design - new

content, or actually new ways of presenting aggregate content of certain kind,

have been introduced. This can be considered a modular innovation from the

perspective of graphic and information design (as it consists of adding a new

element to site), or an architectural innovation from programming perspective,

since new elements for combining content are introduced. A new module "On

the air", which displays user's information, currently presented on the air, has

been introduced (the users are referred to as "24Reporters"). In this way, the

currentness of the content and the relationship with the TV editors (content con-

vergence) have been stressed. The added module29 emphasised the website's

dynamism in terms of themes and ways in which they are presented. As the

implementers of the changes themselves emphasise, it has allowed for a better

exposure of materials30. In this way, the cultural mechanism engaging ordinary

people in creating news content and sharing it via a professional medium - is

also manifested. However, it should be said "professional-amateur" medium, in

which management and gatekeeping are of professional nature, and content is

created by amateurs (at least in principle).

Reception, search for materials and uploading them is facilitated by another ar-

chitectural innovation, the thematic segmentation, the so called "Hot topics",

29 It is even reffered to in this way by the authors of the changes, Witaj w nowtm Kontakcie 24!,

http://kontakt24.tvn24.pl/witaj-w-nowym-kontakcie-24,145111.html 30 Ibidem.

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introduced. The topics can be searched through on the home page by scrolling.

Using the "Send" button, one can easily assign a given material to a specific

category.

Regarding the internal form, large photos, filling the major part of the screen,

have been introduced. It is only an incremental innovation, a change of format,

not a change that would concern module or relationship with other elements,

but still it is of great significance. The significance of the image is being ex-

posed again. This underlines the importance that visual layer has for Kon-

takt24.pl as well as for the TVN24 channel. Amateur photos, the variety of their

form, content and quality (including technical quality) strengthen the value of

media prosumption, on which the platform is based.

OUTER FORM

Turning to reproduction technology the changes in programming, which allow

for using the website on any type of device, without losing the materials' legi-

bility or ease of navigation. The content adapts to the device type, e.g. mobile

devices, while the same content is being displayed. This is an example of archi-

tectural innovation. The content is connected to the terminal device in a differ-

ent way that is specific to the device type. This is a step towards mobile users,

an action whose purpose has been to make the reception easier. The aim is to

create the content using a smartphone or a tablet, which seems to be natural and

desirable "in the field", where the so called "amateur news" are created.

The design of the home page has changed when it comes to the information and

interface design, since from now the video materials can be watched directly

from the home page. This architectural innovation has made searching for and

receiving film materials easier. It is reinforced by the "Send" button located in

the upper right corner, hugely visible, which, on clicking, activates the possi-

bility to send a text, a photo or a video in few seconds time. The green rectangle

is really distinctive, encourages activity. It is based on sharing: the well known,

common, socio-cultural mechanism, which develops in the very special way in

social media.

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CULTURAL MECHANISM

The model of the media product is complemented by performative mechanism,

without which the website wouldn't be able to operate. It is based on a series of

incentives for acting (the so-called affordances31), but primarily on the pattern

of sharing created materials well established in the social media. The innova-

tions introduced in 2014 were drawn from the functionality and cultural models

of social media. They are primarily modular in nature and fit into the interac-

tion, interface and graphics design.

First of all, the options to "follow" the other users' activity and send them private

messages32 were introduced, creating a social networking site out of Kontakt24.

Another element is adding the possibility of collecting badges33. This element

is used to enhance the users' self esteem, their self-promotion, as well as intro-

duce competition between them. The reporters are classified based on their ex-

perience, expertise and successes. The "Reporter of the month", "Meteo-expert"

or "Traveller" badges have been introduced. Some of them are evaluated quan-

titatively (users are awarded with them based on the amount of materials up-

loaded, posted on Kontakt.pl or shown on air, the number of followers, the level

of experience indicated by the number of stars etc.), others qualitatively (editors'

award for interesting material or expertise in a given topics, e.g. politics, suc-

cessful debut, outstanding activity within a given subject, e.g. travels, absurd

tracking). User segmentation, which has diverse effects, is a consequence of

introducing the badges. Engaged reporters, the ones that provide valuable ma-

terials, as well as the ones that can be counted on are awarded. On the other

hand the little experience of some of the users can be easily noticed, same goes

with the channel's or website's poor interest in their materials. It should be added

that the introduction of the award system required introducing the new graphic

design. Badges added to user profiles are a kind of modular innovation.

Both within the programming and interface design, there is a new functionality

available after logging in: the option of selecting "Hot topics" tracked, thanks

31 K. Kopecka-Piech, Afordancje mediów mobilnych In Nowe media i wyzwania współcze-

snosci, (ed.) M. Sokołowski, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2013. 32 These functionalities are typical of social media, e.g. Facebook. 33 An element typical e.g. of the Foursquare.

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to which the main page view is subject to personalisation. Having logged in a

user receives a notification when a material that might possibly be of their in-

terest is uploaded. The website is the same for everyone, but at the same time

different for each user - this innovation fits well in the personalisation trend,

that is, adapting to each user's taste and needs. However, the hybrid, profes-

sional-amateur nature of the website should be emphasised. Personalisation

takes place within the framework set up by the website's editors - they are the

ones who define, open and close the "Hot topics", even though the content can

be provided by anyone.

CONCLUSIONS

Summing up, the innovations introduced in the case of Kontakt24.pl are of di-

verse nature. Architectural innovations are based mainly on the content seg-

mentation mechanisms and content adaptation to devices as well as to person-

alised user profiles. Modular innovations rely on introducing new website ele-

ments, such as graphical and informational elements; while incremental inno-

vations - on the elements' modification (their size, shape or format).

Kontakt24.pl is a professional-amateur service. Thanks to the innovations in-

troduced, it is becoming a professional media platform of a social nature. It

emphasises the importance of video and photo materials in a particular way. Its

visual focus seems understandable. Kontakt24.pl is characterised by its specific

"televisivity". Due to the convergence of its content, as well as of the media

practice, the ordinary users involvement results in the channel's TV content.

How do the innovations regroup the user's activities and experience, what op-

portunities do they create, and thus, what is their innovation in the broader

sense? New functionalities, design and information solutions, social features

etc. introduced, strengthen the cultural mechanism, typical of Web 2.0: creating

multimedia content, sharing it, letting others evaluate, modify and complement

it. What distinguishes Kontakt24.pl is the convergence of the website with the

TV channel, profiling its content as news, gradual transformation of traditional

and professional media into even more dialogue, open and subject to new con-

vergence processes, and offering increasingly personalised websites. It happens

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thanks to the possibility of adaptation the selected and presented content to one's

unique interests and needs. In this case, innovation in the broader sense implies

mainstream media socialisation and the increasing integration of various web-

sites, mainly with leading social networks.

Going beyond the case analysed and returning to the comments on the media

product theory and innovation made at the beginning of the paper, it is necessary

to emphasise that pilot character of the presented research. The issue requires

further exploration and modifications of models in the light of the cultural and

social mechanisms observed on the Internet.

When it comes to research methodology, it appears appropriate to integrate dif-

ferent perspectives, including classical innovation theory as well as novel de-

sign methods derived from media practice, such as the User Experience Design.

The case study has resulted in realising the importance of innovative cultural

mechanisms that start to play a role as important, if not more important than,

changes to particular elements of media product: content and outer form.

Going beyond the media product, it is worth examining the usefulness of the

theory and developed analytical tools for the study of broadly defined cultural

production. Which cultural domains could benefit from the solutions proposed?

Which domains call for a different perspective? The variety of questions asked

justifies the need for further research in this area and for developing the media

innovation theory34.

REFERENCES:

1. Balsamo A., The Digital Humanities and Technocultural Innovation In Digital Me-

dia: Technological and Social Challenges of the Interactive World, edited by M. A.

Winget, W. Aspray, Lanham 2011.

2. Bruns A., Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life and Beyond. From Production to Pro-

dusage, New York 2008.

3. Cummings M., User Experience.UX Design, UX Design Defined,

http://uxdesign.com/ux-defined.

4. Fiske J., Understanding Popular Culture, London 1991.

34 Part of the research results including in this article was previously presented during the con-

ference "Kultura od nowa. Badania – Trendy – Praktyka.", Uniwersytet Gdański, 30.06.2015.

The paper was translated by Elżbieta Rudnicka.

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5. Golubkova T., Iljina A., The Role of the Product as an Element of Marketing Mix

in the Field of Culture, "Advances in Economics and Business" 2015, No. 3 (4).

6. Hall S., Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse, Birmingham 1973.

7. Handbook of research on Management of cultural Products: E-relationship

marketing and accessibility Perspectivess, ed. L. Aiello, Hershey 2014.

8. Henderson R. M., Clark K. B., Architectural Innovation: The Reconfiguration of

Existing, "Administrative Science Quarterly" 1990, No. 35.

9. Hepp A., Cultures of mediatization, trans. K. Tribe, Cambridge 2013.

10. Hirschman E., The Creation of Product Symbolism, "NA - Advances in Consumer

Research" vol. 3, http://www.acrwebsite.org/search/view-conference-proceed-

ings.aspx?Id=6513.

11. Johnson R., What is Cultural Studies Anyway, "Social Text" 1986-1987, No. 16.

12. Kopecka-Piech K., Afordancje mediów mobilnych In Nowe media i wyzwania

współczesnosci, (ed.) M. Sokołowski, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń

2013.

13. Kopecka-Piech K., Creative and Cultural Industries Policy in Poland of 2012. Sta-

tus, Strategies, and Inaugurating Projects, "Transformations" 2013, No. 3-4.

14. Kopecka-Piech K., Prosumpcja, produkcyjne użycie (produsage), praca przez

zabawę (playbour). Hybrydyczne zmiany relacji w Kulturze 2.0, In Komunikacja

w stechnicyzowanym swiecie. Wpływ postępu technicznego na język i literaturę

ed. B. Walczak, A. A. Niekrewicz, J. Żurawska-Chaszczewska, Gorzów

Wielkopolski 2014.

15. Manovich L., Język nowych mediów, Warsaw 2006.

16. Toffler A., Trzecia fala, Warsaw 1997.

17. UNESCO, The 2009 UNESCO Framework for Cultural Statistics (FCS), General

Conference, Paris 2009.

18. UNESCO, UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity, Paris 2001.

19. Witaj w nowym Kontakcie 24!, http://kontakt24.tvn24.pl/witaj-w-nowym-kontak-

cie-24,145111.html.

Dr. Katarzyna Kopecka-Piech – assistant professor, Institute of Journalism and Social

Communication, University of Wroclaw, Poland

e-mail: [email protected]

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Radosław SAJNA

THE MEDIA DECENTRALIZATION

AS A BASIS FOR RESISTANCE AGAINST HEGEMONY:

THE CASES OF POLAND, SPAIN AND MEXICO

ABSTRACT

In discussions about resistance and hegemony the problem of the media decentralization

seems to be very important, above all in transition societies aiming to build modern

democratic countries. Every authoritarian or totalitarian regime (including fascist, com-

munist and others) creates centralized structures in politics, administration, media and

so on. Although in such regimes could exist many regional or local media, they are

generally elements of the regime’s propaganda machine. While building democracy,

such propaganda machines are to be destroyed, and new media systems are to be cre-

ated. This does not mean that media systems in new democracies are not centralized. In

different countries the hegemony of the national (and international) media located in

big capital cities, and owned often by big media corporations or dominated by main-

stream political elites, limits the media decentralization, and – as a consequence – the

decentralized democracy. Nevertheless, the new media are new practical tools to create

a new decentralized democracy, not only in the geographical sense, contributing to re-

sistance against hegemony in centralized communication realities dominated by big me-

dia and political elites.

In this comparative study three cases of three countries are analyzed. The first is Poland,

a country that began transition after the collapse of the communism in the Central and

Eastern Europe in 1989 and next years. The second is Spain, a country that began to

build new democracy in 1976 after the death of general Franco and the collapse of his

regime. The third is Mexico, a country that experienced a long-term regime of the

mono-party – or rather coalition – PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) that fin-

ished only in 2000 when Vicente Fox of PAN (Partido Acción Nacional) won the pres-

idential elections. These three countries experienced different types of undemocratic

regimes and began transitions in different years, but they have also different political

and administrative systems. Poland is a unitary country, Spain is a ‘regional’ country

with broad autonomies of regions (comunidades autónomas), and Mexico is a federal

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country (Estados Unidos Mexicanos). Poland and Spain are both members of the Euro-

pean Union and have similar populations (about 41 and 38 millions of people, respec-

tively), and Mexico – ‘New Spain’ in the past – shares cultural roots with Spain, as an

ex-colony of this Iberian country.

The main questions of this comparative system analysis are: Which of the analyzed

countries has the most and which has the least decentralized media system? Which fac-

tor (period of transition, the type of the past regime) influences mostly the media de-

centralization? Does the decentralization of the media system correlates positively with

the political/administrative decentralization? How the new media contribute to the me-

dia (and democratic) decentralization in these countries? And the final question of this

study: which of the analyzed countries has the strongest media basis for the resistance

against hegemony?

Keywords: hegemony, media decentralization, Mexico, Poland, Spain

INTRODUCTION

The term ‘hegemony’ is used in different contexts, depending naturally on per-

spectives of analysis. In political science the hegemony is a situation when one

element of the system dominates others, though Antonio Gramsci – perhaps the

most famous political thinker treating the hegemony problem – described it as

an ability of the ruling class to govern thanks to gaining acceptation of the sub-

ordinated classes that is an alternative of the pressure. The hegemony in this

context is a cultural or ideological process of distribution of the elite’s (bour-

geoisie’s) values among society, though it is possible to gain acceptation of the

classes also by economic or social reforms, for example (Heywood 2006: 253).

In international studies the hegemony is a situation when one country dominates

or controls others by political, economic or military means, and we could find

many different kinds of such hegemony in the history as well as in the contem-

porary world (see: Baylis & Smith, eds., 2008).

While analyzing media systems, one could find different kinds of hegemony

too. First of all, in the global context a strong domination of several global pow-

ers and multi-media corporations located above all in the United States, Japan

and the biggest countries of the European Union (mainly the United Kingdom,

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Germany and France), such as TimeWarner, News Corp., Disney Corp., Google

Corp., Sony Entertainment, Bertelsmann, Vivendi etc. could be observed. Alt-

hough there are big multi-media corporations also in the global South (Globo

in Brasil, Televisa in Mexico or Naspers Group in the South Africa), the domi-

nation of several centers of the global North is obvious, not only in the economic

sense (see: McPhail 2006, Kishan Thussu 2006 Kishan Thussu, ed., 2007). The

hegemony could be observed also in the distribution of news and images of the

global issues, though nowadays there is stronger global competition than earlier,

when CNN was the main international broadcaster of news about international

conflicts to the international audience. Now there are many other international

news broadcasters, like EuroNews, France 24, Al-Jazeera, TeleSUR, Russia To-

day or the Chinese English-language TV, naming only the most important

which have broad international audiences (see: Paterson & Sreberny, eds.

2004). This global aspects of the domination should not be omitted in the anal-

yses of the national media systems too.

In every country there are different kinds of hegemony that could be observed

while analyzing the media systems. The hegemony is strongly related to cen-

tralization of the media, being of political, economic or even geographical/ad-

ministrative nature. When the majority of the media are in the hands of one

dominating political group (a party or a political elite serving to one person, a

dictator), it is a political centralization, a political hegemony. When the majority

of the media are in the hands of big multi-media corporations (national or

global), it is an economical centralization, an economical hegemony. When the

majority of the media are concentrated in one geographical/administrative cen-

ter (capital of the state, most often), it is a geographical/administrative central-

ization, a hegemony of the capital of the state (or other city as a media center)

in a country where the rest are only provincial regions in the media system.

These three kinds of the hegemony are effects of different historical events,

national or regional traditions or global trends, influencing the media centrali-

zation and the processes of decentralization in every country in different ways,

depending also on activities of the political and business elites on different lev-

els: local, regional, national and international. The media decentralization

should be treated, consequently, as a kind of resistance against the hegemony

in the media landscapes on different levels.

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In this study the media decentralization in three different countries is analyzed

to compare them as countries that experienced in last years, or decades, transi-

tions after different long-term undemocratic regimes. In general, every author-

itarian or totalitarian regime creates centralized structures of power, controlling

the media system and using the media as transmitters of that power vertically

(from the rulers to the people) and in accordance with ideological and practical

purposes of the regime. Although in such regimes could exist many regional or

local media, they are generally elements of the regime’s propaganda machine.

While building democracy, such propaganda machines are to be destroyed, and

new media systems are to be created. Nevertheless, this does not mean that me-

dia systems in new democracies are not centralized, though a process of the

decentralization of political power and media systems is generally undertook.

Today, in the new media landscapes, these processes are even more dynamic

and complicated, because of the new media technologies – being the Internet

the main communication platform of the contemporary world – that are decen-

tralized ‘by nature’ (although often dominated politically and economically

too).

POLAND, SPAIN, MEXICO: DIFFERENT REGIMES, DIFFERENT TRANSI-

TIONS, DIFFERENT DECENTRALIZATIONS

The three countries analyzed in this study are Poland, Spain and Mexico. Poland

is a country that experienced a long-term communist or socialist regime (de-

pending on political interpretations) introduced in that and other countries of

the Central and Eastern Europe after the World War II, when Europe was di-

vided into two rivaling blocks. In Poland, like in other ‘satellite’ countries of

the USSR, the media functioned in accordance with the Soviet communist the-

ory of the press, as described by Wilbur Schramm who named several pillars of

that concept of the media:

• “Mass communications are used instrumentally – that is, as an instrument

of the state and the Party.

• They are closely integrated with other instruments of state power and Party

influence.

• They are used as instruments of unity within the state and the Party.

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• They are used as instruments of state and Party ‘revelation.’

• They are used almost exclusively as instruments of propaganda and agita-

tion.

• They are characterized by a strictly enforced responsibility” (Schramm

1956/1984: 121).

After the collapse of the communism in the Central and Eastern Europe in 1989

and next years, transitions began and the liberal democracy was introduced in

Poland and other countries of the region (though not in all effectively). For the

media it was a ‘revolution’: many changes of political, economic or social kind

were undertook, the media became politically free, serving as “fourth state” and

“platform” for public debates, they began to compete in free markets, foreign

capital poured in, a lot of advertisements invaded everywhere, but also Polish

editions of “Playboy”, “Elle” or “Forbes” appeared, as well as more pluralism

for children, because of many new animated films were imported too, etc.

(Sajna 2007). Finally, in 2004 Poland became member of the European Union,

like Spain eighteen years earlier, in 1986 (see: Closa & Heywood 2004).

Spain – a country with similar population like Poland (about 41 and 38 millions

of people, respectively) – experienced other kind of undemocratic regime that

began after a bloody civil war (1936-1939), when general Francisco Franco Ba-

hamonde took power and ruled until his death in 1975. The Francoist regime

has been compared often with the Italian fascist regime under Mussolini and

even more with others, considered semi- or pseudo-fascist (like France of Vichy

or Hungarian and Romanian regimes), but rather not with the Germany under

Hitler (Tusell 2010: 22). The authoritarian regime of general Franco based on a

concept of nacionalcatolicismo (national Catholicism), but also repressed any

sort of regionalism or regional nationalism, including the Catalan and the

Basque, strong in the region where during that regime the terrorist organization

ETA was born to battle for independence of the less or more legendary Basque

Country called Euskadi in the Basque language (euskera or euskara) of enig-

matic roots. Spain began to build new democracy in 1976 after the death of

general Franco and the final collapse of his regime. Naturally, the media system

changed too, in accordance with the rules of the liberal democracy, so from state

control to freedom of speech, guaranteed in new Constitution of 1978 that also

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guaranteed freedom of speaking Catalan, Basque or Galician languages. New

journals and newspapers appeared, like national widely distributed El País, cre-

ated by anti-Francoist ex-oppositionists, or Catalan-language Avui in Barce-

lona, new radio and TV stations began to broadcast, and big media groups

emerged on the more and more competitive media markets (see: Pérez López

1998, Sajna 2006). The effects of transitions in Spain and Poland have been

quite similar, both countries becoming liberal democracies with free media mar-

kets, but there have been differences in many details. In Spain, for example,

many old, private newspapers survived the regime of general Franco, like na-

tional daily ABC or La Vanguardia, edited in Barcelona, while in the communist

Poland private capital did not exist in the media system, so at the beginning of

the transition a problem of the media privatization appeared.

Mexico, called ‘New Spain’ during the colonization era, when the Spaniards

created there one of their viceroyalties, is another country that experienced in

20th Century a long-term undemocratic regime, but different from the Francoist

in Spain or the communist in Poland. Mexico of the first decades of the past

century was a battlefield for many political groups and leaders aiming to gaining

power in that country during the Mexican Revolution, a process that had many

aspects and goals (Matute 2002), and finally has changed dramatically that

country, inhabited in the past by, among others, the Olmecs, the Mayas, the

Aztecs, then the Spanish colonizers, and today by a racially mixed society. The

Mexican Revolution gave power to the Mexican Revolution Party (Partido de

la Revlución Mexicana, PRM) that in 1946 was substituted by a coalition PRI

(Partido Revolucionario Institucional) (see: Garciadiego 2006, Aboites Aguilar

2006). Since then the presidents of Mexico were exclusively representatives of

the PRI that practically (though not formally) monopolized the national political

scene until 2000, when Vicente Fox from PAN (Partido Acción Nacional)

gained the presidency. Nevertheless, in the case of Mexico it is not so obvious

the date of the start of transition, because Fox’s victory was not the finish of the

country dominated by the PRI. One of the last presidents of that long-term rul-

ing coalition, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, wrote about “lost decade” 1995-2006

in Mexico, a country between “neoliberalism and populism” (Salinas de Gortari

2008). While in Spain and Poland the transition periods could be easily indi-

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cated, in Mexico we could only treat the start of the new millennium as a be-

ginning of the new period, after the break of the PRI’s presidential monopoly

in 2000. The media in Mexico, however, has changed from “an authoritarian

media institution to a hybrid system in which civic, market driven, and author-

itarian elements of the press compete and conflict (…)” (Hughes 2006: 208).

Poland, Spain and Mexico experienced different types of undemocratic regimes

and began transitions in different years, but they have also different political

and administrative systems. Poland is a unitary country, Spain is a ‘regional’

country with broad autonomies of regions, and Mexico is a federal country (Es-

tados Unidos Mexicanos). Poland during the communist era was strongly cen-

tralized, divided into 49 provinces (voivodeships), and only in 1999 an admin-

istrative reform introduced a new three-level division. Now Poland has 16 voi-

vodeships with regional and local authorities, controlled – in accordance with

the Polish Constitution (Chapter VII) of 1997 – by regional representatives of

the national government: 16 voivodes.

Spain was also strongly centralized during the Franco’s regime, but this Iberian

country that was born after the union of Castile and Aragon (as a consequence

of the marriage of Isabel and Fernando in 1469 in Valladolid) and following

conquests of another lands of the Iberian Peninsula has strong regional tradi-

tions. After 1975 Spain became strongly decentralized country: in the Spanish

Constitution of 1978 the Article 2 guarantees the right to autonomy of nation-

alities (nacionalidades) and regions, and the Article 3 the right to treat as offi-

cial different regional languages, being the Castilian the official language of the

state. Although Spain is not federal country, is often called a “federalizing”

state, divided into 17 regions, called Comunidades Autónomas (Autonomous

Communities). Every of them has – in accordance with the Sapnish Constitution

– its own Estatuto (a regional constitution), where not only the regional lan-

guage could be introduced as official, but also other important competences,

named in the Article 148 of the Spanish Constitution (in the Article 149 the

exclusive competences of the State appears).

Mexico is a federal country with an extensive constitution (Constitución Políti-

ca de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos) of 1917, where Título Quinto (Title Fifth),

with Articles 115-122, is dedicated to the States of the Federation (that are 31)

and the Federal District (that is México D.F., called also Ciudad de México or

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in English: Mexico City). Every state has its own constitution, legislative, exe-

cutive and judicial independent powers, but the Constitution guarantees also ex-

clusive competences for municipalities without any intermediary authority bet-

ween them and the state. It should be added, however, that in the Título Primero

(Title First), the Chapter First is dedicated to the Human Rights, and, among

different subjects, guarantees the right to autonomy for the indigenous peoples

of Mexico, including self-determination and autonomy to decide their own

forms of social, economic, political and cultural organization (Art. 2, A. I.).

QUESTIONS OF THE STUDY AND METHODS

The main questions of this study are: Which of the analyzed countries has the

most and which has the least decentralized media system? Which factor (period

of transition, type of the past regime) influences mostly the media decentraliza-

tion? Does the decentralization of the media system correlates positively with

the political/administrative decentralization? How the new media contribute to

the media (and democratic) decentralization in these countries? And the final

question of this study: which of the analyzed countries has the strongest media

basis for the resistance against hegemony?

The three analyzed countries: Poland, Spain and Mexico have different founda-

tions for the media decentralization, though in every case it is needed to take

into consideration all the aspects of the problem – that are political, economic

and geographical – as common for all the cases, as well as the role of the new

media in the process. The analysis consists in three case studies that are pre-

sented in the following paragraphs of the article (firstly Poland, then Spain, and

finally Mexico). In every case study all the aspects of the problem were ana-

lyzed, however in the text of this article only the most important observations

are presented. Finally, a comparative analysis has been realized in order to an-

swer, in the conclusions, the questions of the study.

THE MEDIA DECENTRALIZATION IN POLAND

After the communist era the processes of the decentralization began, and the

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freedom of the press has been implemented. In accordance with the 2015 World

Press Freedom Index, by the Reporters Without Borders, Poland occupies 18th

place, while Spain 33rd, and Mexico only 148th in the world (see: http://in-

dex.rsf.org/#!/, April 14, 2015). This suggests that in the political terms Poland

should be the most decentralized among analyzed countries. Although politi-

cians in Poland are not formally connected with the big media, the most popular

Polish media support currently the mainstream liberal ideology and a party that

promotes it. Nevertheless, there is political pluralism in Poland, and every Pole

could find different interpretations of the political realities in the Polish press,

radio or TV, as well as in many Internet websites, without censorship: a situa-

tion impossible to compare with the previous era of the politically centralized

communist country.

More difficult situation is in the case of the public media that were created on

the base of the state radio and television. While the radio in Poland began to

broadcast before the World War II, the television was established by the com-

munists in 1952-53. Although several regional state broadcasters were created

by the regime in different years, the Telewizja Polska (Polish Television) was

strongly centralized. After 1989 it became TVP SA, as a public broadcaster and

a treasury company, gaining strong position in the Polish TV market. Neverthe-

less, the new radio and television law gave politicians a possibility to control

indirectly the public media. TVP SA established several new regional broad-

casters, but all are centralized by the national channel TVP Regionalna (TVP

Regional) that gives only several hours daily to regional broadcasts. In every

region (voivodeship) of Poland there is one regional TVP’s broadcaster, de-

pending still on the central TVP. More decentralized is the public radio, Polskie

Radio SA. Its regional broadcasters (in every region too) have independent

structures and independent programs, not connected with national broadcaster.

In the regional and local radio and TV markets the public broadcasters have

strong shares, above all in the television the domination of the TVP is evident,

because private local TVs are few and weak. In the case of radio there are many

local private stations, but most of them are local branches of the national net-

works, owned by Polish media corporations: ZPR SA, Agora SA and others,

sometimes with foreign capital. In general, the radio in Poland is dominated by

a national private broadcaster RMF FM, owned by the German media group

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Bauer that dominates also in the Polish press magazines market. The RMF FM

has national audience of more than 25 per cent (as national share), being the

most popular radio station in Europe. The second one, Radio ZET (owned by

the media group Eurozet with the French capital of Lagardère) has a share of

more than 13 per cent, while the third, the public first channel, less than 9 per

cent (see: http://www.wirtualnemedia.pl/artykul/rmf-fm-ucieka-radiu-zet-je-

dynka-z-rekordowo-slabym-wynikiem, April 14, 2015). Similarly, the Polish

TV market is dominated by two private, commercial TV groups (Polsat and

TVN, the first with Polish private capital, and the second owned lastly by

Scripps Networks from the USA), and the public broadcaster TVP SA.

Two out of three most popular Polish Internet web portals – WP, Onet and In-

teria – are owned by big media groups. The main owner of Onet is a consortium

of the Swiss Ringier and the German Axel Springer, while Interia is owned by

the German Bauer. WP (Wirtualna Polska) is currently owned by a Polish In-

ternet company Grupa WP. A network of popular local citizen journalism por-

tals MM (Moje Miasto that means ‘My City’) is owned by the Polska Press

Grupa, a Polish branch of the Verlagsgruppe Passau. This German media group,

after last acquisitions, owns currently a strong majority of the Polish regional

and local dailies, the regional/local market leaders of readership in almost every

region of Poland (see: Polska Press Grupa, http://polskapress.pl/en?set_lan-

guage=en, April 14, 2015).

In the geographical sense, the media decentralization in Poland is weak, being

the capital city of Warsaw the seat of almost all main national media, above all

nationwide press and television. Two exceptions one could find in the Polish

radio, because the market leader RMF FM has its main seat in Cracow, and a

nationwide, quite popular Catholic station Radio Maryja (Radio Maria) is lo-

cated in a small city of Toruń in Northern Poland.

The Internet is becoming more and more popular, above all among young gen-

erations. In accordance with the data of the Internet World Stats, in Poland 66,9

per cent of the population (data for June 30, 2014) have access to the Internet

(see: Internet World Stats, http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats4. htm#eu-

rope, April 14, 2015). Although the main web portals are owned by me-dia

groups, there are many smaller websites, and almost 10 million Poles use Face-

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book. The Internet and other new media contribute to the decentralization in

political sense (for example as a good communication means for antisystem

politicians, like in the case of a rock musician Paweł Kukiz or Janusz Korwin-

Mikke, known by his controversial statements, or for journalists who have in-

tention of “telling the truth”, like Mariusz Max Kolonko whose films posted on

the YouTube channel MaxTVNews are viewed by thousands of people every

day), in economic sense (new different websites have appeared, though the most

popular are Polish versions of the American, global websites or the above men-

tioned web portals) and in geographical sense (new local websites have ap-

peared, though the most popular are owned by media groups, like Polska Press

Grupa, mentioned earlier).

THE MEDIA DECENTRALIZATION IN SPAIN

Although the position of Spain in the mentioned above 2015 World Press Free-

dom Index is one of the lowest in the European Union, in this Iberian country

the political pluralism exists, as an effect of the political transition after the col-

lapse of the Franco’s regime. Freedom of the press is not in danger in Spain,

though some media were closed by a judicial decision, like in the case of the

Basque-language daily Euskaldunon Egunkaria, closed in 2003 because of its

connection with ETA (a separatist Basque organization responsible of many

murders, among other crimes). In accordance with Hallin and Mancini’s com-

parative analysis of the media systems, in Spain, like in other Mediterra-nean

countries, a “political parallelism” is at a high level, because of strong connec-

tions between the spheres of media and politics (Hallin & Mancini 2007: 98-

110).

There is a pluralism in Spain at the national level, above all in the nationwide

daily press (from conservative dailies ABC and La Razón to liberal-leftist El

País and Público), as well as at the regional/local level. There is a lot of regional

and local dailies in Spain, being the Basque Country the region (comunidad

autónoma) with the highest level of readership, and Catalonia as the region of

the biggest regional press market (Sajna 2006: 85-104). An old daily La Van-

guardia, founded in 1881, a nationalist Catalan-language El Punt Avui and El

Periódico de Catalunya – a daily edited in two linguistic versions: Spanish and

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Catalan – compete for readers in that rich and strongly autonomous region of

Spain with Barcelona as a capital and a center of the Catalan media market. Of

course many local dailies in different cities of Catalonia are edited, as well as

in other regions, where we could find such prestigious regional dailies, like El

Norte de Castilla (edited since 1854 in Valladolid, Castilla-León), La Voz de

Galicia (edited since 1882 in La Coruña, Galicia), La Nueva España (edited

since 1936 in Oviedo, Asturias), the Basque (not nationalist, but with a high

level of readership) dailies El Correo (edited in Bilbao since 1910) and El Dia-

rio Vasco (edited in San Sebastian since 1916) or many dailies in the most pop-

ulated Spanish region Andalusia etc. Some of the mentioned above dailies

(among others) are owned by the Spanish media group Vocento, while others

by Editorial Prensa Ibérica or Grupo Zeta, both with headquarters in Barcelona.

Although these Spanish groups have strong positions in the regional press mar-

ket, the economic decentralization (and “resistance” to foreign capital) is mean-

ingfully stronger than in Poland, where the domination of one German group is

more than evident.

In contrast to Poland, the regional and local TV markets are strong in Spain,

and the decentralization of the public media is a fact. Almost every region (co-

munidad autónoma) of Spain has its own public media entity (radio and TV

broadcasters), completely independent from the national radio and television

public broadcaster RTVE (Radio Televisión Española). The private local TV

market in Spain is one of the biggest in Europe, with hundreds of local TV

stations, though many of them were closed after 2008 (like in the case of the

network Localia TV, owned before by the largest media group in Spain – Grupo

PRISA), because of the financial crisis. The radio and TV market in Spain is

dominated by several media groups: Grupo PRISA, Vocento, Grupo Planeta,

while the most popular private TV station, Telecinco, is owned by the Italian

media group Mediaset.

In the geographical terms, the media system in Spain is less centralized than the

Polish one. Although Madrid, as a capital and the biggest city of the country,

could be considered the national media center, where the Grupo PRISA, among

others (like the most important national dailies and other national media) has its

headquarters, Barcelona is still the second, being a seat of many big media

groups (Grupo Planeta, Grupo Zeta, Grupo Godó etc.), and in Bilbao the head-

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quarters of the Vocento group is located, for example. Importantly, strong re-

gional identities (though not even in different Autonomous Communities) in-

fluence the media system in Spain, and therefore the regional media markets

are especially important.

Spain has the highest rate – among the analyzed countries – of the Internet pen-

etration: 74,8 of the population, with more than 17 million of users of Facebook

(see: Internet World Stats, http://www.internetworldstats.com/ stats4.htm#eu-

rope, April 20, 2015). The power of the new media in Spain was clearly visible

during mass protests of the Indignants Movement (or 15-M Movement) that

began in May 15, 2011, in Madrid and other Spanish cities. Thousands of peo-

ples were gathering, thanks to social networks, to demand radical changes in

politics and a “real democracy” (see: Movimiento15M, http://www.movimie-

nto15m.org, April 20, 2015). The Spanish politics are changing. A new politi-

cal, left-wing populist party “Podemos” (“We Can”, see: http://podemos.info,

April 20, 2015) has appeared in the aftermath of these protests and it is gaining

a meaningful support among Spanish citizens, who also voted massively for

other new ‘citizen movements’, like “Ahora Madrid” or “Barcelona en Comú”

during municipal elections in 2015. The Internet has contributed to the devel-

opment of the Spanish public sphere also because of new digital dailies, like

Libertad Digital (founded in 2000), El Confidencial (founded in 2001) or a Cat-

alan-language news website VilaWeb, founded already in 1995, and many oth-

ers.

THE MEDIA DECENTRALIZATION IN MEXICO

After 2000, a symbolical year of the beginning of a new era in Mexico, the

politics have changed, but old problems have not disappeared. Among the ana-

lyzed countries, Mexico has the lowest position in the 2015 World Press Free-

dom Index, meaningfully lower than Poland and Spain: only 148th out of 180

countries. Mexico is the deadliest country in the western hemisphere, the jour-

nalists are threatened, kidnapped, murdered, and the crimes go unpunished (see:

Reporters Without Borders, Year starts badly for Mexican journalists,

http://en.rsf.org/mexico-year-starts-badly-for-mexican-18-02-2015,47593

.html, April 27, 2015). Although the danger comes above all from armed groups

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(cartels), the politicians are responsible for this situation, because of, among

other factors, corruption inherited from the years of the PRI’s political monop-

oly. Rick Rockwell (2002: 112) stated: “The PRI’s great success at controlling

a system with little prepublication restraint from the central government was

largely due to its multifaceted system of bribery”. Although no formal censor-

ship was introduced, the corrupted system of a government as the largest adver-

tiser survived. The biggest media mogul in Mexico (and the second in Latin

America), Televisa, supported PRI evidently, and its boss Emilio “El Tigre”

Azcárraga used to say: “I am a soldier of the PRI”. During the 2000 elections,

both Televisa and the second largest television in Mexico, TV Azteca, did not

support Vicente Fox, who finally won. In accordance with an analysis of the

daily newspaper Reforma, all the main candidates received comparable airtime

in both TVs, but Fox received the most negative coverage (Rockwell 2002: 116-

118). Televisa still supports candidates of the PRI, like in the case of the current

president Enrique Peña Nieto, who won elections in 2012, with a media scandal

concerning Televisa (see: Mexican media scandal: secretive Televisa unit pro-

moted PRI candidate, The Guardian, June 26, 2012, http://www.theguard-

ian.com/world/2012/jun/26/mexican-media-scandal-televisa-pri-nieto, April

27, 2015).

The power of Televisa could be seen also in the general context of the media

concentration and expansion of foreign media capital in the region of His-

panoamerica in a perspective of the global competition (see: Sajna 2013: 185-

236). Authors of a chapter about Mexican audiovisual space, published in a

book about television fiction in Ibero-America, state: “The Federal Commission

for Competition (Comisión Federal de Competencia) and the Federal Telecom-

munications Commission (Comisión Federal de Telecomuni-caciones), legisla-

tive bodies for the regulation of the media and telecommunications in Mexico,

have shown their support to Telmex, a quasi-monopolistic telephony company,

owned by the second most rich man in the world, according to Forbes maga-

zine, Carlos Slim, or the third, according to Triple Play. Televisa reigns over

the television world but not over telephony, while TV Azteca partially competes

on both fronts: television and mobile phones. Therefore, these three companies

are the most probable contenders for the digital future on a national scope; how-

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ever, any further discussion about it has been frozen” (Orozco Gómez, Hernán-

dez, Huizar 2009: 193). If one considers the role of Televisa in the national

market of telenovelas (that are the main media export products of Latin Amer-

ica) and other fiction programs, the data show a monopoly: in the year 2008 all

the top ten of the most-watched programs in Mexico were produced by the Tel-

evisa Company (Orozco Gómez, Hernández, Huizar 2009: 205-213). 2008 was

not a “exceptional” year for Televisa whose domination is obvious, while TV

Azteca is still the second in the Mexican television, and the public television in

that country is weak, like in other Hispanoamerican republics (see: Sajna 2013:

237-242).

Although the economic centralization in Mexican television is strong, in the

press market the situation is different. The most prestigious daily newspapers

are owned by rather small editorial groups, like in the cases of El Universal

(founded in 1916), Reforma (founded in 1993) or Milenio that appeared firstly

in Monterrey in 1974 (as Diario de Monterrey), and in Mexico City in 2000,

becoming a national daily of modern layout. Naturally, there are a lot of regional

and local press in Mexico, a country of population exceeding one hundred mil-

lion and of a vast area, incomparably larger than Poland or Spain. Nevertheless,

in the geographical terms, Mexico’s media system – in spite of its federalism –

is strongly centralized, because most of the relevant national newspapers and

TV stations are located in the capital Mexico D.F. (see: Engesser, Franzetti

2011). The Mexican state, however, is obliged by the Constitution, mentioned

earlier, to guarantee the right to autonomy for the indigenous peoples. Therefore

there are many community radios in different regions of Mexico, with programs

in different indigenous languages (see: Cornejo Portugal 2002, Sajna 2013:

248-253).

The problems of the indigenous people are also crucial in the analysis of the

role of the Internet in the Mexican society, though only a half of it is connected

to the Web at the present time (see: Internet World Stats, http://www.internet-

worldstats.com/stats12.htm, May 1, 2015). The famous neozapatistas from

EZLN (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional) became, as Manuel Castells

(2004: 82) stated, “the first informational guerrilla movement”. Although at the

beginning of their actions in January 1, 1994, they had no Internet connection,

soon the new media helped them to attract international attention and to build

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networks of solidarity with them as representatives of the poor and excluded

(see: Rovira 2009, Sajna 2013: 361-375). This informational guerrilla move-

ment contributed surely to the decentralization of the communication in Mex-

ico, though the traditional media have used the Internet for many years (see:

Navarro Zamora 2005), investing in the development of their own websites, not

necessarily for the decentralization purposes.

A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSIONS

Poland, Spain and Mexico have different traditions in decentralization of power,

and after transitions these countries have different democratic and economic

realities that constitute specific backgrounds for the media decentralization. Alt-

hough in the 2015 World Press Freedom Index Poland has the highest rating,

while Mexico the lowest, it is not enough to say that Poland is a country of the

best political situation to the media decentralization. In the case of the public

media, for example, Spain has the most decentralized system, while Poland only

partially (more in radio than TV), and in Mexico the public media system is

weak. The regional and local press is strong above all in the Spanish comuni-

dades autónomas, especially in those with the most developed regional identity,

like Catalonia and Basque Country. Most of the regional and local press in

Spain is owned by several Spanish media groups, while in Poland a domination

of one German press group is clearly visible. In geographical terms, Spain is

the leader too, because Poland and Mexico have media systems dominated

strongly by national capital cities: Warsaw and Mexico City, respectively. In

general, Spain has the most decentralized media system, Poland and Mexico

being equally weaker in this “competition”. Therefore, the first conclusion

could be that the longest period of transition (the case of Spain) could influence

the decentralization of the media system, though there is no clear evidence of

it, and more comparative researches (with more countries as case studies) would

be necessary.

It is not possible to conclude, however, that the media decentralization corre-

lates positively with political/administrative decentralization. Although Spain

has very decentralized system, with strong autonomies of regions, only Mexico

– among three analyzed cases – is a federal country, but its media system is less

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decentralized than the Spanish. The case of Poland could confirm that weak

political/administrative decentralization correlates positively with a weak de-

centralization of the media system, though the problem does not seem obvious.

Nevertheless, the third conclusion could be that the kind of the past regime (the

communist/socialist in the case of Poland) would influence the economic de-

centralization, because of the shortage of private capital. In Poland foreign me-

dia groups have dominated the media markets (although more in the press than

in the television), while in Spain and Mexico the national capital is stronger. In

the case of the regimes in Spain and Mexico, private businesses were possible

and therefore strong national capital groups existed at the beginning of the tran-

sition periods, and they did not allowed foreign media groups to dominate the

media markets in such a way like in Poland.

The most difficult to answer is the question how the new media have contrib-

uted to the media and democratic decentralization in the analyzed countries.

Although in every of them one could find examples of such contribution, there

is no evidence of meaningful results. In this case, however, also Spain should

be considered as leader, because of the highest rating – among the analyzed

countries – of the population connected with the Web, and some results visible

already in the politics (in lesser degree in Poland too) in the aftermath of the

actions of the indignados. In Mexico, despite the famous neozapatistas as pio-

neers of the Internet in the social/political campaigns, the majority of the indig-

enous people are excluded from the world of the modern communication,

though the Mexican state organizes community radios for them.

Although it seems that Mexico has the strongest political and social reasons to

battle against hegemony, the comparative analysis of the three countries leads

to the conclusion that Spain is the country with the strongest media basis for the

resistance against hegemony. This is because of the strongest decentralization

of the media system, parallel to the strong political/administrative system, and

the highest rates of the Internet penetration in its population, while the freedom

of expression is guaranteed (low rating among the EU’s countries in the 2015

World Press Freedom Index seems not very relevant).

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V. NATIONAL CASES

AUGMENTED

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Valeriy NIKOLAYEVSKYY,

Victoria OMELCHENKO

Vladas TUMALAVICIUS

ENSURING SOCIAL SECURITY

IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY:

PROBLEMS, INSTRUMENTS, TRENDS IN THE CONTEXT

OF UKRAINE AND LITHUANIA

ABSTRACT

The authors follow structural functionalism and neofunctionalism as dominant method-

ology for interpretation of social security as a social institution (mechanism) controlling

homeostasis and sustainability of the social system (society). Security in the contempo-

rary society is a very complex, ambiguous matter. It is a synthetic, integrative unlike

many other types of security, since it accumulates, on the one hand, partial processes,

relevant data and at the same time allows to focus on the main directions of search.

Because of the plural problems (challenges, threats, dangers, etc.) The paper leaves for

analysis only those that threaten stability and sustainable development of society as

such. Crime is one of such problems, which are rather acute in both (ukrainian and

lithuanian) societies are analyzed. The authors stressed the importance of trust in the

public and social institutions fighting crime, presenting and analyzing relevant data.

The analysis of problems related to counteraction to crime is provided by authors in the

context of society's reforms and also based on statistical data as well as on the results

of public opinion polls.

Keywords: security, social security, public security, crime, reforms in society

The increasing of the importance of security, its ensuring and maintenance is

determined by many reasons. Contemporary society, apparently more than ever,

faces many problems, which threaten its sustainable development and even ex-

istence. Obviously, it actualizes (should actualize) the focused research interest

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in their study by using of methodological tools of many social sciences and

humanities, in particular sociology, as the main, central in their search. The

problem of security, is one of such problems, the importance of which both in

the theoretical and practical dimensions can’t be exaggerated. So, on the one

hand, it is not surprising that this concept (and phenomenon) is actively ex-

plored by political scientists, economists, philosophers, media scientists, psy-

chologists, environmentalists, etc. as well as practical specialists in relevant

fields. On the other hand, it is surprising that sociologists are significantly less

active in the study of security, which, among other issues, negatively affects the

integrity, complexity of its study.

Securing security is a priority value, of which nowadays society is becoming

more aware. Growing number of political, economic, social, information, eco-

logical, military etc. dangers and threats of both traditional and new type, which

needs new mechanisms, tools and culture to react; the further development of

society, its quality of life (especially in more developed countries) is more in-

fluenced by various opportunities for stability and security rather than economic

factors; securing security becomes influential, weighty factor in global, interna-

tional cooperation, because effect the formation of qualitively new society, etc.

are among them; globalization (first of all, political and economic) in the last

decades has made an impact on crime globalization as well. A free and open

market as never before incited an economic growth and simultaneously opened

unlimited opportunities for incidence of shadow business. Organized crime it-

self is being diversified and globalized, and organized crime groups are becom-

ing a problem and a threat to security (national and international). Transnational

organized crime at the same time provokes corruption and becomes infiltrated

into business and politics, and thus threaten the stability of society.

Security, security maintenance in the contemporary society (global as a whole),

as well known, is a very complex, ambiguous and paradoxical matter. It requires

constant and consecutive research, which is determined by various factors, such

as, for instance, new issues related to transformation (political, economic, so-

cial, legal system, etc.) which bring quality features, changes of society, world.

Another important issue is the following: main political, social, economic, etc.

transformations have been successfully implemented in different countries of

Central and Eastern Europe (Lithuania is among them), but reforms are still on

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the way and are far from complete in others (like Ukraine).It seems that the

advantage of sociological research’ focus on security could be the analysis of

the concept of social security. The concept of security as well as social security

has not yet received the proper level of comprehension, conceptualization in

sociology, other Social sciences and Humanities (it’s quite true for Ukraine and

Lithuania) as, say, national, economic, informational or public security, and

therefore it is one that, among other things, provides broad horizons of the very

scientific search, as well as development of relevant indicators and its measure-

ment.

Studying it, it is likely that one should focus on the concept of security and,

therefore, engage in the analysis of various concepts, categories and terms like

risk, danger, threat, disaster, stability, well-being, quality of life, fear, freedom,

human rights, globalization, crisis society, modernization, state security policy,

etc.

Social security is such a condition (and trends in its changes) in which the state

provides stability and sustainability of the processes of the population’s repro-

duction, decent living conditions of the person. We may say that security re-

flects the functionality, and, accordingly, the functional state of the social sys-

tem (social institution, social subsystem, society as a whole). It is a mechanism

(complex of mechanisms) of maintaining the balance, system stability (in more

detail, please, see [Nikolayevskyy 2014]).

In other words, social security is a synthetic, integrative unlike many other types

of security1, since it accumulates, on the one hand, partial processes, relevant

data, results in various areas, spheres of the society, and on the other hand –

allows to focus on the main directions of search. Also, because of the plural

problems (challenges, threats, dangers, etc.) the paper leaves for further analysis

only those that threaten stability and sustainable development of society as such.

In our opinion, it is natural that the specific structure of social security in dif-

1 In this context among various approaches to the security it seems interesting to distinguish sev-

eral (at least three) approaches to the concept of social security in connection with social

protection: «minimalist» (social security is understood as protection of socially unprotected

groups of the population (social welfare), «socio-state approach» when social security equals

the protection of all (groups) of the population; and «societal» as the comprehensive protec-

tion of the societal community from a wide range of threats.

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ferent societies is different, thus, it depends directly on the type and nature of

society.

However, unlike analogous strategies of developed countries that can be de-

fined as strategies for sustainable development, in Ukraine, such a strategy

should be defined as a strategy not only for sustainable development, but, first

of all, one (strategy) of transformation and reform, that is, a development strat-

egy aimed at the effective solving of a number of political, economic and social

problems. And more, in the list of Ukraine's priority national interests social

interests should occupy a special place.2 That’s why, it seems important to un-

derline, that one has to rely also on the concept of social and focus on social

problems. In this context (social security) among the problems, which are the

serious threats to contemporary society, are various ones (quality of life, first of

all the level of material well-being, health, demographic problems, as well as

human rights, military threats, stability of society and many others). Many of

them are also relevant for the Lithuanian and Ukrainian societies. [Ryzyko-

henni... 2016, Politychni... 2016, Pres-reliz... 2017, Yatskyavicius 2016, Stand-

ard Eurobarometer... 2017]

At the same time, one of such problems, which are rather acute (objectively and

according to subjective perception of the population) in both societies analyzed,

2 Obviously, in our turbulent time, reforms are the reality (or should become the reality) of any

society, regardless of its level of development. Lithuania is the country where fundamental

transformations of main spheres of society have been implemented during almost thirty years,

but even at present reforms are continuing or are actual and waiting for their realization (for

instance, higher education reform, forestry state economy reform, tax reform, state service

reform). As well known, Ukraine is literally in the process of reforming of all most important

and security sensitive spheres of society. We can say about more than twenty reforms which

are launched in a country during last three years, caused by Euromaidan (Revolution of Dig-

nity) and started (restarted) in 2014. Anticorruption, judicial, constitutional, public admin-

istration, local self-government reform and decentralization of power, election law, law en-

forcement bodies, national security and defense, tax and budget, reform of financial sector

and pension system, e-governance, healthcare system, educational reforms are among them.

The truth is also that this process is very ambitious, and, on the other hand – is highly contro-

versial, inconsistent, ambiguous, painful and faltering. By the way, high-ranking officials of

EU member states repeatedly emphasized the problems of reforms in Ukraine, noting that

during last three years Ukraine has moved in reforming more than in previous twenty years,

but, at the same time stressing the importance of their acceleration, the strengthening of the

fight against corruption. Mention, for instance, High Representative of the Union for Foreign

Affairs and Security Policy, Vice-President of the Commission F.Mogherini, the British For-

eign Secretary B. Johnson, Ambassador of France to Ukraine I.Dumont and Ambassador of

Lithuania to Ukraine M.Yanukonis. [Ukraine Reform... 2017, Posol Lytvy... 2017, Ukraina

zа... 2017, Antykoruptsiynyi... 2017, Sydorenko 2017]

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from our point of view relate to crime and connected issues (violent crimes,

corruption, juvenile delinquency, crimes against property, etc.). Crime is a reg-

ular and inevitable phenomenon. It is, however, evident that crime remains the

most relevant problem of public security.

For instance, in the case of Ukraine, an increase in crime in 2017 is among the

most weighty fears (43%), that is even more than the fear of the attack by an

external enemy (38%). According to the data of survey (2017), conducted by

«Dragon Capital» and EBA (European Business Association), respondents on

a 10-point scale of importance evaluated corruption in 8.5. Previous year

(2016), compared to 2015 year, the biggest changes in public opinion were

noted in the crime situation (47% of the population noted the deterioration in

2015, compared with 62% in 2016). [Politychni... 2016, Corruptsia... 2017,

Pres-коnferentsiya... 2017]

Crime is not only one of the key factors, exerting an effect on social security,

as well as public security as its subelement, the security system as a whole, but

also a common human problem. Commission of a crime violates both a victim’s

and public interest. Priority of crime prevention primarily is related to the West-

ern values of democracy. Therefore, it’s natural that special attention is devoted

to this area at the EU level. Crime prevention in the Lisbon Treaty is referred to

the key building blocks to establish and maintain an area of freedom, security

and justice. Also, the Stockholm Program reiterated the importance of crime

prevention, and by Council Decision 2001/427/TVR, which was repealed by

Council Decision 2009/902/TVR, the European Crime Prevention Network was

set up aiming at facilitating cooperation, maintaining contacts and exchange of

information and experience in the field of crime prevention. [Tumalavičius

2017]

However, the declarative reiteration of prevention importance is not enough to

achieve the targeted results. In Eastern Europe, unlike West European countries,

possessing long-term democracy traditions, crime prevention was accorded tra-

ditionally less attention. Also, should be understood that the effectiveness of

counteracting crime directly depends on the strength, «power» of those public

institutions that are responsible for this direction of activity, and by that, de-

pends on trust in them.

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The data in the Table 1 show more or less well-balanced levels of trust to one

of the most important institutions – the police – in Lithuania and also in 8 of 9

EU member states and simultaneously the neighbours of Lithuania and/or

Ukraine (the «countries of the region»). Moreover, in Lithuania the level of trust

to police has even increased over a year and is higher than the EU average.

[Public... 2017, Public... 2016, Stavlennya... 2017, Оtsinka...2016] In Ukraine

the levels of trust to both institutions – National police and Patrol police, which

are in the process of reforming, are significantly lower.

Table 1. Trust in police* in some EU member states and Ukraine (%)

2017 2016

tend to

trust

tend not

to trust

balance (+/-

)**

tend to

trust

tend not

to trust

balance

(+/-)**

Estonia 80 14 +66 80 15 +65

Finland 95 4 +91 91 9 +82

Hungary 67 32 +35 64 34 +30

Latvia 61 31 +30 59 34 +25

Lithuania 78 21 +57 74 23 +51

Poland 54 42 +12 63 31 +30

Romania 54 42 +12 49 48 +1

Slovakia 43 53 -10 46 50 -4

Sweden 87 11 +76 78 21 +57

EU 75 23 +52 71 25 +46

Ukraine 1 39 46 -7 25 64 -39

Ukraine 2 41 43 -2 37 44 +7

* in case of Ukraine we say about trust in National police (line Ukraine 1) and trust in Patrol

police (new) (line Ukraine 2)

** the balance is calculated by the formula: balance = “tend to trust” – “tend not to trust”; except

for Ukraine, authors’ calculations.

Of course, there are different levels of trust to public and social institutions in

Ukraine. Among the public and social institutions, volunteers’ organizations,

Church, Armed forces of Ukraine, volunteer battalions, the National Guard of

Ukraine, The State Emergency Service of Ukraine, NGO’s, State Border Guard

Service of Ukraine, Ukrainian Mass media the amount of Ukrainians, who trust

to them is more compared those, who don’t trust. But at the same time (and in

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the context of our analysis it is crucial) the levels of trust to many other institu-

tions (Prosecutor’s office, Judicature, Security Service, Parliament, Govern-

ment, President), which are at the forefront in counteracting crime in Lithuania

and Ukraine differ. In Lithuania we can talk about higher levels of trust, as well

as a positive balance of trust-distrust to many of that institutions, in Ukraine the

situation is much worse, which (in Ukraine) dramatically complicates their ac-

tivities. [Stavlennya... 2017, Pasitikejimas... 2016]

Accordingly, penal policy by the duration of imprisonment and the number of

prisoners is somewhat stricter than in Western Europe, since it is traditionally

deemed to be a proper reaction to crimes. One can see (please, look at Table 2)

that in Ukraine, Lithuania, in other Baltic States as well as in Hungary, Poland

and Slovakia a level of imprisonment is one of the highest in Europe. For in-

stance, Lithuania is on the 52 ranking place (6 from the highest value), Ukraine

is 42nd (resp. 16th3) among 57 European states in the ranking list. A few moments

are attracting attention also. Here are some of them, which are eloquent enough.

Overall, the prison population trend in the period 2000-2017 points to a decline

in Lithuania and Ukraine, which is mostly related to the «countries of the re-

gion» and corresponds to the trend for the EU. [World... 2017]

Table 2. Prison population trend (year, prison population rate) in some EU member

states and Ukraine

2017

ranking

place*

2017 2016 2000

Estonia 48 208 204 343

Finland 5-6 57 - 55

Hungary 44 184 180 152

Latvia 50 218 224 370

Lithuania 52 235 254 410

Poland 47 195 189 184

Romania 29 124 140 215

3 A sharp reduction in the number of prisoners in Ukraine in the context of the radical (and

sometimes highly controversial) reform of the police in the among with the background of

the minimum level of disclosure of crimes in the transition period of the police reform may

change by increasing in crime rate, or the corresponding systemic reaction of law enforcement

bodies in the form of «tougher on crime». [Yagunov 2016]

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Slovakia 45 188 183 129

Sweden 5-6 57 - 60

Ukraine 42 167 - 443

EU 131* 137**

* calculated by the authors; the minimum score of “prison population rate” is the first ranking

place, range of values – 1-57.

** calculated by the authors; in some cases data are not available for estimated period (year 2000),

therefore, indicators for another period were taken into account. It’s about Albania (2001), An-

dorra (2001), Liechtenstein (1999) and Malta (1999).

It is evident that the existing situation is not compatible with the priorities of

Lithuania and Ukraine as first one is an integral part of the EU and second state

(Ukraine) in its reform as a whole is guided by the rules, practices and values

of EU. In the contemporary doctrine and practice it is still more acknowledged

that application of the penalty of imprisonment is not only ineffective but also

has a negative impact on the individuality of convicts, and it is difficult to neu-

tralize such impact both by the internal procedures established in the imprison-

ment facilities and by resocialization programs.

A high level of imprisonment witnesses not only the high recidivism of crimes,

but first of all the inadequate reaction to crime when focus is towards fighting

consequences rather than causes. What is more, a high level of imprisonment

reflects not only the improper methods for ensuring the fight against crime and

security of society, this being one of the key obstacles in the prevention effec-

tiveness (since persons after serving the imprisonment term experience stigma-

tization and get resocialized with much more difficulty), but also the ineffi-

ciency of prevention per se since it is related to high crime recidivism.

This predetermines the need to be in search of opportunities for optimizing

crime prevention, first of all, by identifying the problems in this field.

Concluding, we can say, that at the lawmaking stage, the most important prob-

lem is too weak control of compatibility and efficiency of the sub-statutory im-

plementing legal acts. At the stage of law application, ineffectiveness of control

over criminal processes is conditioned by the poor quality of institutional activ-

ities, due to which distrust in institutions and crime latency get enhanced. Ef-

fectiveness of control over criminal processes depends on the prevention effi-

ciency; therefore, as much as possible attention should be devoted to the social

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prevention measures of social assistance and persuasion type, purposeful and

focused on specific problems. Even though in Lithuania as well as in Ukraine

the perception of renovating a mandatory crime prevention system is observed,

however, it is possible to indicate the following obstacles in prevention effec-

tiveness, like the absence of the structural centre; legal regulation of crime pre-

vention, hindering to ensure the efficiency of prevention projects; lack in the

control of the real prevention activity efficiency; subjective standpoints and ap-

proaches of prevention actors and lack of self-education.

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Valeriy Nikolayevskyy, PhD (Philosophy) - Professor of the Department of Sociology,

V.N.Karazin Kharkiv National Univer-

sity, Ukraine

e-mail: [email protected]

Victoria Omelchenko, PhD (Sociology) - Docent of the Department of Philosophy,

Kharkiv National University of Radioe-

lectronics, Ukraine

e-mail: [email protected]

Vladas Tumalavičius, PhD (Law) - Lecturer of the Department of Management, The

General Jonas Žemaitis Military Academy of

Lithuania, Lithuania

e-mail: [email protected]

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162

M.S. KVARATSKHELIA

TENDENCIES OF SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC

DEVELOPMENT OF GEORGIA I

N THE EPOCH OF GLOBALIZATION

ABSTRACT

The modern post - communist epoch is characterized by special properties. The unprec-

edented pace of the scientific and technological revolution in various spheres of public

life has caused the expansion, change and diversity of the phenomenon of globalization.

This, naturally, gave rise to various points of view about its historical character, the

driving force and from the aspect of assessing the results of its influence on various

spheres of life.

Keywords: post Communist epoch, globalization, public life, diversity

Globalization is a process where social ties are separated from territorial and

geographic ones, so that the life of mankind proceeds in a single, whole and

indivisible world, when national states and their sovereignty are covered by

transnational factors and subject to them (Bek, 2001), despite the fact that in the

opinion of globalists, more than one state cannot close into its shell and cannot

separate from others, since the world community is the unity of social relations

not determined by the national state policy. We believe that for countries with

a small open economy, the national state, the national economy and culture and

consciousness are the greatest values. Therefore, it is necessary to soften the

confrontations and resistance and the constant efforts of these countries to pre-

serve statehood, as it must acquire a new content.

Globalization, without reservations, determines the progress of mankind.

Among the positive properties that are characteristic of the process, we should

denote the current world tendencies of socio-economic relations and the phe-

nomenon of free trade. Free trade in different countries enables creation of new

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products and services for the market. If one takes into account that no country,

especially with a small economy, is able to create an ideal industrial complex.

For this it needs various institutional and financial supports from the both mul-

tinational producers and also from partner countries; namely this type of support

and the development of global shifts help "a small miracle of Singapore" happen

- as a result of the country's prudent economic policy, starting from zero. The

financial growth, according to 2014, reached about 7%, which is an excellent

indicator (World Bank 2015).

In this respect, Hong Kong, the representative of the most globalized economy

in 2011-2013, is also an example. Which was the first in the world ranking by

categories of technological innovation and ideas, capital flow and cultural ex-

change (SCMP 2013)?

It is interesting that in the index of economic globalization of the countries of a

large economy do not occupy high positions, despite the fact that in these coun-

tries per capita income is higher. This can be explained by the fact that for their

economic development a high level of economic globalization is not mandatory,

since they have a large domestic market and a significant amount of their own

capital. Nevertheless, one cannot find a small country where per capita income

is high and occupies low positions in the index of economic globalization. In-

ternational trade, foreign capital and labor migration have become a prerequisite

for the development of small countries with poor natural resources.

Georgia is ranked 19th on the basis of the 2012 data on the index of economic

globalization, and on the whole on the level of globalization - on the 63rd.

By the level of economic globalization, 19th place (81 points) of Georgia, in

fact, is paradoxical. According to 2014 in Georgia, the average annual per capita

income is 3.700 US dollars. In this index to the 19th place (Georgia), the lowest

per capita income is in Mauritius - $ 10,500. Countries with a low income level

than Georgia are distributed below the 50th place (World Bank, 2015).

The 19th position of Georgia was conditioned by the liberal policy of interna-

tional trade and the possibility of free entry of foreign capital. Georgia's high

position reflects, most likely, the prospect of economic growth, rather than the

level of development achieved.

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The rapid rise of Georgia in the globalization index began in 2006, as a result

of the reforms carried out in 2004-2007. In those years, the foundation was laid

for the current business environment in Georgia, which survived the war, the

economic crisis, political crises and, in fact, continuous Russian aggression. To

the listed challenges it is necessary to add problems of protection of the rights

of private property and the judicial system. Against this background, it is para-

doxical how the Georgian economy is developing, the growth of which in recent

years in spite of (2013-2015) slowing down, still reaches an average of 4%

(Kabuli N., 2016).

The experience of the past years has shown that the emerging state of Georgia

was not ready to get rid of the negative influence of internal and external factors

of the country's socio-economic development tendencies in favor of national

and state interests (Nodar Chitanava, 2009). The vector of development of pro-

cesses is aimed at determining the assessment of the current situation of the

country as a single, inseparable system. One of the main tasks is to provide a

solid foundation for socio-economic and sustainable development.

Such a country with a small open market economy, like Georgia, largely de-

pends on many external factors. Therefore, its trends in socio-economic devel-

opment should be based on scientifically calculated concepts.

The problems of social and economic development of Georgia express the abil-

ity to avoid or minimize the prevention of internal and external threats against

the independence of the national economic system, identity, sustainable devel-

opment. Its provision is a constant and most important duty of the state.

Trends in socio-economic development have many requirements. These include

the provision of challenges and threats to historical development, the definition

of long-term strategic goals and interests, compatibility with national and inter-

national interests.

The national interests of Georgia mean national interests in the economic

sphere. It includes the well-being of the population and the improvement of the

quality of life, the ability to operate the economy in an expanded mode of re-

production, maintaining a single economic space, achieving a high level of so-

cio-economic efficiency, and ensuring the country's competitiveness. At the

same time, it is necessary for Georgia to become a subject of active international

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economy and move to the path of sustainable and safe development.

Georgia, like all countries, has a strategic goal that includes preserving territo-

rial integrity, strengthening the independence of the state, establishing and im-

proving civil society, ensuring the self-development of every person and nation

on the basis of a high level and quality of life.

Georgia has a historical task of systemic management of conceptual innova-

tions, which is reflected in ensuring its spatial expansion to preserve its identity

and meet the challenges of globalization. The economic development and pro-

gress of Georgia depends on the development and implementation of the con-

ceptual innovation of the global economy. An important factor is that under the

conditions of the traditional economy, the production of goods for commodities,

with the help of fixed capital, was the main thing, and in the global economy it

is important to produce knowledge using human capital, human production and

expanded reproduction. Hence, we can conclude that the strategic priorities for

the sustainable and secure socio-economic development of Georgia are: the

achievement of intellectual security, the implementation of the most important

conceptual innovations, the establishment of threshold values for the sustaina-

ble development of education and science in the coming decades and the estab-

lishment of a knowledge economy.

Tendencies of social and economic development for Georgia are connected pri-

marily with demographic problems. In recent decades, this process has deterio-

rated sharply. Obviously, the decrease in the rate of absolute number and pop-

ulation growth. At the same time, the trend is worrisome, as its share in the

South Caucasus and in the world's population is falling.

It should be noted that for the past 40 years the population of Georgia has de-

creased by 1.2 million people, which is a great danger for a small country (Cop-

yright: 2010 GEOSTAT).

In this respect, the situation is completely different in the Central Caucasus. It

should be noted that for 1975-2000, the population of Armenia increased from

2.8 million to 3.8 million, i.е. by 36%, and the population of Azerbaijan - from

5.7 million to 8.7 million, i.е. by 53% (Nodar Chitanava, 2003). According to

the forecast, for these countries there is a tendency of population growth, and

for Georgia - a decrease. From this it is obvious that the Georgians were in the

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minority in the region. A sharp deterioration in the demographic situation is the

greatest threat to the existence of Georgia. The state is obliged to take effective

measures to prevent this fundamental threat.

According to Georgia's statistics, it is obvious that the dynamics of the impov-

erished population is characterized by a growing trend. If this indicator in 2007

was 6.2%, in 2010 - 9.7%, by 2014 it has reached 11.6% that is, increased by

2.4 percentage points. And in 2016 it reached 23% (??). This trend poses a se-

rious threat to the welfare of the population of Georgia. The problems of income

inequality are important. In recent years, there has been a downward trend,

which is a positive development. If in 2003 only 1.1% of the population had an

income of more than 1500 lari (GEL) ($ 680), in 2013 this figure increased to

13.9%. The fact that the income of more than 80% of the population did not

exceed 500 lari (GEL) clearly indicates a low standard of living for the popula-

tion until 2005, and in subsequent years a sharp downward trend in income dif-

ferentiation (Geostat.ge) is observed.

From the indicators of the economic security of the country should be noted the

dynamics of indicators of relative poverty for 2004-2016, characterized by high

stability. Thus, the proportion of the population below the 60 percent median

consumption in the past 11 years has decreased only by 3.2 percentage points.

The dynamics of these indicators in urban and rural areas is important. The

share of the population below 60 percent of the median consumption in the city's

population decreased from 23 percent in 2004 to 15.1 percent in 2014, which

can be considered a positive trend. But the same indicator for the rural popula-

tion, respectively, increased from 26.2% to 27.4%, which clearly demonstrates

the increase in poverty of the rural population. It follows that these processes

point to the level of life of the Georgian population below the average. The

tendency is clearly evident that the living standard of the rural population is

much lower than the urban one, which is one of the reasons for internal and

external migration in the country. In order to avoid this security, the govern-

ment's economic policy, along with economic and sustainable development,

should be aimed at improving the business environment, creating new jobs and

increasing the incomes of the population. One of the painful challenges of social

and economic development should be considered the problem of the currency

system of Georgia. The process of depreciation of the national currency – lari

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(GEL) begins in the second half of 2014. The reason may be the strengthening

of the US dollar. It should be noted that due to the high level of dollarization of

the economy, this process more or less sharply affected the emerging markets

(Roubini N., 2015). Naturally, Georgia is no exception. One of the main sources

of maintaining the exchange rate is the waste of international reserves. But there

are more powerful factors. Such as the growth of the country's economic devel-

opment, its export potential and investment attractiveness. Without them, re-

serves are not inexhaustible and this does not end the problem.

CAMARI. GLOBALIZATION AND GEORGIAN ECONOMIC SECURITY

The process of globalization has become a phenomenon of the modern world

concomitant. Thus the depth of the small open economy of the countries do not

strive for preservation, because they could face the loss of even a statehood.

Process of Globalization has positive and negative sizes. Increasing of integra-

tion processes, free trade ability to create goods and service market. At the same

time it’s also important indexes of economic globalization, which is relatively

high in countries which got a small open economy. It is noteworthy that the

index of Georgia was ranked 19th in 2012, and at all levels of globalization

according to the 63-th place.

The globalization process is important for a small open-market economy coun-

tries for economic security problem. Here is a non-traditional threats, which

include such issues as economic growth, poverty and living standards. In this

case, the most important global, regional and local problems of the relationship

between, focus groups and civil relations among peoples. In the era of emphasis

on the security of the citizens. In this regard, the country's important strategic

aim, which is to include the preservation of the territorial integrity, the inde-

pendence, the improvement of the civil society, of every man and nationality

self-assurance and quality of life to the highest level.

The country has its own economic security indicators. From here, first of all, it

should be noted, of Georgian demographic security. This indicator is a threat

that needs radical measures. No less important is the poverty rate, which is the

increasing tendency. The relative poverty rate is also characterized by stability

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and the trend is insignificant.

It is also important for the national currency of the depreciation of the problem,

which is characterized by increasing and negative impact on the living level.

LITERATURE:

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Morning post. Business page online. Int. http://www.scmp.com/business/ econ-

omy/article/1158655/hong-kong-keeps-top-spot-most-globalised-economy;

19. UNESCO 2015. “Text of the Conversation of the safeguarding of the Intangible

cultural Heritage”, UNESCO online. Culture page online. http://www.unesco.org/

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21. Kakulia N., (2016) The Characteristics of Transformation of Institutional Changes

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Lech W. ZACHER

OBSTACLES TO SUSTAINABILITY

– IN PUBLIC DISCOURSE

(the Case of a Transitional Economy – Poland)

ABSTRACT

Requirements for the sustainability in economy and society should be tailored to a given

country or region. General models which often dominate in academic discourse are an

important part of necessary social knowledge (of decision makers, media, NGOs etc.).

They are formulated in universally relevant categories; they constitute a kind of pream-

ble of the sustainability ideology. This framework adopted by politicians in the form of

the UN SDGs does not automatically ensure a smooth sustainability transformation.

Implementation of the SDGs is dependent not only on diverse contexts of countries in

question, but also on an evaluation of these goals (their feasibility, costs, urgency, pri-

oritization etc.) and their mutual conditioning (not easy to recognize and forecast). Strat-

egies and policies are not clearly evident and should be a subject of public debates (there

is also a substantial diversity of type and level of democracy, public engagement, citi-

zens’ activism, media actions and the like) and public participation in determining them.

This is not rarely overlooked in the Western scientific and political debates. A good

case is such country as Poland with its transitional economy and changing political sys-

tem. Poland’s problems with sustainability transformation are substantially different

from the highly developed Western democracies (which is not necessarily manifested

in media and politics). This difference is often underestimated, in spite of that it explains

well difficulties, failures and ineffectiveness on a way to sustainable development.

The paper will analyze the state of sustainability ideology (in education, media, politics,

religion), strategies and policies (of government and businesses), human behaviors (at-

titudes, convictions, lifestyles, models of consumption). The analysis will be conducted

to recognize and interpret the barriers and obstacles in order to join a sustainability wave

propagated by the UN Agenda for Sustainable Development.

There are many factors, conditions and contexts, and activities (e.g. foreign businesses,

trade unions) and actions of citizens (consumers, NGOs) to be investigated. The list is

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long. Below are exemplary issues (emerging partially, often biased, in media and polit-

ical discourse):

• history and heritage (historical peripherization, role of religion, opposition to Pope

Francis, political nationalism)

• path dependence (agriculture, industrial structure, coal mining , employment struc-

ture)

• shallow modernization hypothesis

• structural problems (domination of SMEs – not producing and not demanding in-

novation)

• clashes of different rationalities (government, business, civil society, national vs

local, the EU integration and crisis)

• small and poor public sphere (overprivatization of environment – new regulations,

saint property right)

• R&D sphere poorly financed (0,7% GDP) for decades (lack of interdisciplinarity),

few innovations and patents, lack of eco-innovations, weak TA research

• education not environmentally-oriented; religious interpretation of life, subjugation

of nature to man (Bible), animals as things

• public media conservative-controlled by government (environmentalists treated as

public enemies – leftists, anarchists, vegetarians, animal laws defenders)

• media reporting “both sides” – pros and cons (not clear solution)

• traditional lifestyles – outgoing from the poverty, meat diet, waste not important,

not really segregated, water not saved, quality of life not important

• priority of growth (and individualism) and its ideology and idea of becoming rich

(environment just a source)

• lobbies (in parliament, in media, in trade unions) of old industries (coal, energy,

hunting) and nomenclature management (anti-market)

• weak civil society (short traditions, lack of money)

• populistic policies (further coal dependence, alternative energy not supported –

prosumption), nationalistic attitudes to the European integration and environmental

international cooperation (e.g. in climate policy, CO2 emission, migration).

Considering the aforementioned issues one can construct a kind of descriptive model

comprising them and investigate imaginatively all mutual feedbacks and influences.

Such map of factors, mechanisms, conditions and contexts can be prospectively evalu-

ated and transformed into a kind of impact model.

Then strategy and policy actions model-based on descriptions and impacts – can be set

up with supplementing recommendations from SDGs program.

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Of course some changes connected with the Poland’s transition and functioning within

the EU should be especially underlined, not to mention international surroundings and

generational change; globalization (role of FDI and TNCs) and the Internet are to be

included as values and/or challenges for the sustainability transformation. Parameters

of time and costs accountability as well as socio-cultural dimensions, often disregarded

in political discourse should be stressed to make this transformation real.

Keywords: sustainability, economy, human behaviors

Requirements for sustainability in economy and society should be tailored to a

given country or region. General models which often dominate academic dis-

course are an important part of necessary social knowledge for decision makers,

media, NGOs, etc.. They are formulated in universally relevant categories and

constitute a kind of preamble to the sustainability ideology. This framework

adopted by politicians in the form of the UN SDGs does not automatically en-

sure a smooth sustainability transformation. Implementation of the SDGs is de-

pendent not only on the diverse contexts of countries in question but also on an

evaluation of these goals related to their feasibility, costs, urgency, and priori-

tization, and their mutual conditioning (not easy to recognize and forecast).

Strategies and policies are not clearly evident and should be a subject of public

debates (there is also a substantial diversity of type and level of democracy,

public engagement, citizens’ activism, media actions and the like) and public

participation in determining them. This is not rarely overlooked in the Western

scientific and political debates. A good example is the country of Poland with

its transitional economy and changing political system. Poland’s problems with

sustainability transformation are substantially different from the highly devel-

oped Western democracies, which is not necessarily manifested in their media

and politics. This difference is often underestimated, and in spite of that it ex-

plains well the difficulties, failures, and ineffectiveness of its way to sustainable

development.

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Public discourse in Poland concerning a transition to a sustainable

economy has many dimensions and orientations in recent years. Par-

ticipants in this discourse are multiple and differentiated: public declarations,

speeches, programs delivered by government officials, various academic groups

and university units, students’ debates and actions, NGOs, and media messages

and reports in the press, TV, and social media. It seems that in recent decades

the public consciousness has radically increased. However, public attention was

directed towards environmental issues: environmental protection, environmen-

tal losses, and possible dangers.

Priorities of the transitional economy were different from sustainability require-

ments. Getting out of a Communist type economy (called by J. Kornai a short-

age economy) was difficult and focused on privatization, deregulation, opening

economic borders, and anti-inflationary policies. The so-called “shock therapy”

(Balcerowicz plan based on IMF recommendations) basically directed a fast

economic change and economic growth (social costs were rather neglected).

Social costs of this transformation were high: bankruptcies, unemployment, so-

cial exclusion . The country had no experience in such a transition – from a

centrally-planned economy to a private open capitalist one. People were neither

prepared, nor ready.

The geo-political and economic location of the Polish economy drastically

changed. A pro-Western orientation started not only in economy, trade, coop-

eration, tourism, and media. The country’s priorities were economic growth

(not really development which is a broader goal), short term stabilization, liq-

uidation of ineffective branches and companies, and stimulation of FDI, which

were more effective, modern, and somewhat more environment friendly. The

aforementioned de facto revolutionary changes were politically important. On

the surface both the Western countries and Poland seemed to be quite connected

and similar. However, socio-cultural changes connected i.a. with economic

knowledge, management, international cooperation, entrepreneurship, demo-

cratic procedures were delayed and neglected to some extent. Technological

changes – in accordance with W. Ogburn thesis – were ahead of socio-cultural

and mental changes. It was not and still is not properly recognized and was

underestimated. Moreover multidimensional and complex transitional pro-

cesses are not completed yet. Convulsions of change, often seen as temporary,

1.

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are still vivid. Their consequences are unexpected (recalling Taleb’s “black

swans” phenomena), but costly.

It seems that new insights, new language, and new knowledge should shape

social imaginary in public discourse. This discourse is controversial and often

not transparent and conclusive not only because of contradictory interests of

different subjects (representing politics, business, citizens, also science sphere

and media), but also because the present day world and communication is full

of post-truth and fake news, not to mention manipulative post-politics. Many

disputes are based on different data and conflicting interpretations (e.g. con-

cerning environmental or health safety) and evaluations.

This situation generates a need of careful and insightful analysis of the state of

emerging sustainability ideology (in education, media, politics, religion), and

elaborated strategies and policies (of government and businesses) and human

behaviors (attitudes, convictions, lifestyles, models of consumption). The anal-

ysis should be conducted to recognize and interpret the barriers and obstacles

in order to join a sustainability wave propagated by the UN Agenda for Sustain-

able Development.

There are many factors, conditions and contexts, and activities (e.g.

of foreign businesses, trade unions) and actions of citizens (of con-

sumers, NGOs) to be investigated. The list is long. Below are exemplary issues

(emerging partially, often biased in media and political discourse):

• history and heritage (historical peripherization, important role of religion,

emerging opposition to Pope Francis’ teachings, reviving political nation-

alism),

• path dependence (agriculture, traditional industrial structure (small hi-tech

sector), coal mining, coal energy use, employment structure),

• shallow modernization hypothesis (late changes, not equally effective, poor

networking),

• structural problems (domination of SMEs – not producing and not demand-

ing innovations, brain drain, youth emigration),

• clashes of different rationalities (government, business, civil society; na-

tional vs local, the EU aid and requirements, TNCs),

2.

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• small and poor public sphere (overprivatization of environment – new reg-

ulations, “saint” property right; housing development devastates nature),

• R&D sphere poorly financed (less than 1% GDP) for decades (lack of in-

terdisciplinarity), few innovations and patents, lack of eco-innovations,

weak TA research and applications,

• education not environmentally-oriented; religions interpretation of life,

subjugation of nature to man (Bible), animals as things (environmental eth-

ics refused),

• public media conservative and controlled by government (environmental-

ists treated as public enemies – leftists, anarchists, vegetarians, animal laws

defenders),

• environmental movements fragmented and weak,

• media reporting “both sides”- pros and cons (not clear solution message for

public),

• traditional lifestyles – outgoing from the poverty, meat diet, waste not im-

portant, not really segregated, water not saved, quality of life not important

(e.g. toleration of smog),

• priority of growth (and egoistic individualism) and its ideology, over-

whelming desire of becoming rich (environment just a source),

• powerful lobbies (in parliament, in media, in trade unions) of old industries

(coal, energy, hunting) and nomenclature management (anti-market),

• weak civil society (short traditions, lack of money, NGOs financially con-

trolled by government),

• populistic policies (further coal dependence, alternative energy not really

supported limited presumption); nationalistic attitudes to the European in-

tegration and environmental international cooperation (e.g. in climate pol-

icy, CO2 emission, migration); environmental policy based on short term

economic criteria (e.g. carving the unique Bialowieza forest),

• legislation not protecting properly environment (e.g. infrastructural under-

takings as e.g. highway devastating “Natura 2000” areas),

• government’s plans and rhetoric are declaratively pro sustainability, in

practice limited implementation (economic short term thinking dominates).

• lack of comprehensive, holistic and systemic long term strategy leading to-

wards a multidimensional sustainability.

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The aforementioned problems constitute a complicated and unclear context of

public discourse and of policies and citizens’ actions (called often eco-terror-

ism). Ideologization and politization of this discourse is excessive and is what

prevents consensus on facts and evaluations.

Civil society is the only hope, but conservative government, parliament, and a

big part of society are not apt to accept and implement practical SDGs (this is

not the case only of Poland, e.g. see Trump policy on fossil fuels, or German

Volkswagen scandal). Some optimism can be provided by the knowledge sec-

tor, progressive media, and international organizations (UN, NGOs, EU etc.).

Some new ideas (e.g. of N. Klein or J. Rifkin), concepts, and experiments in

life styles are slightly influencing the Polish youth, which is generally right

wing ideologically. Hopefully, the consciousness of society and decision-mak-

ers will be changing toward sustainability and positively modifying the econ-

omy, politics, education, consumption, and lifestyles.

The discussed above obstacles to multidimensional sustainability

should be precisely presented, measured, analyzed, and evaluated (a

multicriterial approach and democratic procedures are primordial). To have a

good public discourse – with appropriate data, transparent, and not ideological

and manipulative – it is necessary to use rational arguments, long term perspec-

tive, and just social distribution criteria.

Considering the aforementioned issues one can construct a descriptive model

comprising them and investigate imaginatively all mutual feedbacks and influ-

ences. Then such factors, mechanisms, conditions, and contexts can be prospec-

tively evaluated and transformed into an impact model (especially important for

badly impacted subjects by costs of transformations or exclusion). Then a strat-

egy and policy actions model – based on descriptions and evaluated impacts –

can be set up with supplementing recommendations from SDG programs.

Of course some changes connected with Poland’s transition and functioning

within the EU should be especially underlined, not to mention international sur-

roundings and generational change. Globalization (role of FDIs and TNCs) and

the Internet should be included as values and/or challenges for the sustainability

transformation. Parameters of time and costs accountability as well as socio-

3.

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cultural dimensions, often disregarded in political discourse, should be stressed

to make this transformation real.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Barnett C. et al. (2011), Globalizing Responsibility – The Political Rationalities of

Ethical Consumption, Malden, MA, Wiley – Blackwell.

2. Brown L.R. (2011), World on the Edge – How to Prevent Environmental and Eco-

nomic Collapse, New York – London, Norton.

3. Defila R. et al. (eds.) (2012), The Nature of Sustainable Consumption and How to

Achieve It, München, oekom verlag.

4. Dobson A., Bell D. (eds.) (2005), Environmental Citizenship, Cambridge, MA,

MIT Press.

5. Edwards A.A. (2005), The Sustainability Revolution – Portrait of a paradigm shift,

Gabriela Island, BC, New Society Publishers.

6. Feiler K. (ed.) (2004), Sustainability Creates New Prosperity – Basic for a New

World Order, New Economics and Environmental Protection, Frankfurt/Main, Pe-

ter Lang.

7. Gardner G. (2002), Invoking the Spirit – Religion and Spirituality in the Quest for

a Sustainable World, Washington, DC, Worldwatch Institute.

8. Grin J., Rotmans J., Scott J. (2010), Transitions to Sustainable Development – New

Directions in the Study of Long Term Transformative Change, New York – Lon-

don, Routledge.

9. Loorbach D. (2007), Transition Management – new mode of governance for sus-

tainable development, Utrecht, International Books.

10. Mulder K. et al. (eds.) (2011), What Is Sustainable Technology? Perceptions, Par-

adoxes and Possibilities, Sheffield, Greenleaf Publishing.

11. O’Neill J. (2001), Sustainability: Ethics, Politics and the Environment, in: J.

O’Neill et al. Ethics and Philosophy, Cheltenham, Edward Elgar.

12. Weber M., Hemmelskamp (eds.) (2005), Towards Environmental Innovation Sys-

tem, Berlin – New York, Springer.

13. Zacher L.W. (ed.) (2017), Technology, Society and Sustainability: Selected Con-

cepts, Issues and Cases, Cham, Springer.

14. Zacher L.W. (1998), Modernisation in Eastern Europe, and Post-modern Restruc-

turing in the West: Looking for Compatibility, in: J. Manniche (ed.), Searching and

Researching the Baltic Sea Region, Bornholm, p. 81-88.

15. Zacher L.W. (2003), Business-driven Sustainability – a moderately skeptical view,

in: S. Karner et al. (ed.), Corporate Sustainability, conf. mat., Graz, p. 303-312.

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16. Zacher L.W. (2008), On Crises and Sustainability – Toward Crisisology, Transfor-

macje, Spec. Issue 2005-2007, p. 141-157.

17. Zacher L.W. (2008), Some Repetitive Reflections on Visioning the Future, in: S.

Sharma, P. K. Sharma (ed.), Transformative Pathways: Attainable Utopias, Jaipur,

Prateekasha Publications, p. 83-106.

18. Zacher L.W. (2009), Models, strategies, conditionings and contexts of sustainable

development, in: B. Poskrobko (ed.), Sustainable Development versus Knowledge-

based Economy, Białystok, Wyd. Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku, p. 15-30.

19. Zacher L.W. (2012), Technological vs. Political Modernization – Interactions and

Feedbacks, in: I. Modi (ed.), Modernization, Globalization and Social Transfor-

mation, Jaipur, Rawat Publications, p. 90-101.

20. Zacher L.W. (2013), Human and Societal Potentials for Transcending the Crisis of

Civilization, in: A. Targowski, M. J. Celiński (ed.), Spirituality and Civilization

Sustainability in the 21st Century, New York, Nova Science Publishers, p. 59-96.

21. Zacher L.W. (2014), Reflections on Government’s Accountability in Complex So-

cio-Economic Realities (in the Post-Political Era), w: S. Sharma et al. (ed.), Gov-

ernometrics and Technological Innovation for Public Policy Design and Precision,

IGI Global, Hershey, PA, p. 302-324.

22. Zacher L.W. (2015), Underestimated Assumption and Contexts of TA Theories

and Practices, in: C. Scherz et al. (ed.), The New Horizon of Technology Assess-

ment, Prague, p. 279-286 i 439-440.

23. Zacher L.W. (2016), Innovations for Socially Creating a Sustainable future, in: M.

Runiewicz-Wardyn (ed.), Innovations and Emerging Technologies for the Prosper-

ity and Quality of Life, Warszawa 2016, PWN, p. 15-32.

Prof. dr hab. Lech W. Zacher – Kozminski University, Warsaw, Poland

e-mail: [email protected]

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VI. TRANSFORMATION

CHALLENGES

(SELECTED)

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Aleksandra KUNCE

THE POST-FACTORY:

ON THE TRANSFORMATIONS OF PLACE

ABSTRACT:

The author of this interpretation focuses on the post-factory from the anthropological

point of view. How can we transform the post-factory into a place? The post-factory is

a place of unique reconciliation. It is where a ritual has taken place, one involving not

only the material aspect of existence (architectural, renovating, animating, anesthetiz-

ing, popularizing and other activities), but also the social (the behaviour and active en-

gagement of people who have visited the place, wandered around or been on a pilgrim-

age) and the spiritual (the place, already uprooted and often vandalised, has been re-

stored to its proper order and function, which has helped to reinstate the relationship

between a human being, nature, industry and the place). To transform the post-factory

into a place is to open it again to the infinite and to make it part of the community.

Keywords: post-factory, transformations of place, design and home, post-industrial re-

gions

A SENSE OF LIVING IN THE POST-INDUSTRIAL TIMES.

A sense of living in the post-industrial times marked by the presence of the

services that make us live among other people is the reason why, as Daniel Bell

puts it, we “live more and more outside nature, and less and less with machinery

and things” (1976, p. 148). At stake in retreating from this position is something

much more profound – the restoration of the experience and uneasy knowledge

related to the post-industrial place. Former factories, mines, steel plants, com-

modity exchanges and goods stations appear both to lure and bother us. They

have been converted into something else: a museum, a heritage park, an art gal-

lery, a café, a meadow, a path on the tourist trail, a golf course, a loft apartment,

a terrain redesigned for sports or other cultural activities, or a lost-in-space and

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abandoned monument of industrial architecture. It looks as if a sandstorm had

surged through, burying the place together with the previous experience of a

human mass who once lived there in the disciplined way by humbly following

the rhythm of work and rest within the allotted time and striving to persist, en-

dowed with a sense of responsibility for the communal work, and with an un-

derstanding of the need for planned solutions and routine activities being per-

formed with high precision, day in day out.

Business and military empires are based on the sense of service and devotion.

There is also a lot of suffering behind them, yet the story of a plant has never

been that of individual fulfilment translatable into self-congratulation. Fulfilling

one’s duties was closely connected to the sense of communal being of those

who had come to the centres of civilization in the eighteenth and nineteenth

centuries, to factories, steel plants and mines, in order to experience the urban

way of living, its freedom and prosperity – though defined otherwise than today.

Fulfilling one’s obligation was ultimately understood as the service in the place

and for the place, a notion extended to include one’s plant, home, environment,

landscape and region. This obligation, due to politics and capital management,

sometimes turned into slave labour for the property owner, family, state or ide-

ology, but these larger references were somehow less significant than the eve-

ryday commitment to the place and home, to what was immediate and close at

hand.

Owing to the addition of the “post-,” post-industrial places have been restored

from social oblivion. After the sandstorm has surged through, after the hustle

and bustle of factories has long been silenced, after the former rhythm of the

place has all been forgotten, the stumps of the previous life-experience are start-

ing to protrude from post-industrial places. And these are the places that always

remain bruised and inert, even though they seem to flourish again with tourist

life and impress us with their design, as in Essen, Ostrava or Zabrze. Strolling

through the new lustrous museums and tacky shopping centres, built on the ter-

ritories of former large industrial facilities, one may ponder for a moment how

easy it is to reach their hidden substratum, which is the sense of an end, also an

end to being-at-home. Are we thus destined to view a mere spectacle of posthu-

mous existence, following the end of what was once so carefully raised and

cultivated? Or can the post-industrial places be inhabited anew?

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THE POST-FACTORY AS AN IDEA.

To make a post-industrial place inhabitable again, what is needed is a distanced

look at and renewed experience of the factory – if we allow the notion to en-

compass not only former production and steel plants, but also mines, railway,

goods station, and commodity exchanges: all the areas that once contributed to

the making of the industrial epoch in our history. It is thus essential to render

the former factory symbolic, to relate to the idea anew, to regain the sense of

being part of something great again. Scattered somewhere in space, strolling

around, encountering or passing other people, in passages and flows, we dis-

cover again that what invigorates our being is the gravity of the place. Having

replaced the gravity of things with immaterial services, knowledge and infor-

mation, we suddenly realize that we are in need of a palpable material scene.

The loss of a machine means a painful loss of the sense of materiality. We al-

ways gravitate towards some place even if it seems to be evanescent, ever mov-

ing or flowing. We need the force of gravitation. In this way we feel that we

again keep our feet on the ground. The post-factory, construed as the space of a

former factory that has been subject to material, functional and experiential

transformation, would be such a place that brings to us back a lost sense of

gravity. It does so not just by redescribing and redefining the former plant –

which may not be serious enough – but by bringing the place back to our expe-

rience, by recovering its palpable presence in that it makes us repeat some

movements, put our feet on the very ground, touch the machines, fill the space

with our activity and inhabit anew the idea that we have just called into being.

The post-factory is an already transformed experience that still pervades us and

an idea that we wish to relate to in order to make it inhabitable.

As Juhani Pallasmaa reminds us, architecture locates us in space and time by

operating at a human scale: “It domesticates limitless space and endless time to

be tolerated, inhabited and understood by humankind” (2005, p. 17). In relation

to the architecture of houses or cathedrals we have no difficulty in connecting

the form of a building to a sense of home. Yet we may have more difficulty with

reference to the spatial coordinates of former factories, despite their sometimes

elaborate functional designs. It may seem that their purpose was not to make us

feel at home, as they were mainly aimed at producing profit. If we have a closer

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look, though, we will observe that behind the operation of factories there was a

notion of connecting a human being to a place, which found its expression in

the fit between the architecture and the place, in the activity of shaping the en-

vironing space of working-class residential areas and public buildings used

every day by the local community (such as railway stations, schools, hospitals,

department stores, post-offices, shops, gardens, parks, restaurants, inns, bath

houses and laundries), but also in sharing the responsibility for the place be-

stowed upon people geographically and historically by shaping the common

way of living, the place’s cultural imaginary and its repertoire of aesthetic and

moral values. The factory is not just about architecture and urban planning, it is

a complex cultural reality that is able to produce motion, to usher in new behav-

iour and thinking, to impose meanings, to establish social relationships, to con-

nect and separate people, things and localities, and to introduce some principles

of coexistence, or the art of living, by teaching the discipline of staying in the

place. The factory embraces people and binds them to itself even though they

may be dimly aware of this overarching framework.

We turn to the post-factory having undergone an essential transformation which

has removed us from the industrial experience. We make an effort to forge a

bond with what is distant and even already alien to us. We perceive the post-

factory not just as an area which has been subject to ongoing erosion but also

as a factor in redeeming our sense of being-at-home in space and time at the

moment when our home and our memory are at risk. The post-factory allows us

to understand who we are to escape the formlessness of the incessant flow of

reality and its evanescence. Wandering around the space of a former factory,

present experiences mingle with past images, photographs, family stories, press

reports and radio broadcasts. In the post-factory memory and imagination have

been coupled. Reminiscences and evocations, acts of creating and conjuring up

the past constantly contribute to the erection of this immense place which is

filled with our presence but also maintained by the mighty framework of a for-

mer plant. There is no possibility of unfounded experience here. In the post-

factory we find a solid foundation by looking into the depths.

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EUROPE AS THE CONTINENT OF POST-INDUSTRIAL REGIONS.

There are many useful activities that stem from penetrating the depths of expe-

rience – one of them consists in following the Industrial Monuments Route,

which documents the culture of industrial heritage and creates links between

monuments, values, industrial art and the art of living. The Industrial Monu-

ments Route in the Silesian province was the only such route in Central and

Eastern Europe to become, in 2010, part of the European Route of Industrial

Heritage (ERIH).1 This tourist and cultural trail connects industrial facilities as-

sociated with the industrial heritage and is a well-recognized tourist brand, as

its originators write on the project’s official website.2 It presents the facilities

related to mining and steel industry, power and textile industry, railroading, tel-

ecommunications, water management and food industry. Former industrial fa-

cilities very often amount to real works of art, like the 1806 metallurgical build-

ings of Königshütte (Royal Steel Plant), where the elements of Gothic style can

easily be spotted and which, as Henryk Waniek puts it, could be assumed to be

a palace or abbey were it not for the smoke. The same applies to other industrial

facilities to be observed on the photographs featuring landscape views of Silesia

produced throughout the 19th century by the Reiden & Knippel lithographic

company in Schmiedeberg (currently Kowary): “Steel plants, mines and other

facilities were all modelled on medieval strongholds or temples” (2013, p. 11).

The trips recommended as part of the Industrial Monuments Route, which help

people rediscover post-industrial places in Tarnowskie Góry3, Bytom or Gli-

wice, are aimed at raising the inhabitants’ and visitors’ awareness of the rich-

ness and variety of the region but also at expanding their receptivity to the civ-

ilizational and ethical values behind the industrial places. Referring to another

1 http://www.erih.net. Currently the European route is made up of eighteen regional trails (one

in Austria, eleven in Germany, one in Holland, one in Spain, three in Great Britain, and one

in Poland – Upper Silesia). The European trail includes 1410 postindustrial facilities, with 74

located in Poland [information obtained on July 14, 2017]. 2 On the project of the European Route of Industrial Heritage see

http://www.zabytkitechniki.pl/Pokaz/27320/opis-szlaku [accessed April 10, 2017]. 3 In 2017, 28 facilities in Tarnowskie Góry were included in the UNESCO’s World Heritage

List – these are lead, silver and zinc mines together with the underground water management

system in Tarnowskie Góry. Post-industrial buildings of Tarnowskie Góry joined the

UNESCO sites of the Royal Salt Mine in Wieliczka (entry in 1978) and in Bochnia (entry in

2013).

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such place, Liverpool, similarly based on the foundation of industrial revolu-

tion, Erik Bichard wrote that it is vital to pay attention to “the innovative way

in which Liverpool has used its legacy of culture and celebration to help visitors

and its own population rediscover the value of the city” (2016, p. 152). From

our perspective, however, something more important and deeper is at stake –

the narrative of the city becomes transcended by the story of the region and

home, one that is truly receptive to cultural values.

Looking at the recommendations offered by the Route we can for example

choose the 68-kilometre trail by following in the footsteps of two eminent ar-

chitects, the cousins Emil and George Zillmann, who carried out most of their

projects in Upper Silesia. The route includes: the District Disability Health Care

Unit in Rokitnica (established in 1902-1904, since 1948 part of the Silesian

Medical Academy), the buildings of two mines based in Gliwice: Sośnica and

KWK Gliwice, the latter also housing the Branch of the Artistic Casting Mu-

seum, the workers’ housing estate called Giszowiec, a unique settlement com-

bining a town and a garden (built in 1906-1910 for the workers of the Georg

von Giesches Erben mining company) and Nikiszowiec (a housing estate estab-

lished in 1908-1919, with unique redbrick blocks of flats surrounding inner

courtyards and connected to each other by batten plates). By visiting them, we

develop a sense of being subjects of the cultural territory which exists for us,

but also for other people, those who lived before us and those who will succeed

us.

Another travel recommendation of the Route is equally interesting in terms of

its complex layering of time and space. What the less-than-7-kilometre trail un-

folds before our eyes is a set of industrial gems in Zabrze. The first stop on the

way is the Guido Historic Coalmine, founded in 1855 by Count Guido Henckel

von Donnersmarck and including the deepest underground post-office in Eu-

rope, 3 kilometres of underground excavation areas and passages, a restaurant

and performance and concert hall, all located 320 metres underground, and the

possibility to experience the mine as a rough, dark and silent place 355 metres

below the ground level. The second stop en route is Zabrze Museum of Coal

Mining, located in the former office of the county administration which houses

an eighteenth-century water drainage system, the only one preserved complete

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in Europe. The last part of the journey is a visit to the Municipal Botanical Gar-

den established in 1938, and to the Maciej Shaft which prides itself on the still

operating and more than 70-year-old powered winding machine.

In this way we have found ourselves in the centre of civilization and its strategy

of taking roots. Still more, we are now located in the centre of the familiar

postindustrial Europe: it is enough to have a look around. The projects aimed at

the revitalization of old water and paper mills in the Italian province of Salerno;

the idea of building a housing estate in the old Ford factory in Bucharest; the

conversion of the former textile warehouses, together with cotton and corn ex-

change buildings, into the docking and transport centre in Manchester; the Gug-

genheim Museum in Bilbao which has adapted old industrial areas for its pur-

poses; the Silesian Museum in Katowice erected on the site of the former Kato-

wice coalmine; the complete regeneration of the former mine and coking plant

within the Zollverein industrial complex in Essen; the revitalization of the

world’s oldest glassworks in Harrachov together with the brewery set up on the

spot; several well-considered adjustments of the Guido Historic Coalmine or

the Silver Mine and Black Trout Adit in Tarnowskie Góry to the needs of tour-

ists; interesting projects of making unused mines available to visitors in the

Březové Hory district (Příbram) or in the Landek Park complex in Ostrava

(Petřkovice); the adaptation of the Wieliczka Salt Mine for tourist purposes; the

project of developing the postindustrial areas of former Norblin’s plants in War-

saw; the conversion of Karol Scheibler’s spinning mill in Łódź into loft apart-

ments; the Rye Mill in Szamotuły (near Poznań) which has been converted into

a family residence; the project of arranging lofts in the former paper mill build-

ings in Wrocław; the planned revitalization of the Powiśle heat and power plant

facilities in Warsaw; the planned adaptation of the brewery in Wrzeszcz; the

planned adaptation of the brewery in Cracow for commercial and residential

purposes; the reconstruction of Peterson’s mill in Bydgoszcz for residential pur-

poses; the adaptation of the weaving mill in Zielona Góra; the project of estab-

lishing the Wzorcownia showroom in Wrocław, transforming the space of the

former pottery factory into the facilities for shopping, commerce and recreation;

the revitalization of the former Julia Mine in Wałbrzych by establishing the Old

Mine Centre for Research and Art; the adaptation of the former boiler room in

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Gliwice or the lamp room in Bytom for residential purposes; the planned con-

version of the former china factory in Katowice into a technology park – this is

just a handful of examples of recent post-industrial design and artwork. As ev-

idenced by these initiatives, there seems to be a distinct community of experi-

ence in Europe as the continent of post-industrial regions.

A POST-INDUSTRIAL PLACE AS A MORALITY STORY.

A post-industrial place which has again become animated, regaining its peculi-

arity due to the establishment of a new art gallery or an education institution,

provides a sort of a morality story. It teaches us about the imminent decline of

things, people and factories but, at the same time, it offers a prospect of future

regeneration. The future existence is not just about “making things happen” and

“having fun” in the place which used to connect life and death through hard

work. Instead of merely providing the venue for consumption, entertainment or

carefree aesthetic display, the place itself should be subject to radical transfor-

mation which will bring it to light anew by emphasizing the value of many peo-

ple existing in one place, one person after another, succeeding previous gener-

ations and giving place to whoever comes next. In this way, the post-factory

gives rise to an uncanny exchange of experiences. Our emotions, experiences,

responses and stories are imposed on the place, which is grasped already in its

post-dimension. And the other way round: the place undergoing post-industrial

transformation stimulates our thoughts and actions by intertwining them with

its own history and spatial organization. The post-industrial place, properly con-

strued, makes us conceive of ourselves as human beings in existential terms.

Our bodies appear there to substitute the countless bodies of those who, prior to

us, filled and co-shaped the place with their presence, marking it with sweat,

fatigue, and memory of repeated sequences of gestures, perhaps also stigmati-

zation, exhaustion and injury. To put it in Pallasmaa’s words, architecture con-

nects us with the dead (2005, p. 52). To recall the argument of the theoretician

and practitioner of the field, not only does architecture make us experience our-

selves in the urban space, but it makes us confront the city with our bodies: it is

thus the city that exists through our bodily location and embodied experience,

not the other way round (Pallasmaa 2005, p. 40).

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What we are concerned here with is however the connection to a place that

transcends the urban spatial organization. The place connects us with the dead

in the most poignant way: it is what moves us truly and deeply. In the post-

factory the bodily dimension is highly significant. Everything here is related to

the actual movement in space and observation of what is going on in the place:

listening to the noise in the background, touching the surface of machines,

floors and walls, and detecting the smells of the factory (there are differently

localized smells, those of home, harbour, perfumery, confectioner’s shop – and

the factory also has their own). The factory is an area dominated by smell, touch,

sight and hearing: it is a realm of sensual and intellectual imagination. We are

told to take precautions, to move along the marked routes, to take a train, to

follow the instructions of mining experts, to put on a protective helmet, to duck

the head in some situations, and so on.

The post-factory, so fragmentarily experienced, has to be imagined even fur-

ther. The visitor’s body no longer needs the same expertise and alertness to

danger as was necessitated of the body of a former factory worker, but it still

feels an inner compulsion to humbly follow the discipline, even in the partial

way it is required within the post-industrial space. The post-factory is excep-

tional in that it binds our corporeality to those who came before us. We are thus

made to retrace their steps in order to reflect on the community of time and

place. The post-factory becomes our common reality and not just a mere chi-

mera. In this sense, the place that makes us realize that we exist “one after an-

other” marks a return to the notion of home.

The sense of space that the post-factory projects and imposes upon us reinforces

our subjectivity, producing a feeling we would be devoid of substance and

meaning without it. The post-factory also projects the sense of space onto our

urban experience of time and space, as if we were lacking in the power of ex-

pression. What we come to post-industrial places for is not their obvious bene-

fits: a theatre performance, shopping, a museum exhibition, educational work-

shops, wine tasting, a sports event or a music concert 300 metres below the

ground level. Instead, we come to experience the hidden post-industrial quality

consisting in the originary knowledge of home and universal evanescence, one

that disturbs us and leads us beyond ourselves towards the unknown and inex-

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plicable. What is the purpose of living one after another and fulfilling our obli-

gation of staying in the place and for the place? What aim does it serve? Where

does the disturbing element come from? The thoughtful way of existence in the

post-industrial place always implies a sort of journey to the origin. We visit such

places as we visit homes but also cemeteries. The visits are celebrated as some-

thing extraordinary, respecting the distance that has arisen between us and the

site. The journey to post-industrial places, which is very often a hazardous ex-

ploration of those mysterious areas and facilities, becomes a sort of pilgrimage

to what is inconceivable within our own abode.

A PLACE CONSTITUTED BY ACOUSTIC AND VISUAL ROUGHNESS.

The work which comes to a standstill means an end to the standard order of

existence. Everything goes silent – a system of work which is sometimes over-

exploitative and at other times simply aimed at unearthing the best part of the

human being or matching the rhythm of a human life which is in need of being

endowed with its individual form and value. It is not always the case that work

leads to utter devastation so accurately captured in the picture of the industrial

Coketown in Charles Dickens’s Hard Times. A human being whose life used to

be defined as that of a worker in the local community, has suddenly been thrown

into the existence at the end of time. The space and time that previously drew

the contours of reality, its values and the self-evident sequence of events, have

become marked by a loss. As a result, the human sense of loss is imposed upon

the space and time which are left void, without work and “people of good

work,” announcing demise and distance. The place is now constituted by acous-

tic and visual roughness. It is indeed poignant to visit a former forge in the mine

which is immersed in complete silence or to see an unused winding machine,

once contributing to the industrial symphony of sounds which resounded across

the European landscapes. This sense of loss, as well as the sense of belonging

to the industrial heritage, are further reflected in the project aimed at recording

and storing the sounds of work and everyday life, undertaken by major Euro-

pean museums (such as the Museum of Labour in Norkköping, Museum of Mu-

nicipal Engineering in Cracow, Technical Museum of Slovenia in Ljubljana,

Westphalian Museum of Industry in Dortmund, La Fonderie: Brussels Museum

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of Industry and Labour, Finnish Labour Museum Werstas in Tampere).4 The

loss is, however, even more powerfully sensed in the experience of visiting an

old factory immersed in total silence.

The former factory shafts, once towering majestically over the surroundings and

seen from afar by visitors, were like medieval cathedrals: they somehow sanc-

tified the space and provided directions to wanderers seeking food and welfare.

Today an alienated former mine shaft tentatively overlooks the urban environ-

ment, which is instead dominated and defined by glass skyscrapers housing of-

fices and apartments. Yet these lonely factory buildings, water towers or shafts

are what still lure us from afar like holy towers directing ever new groups of

pilgrims who set off on a journey for some other purposes. A water tower at-

tracts us because it is a disturbing presence, radiating its metaphysical aura all

over the place. It is part of a closed architectural system, impenetrable to ob-

servers due to the loss of its experiential quality, but still inviting a glance from

afar. The time and space of such places need to be brought to light again. The

end of a factory, the end of a machine and the end of the cultural order they

belong to seems to be the last stage of the post-place’s existence, one curiously

capable of being transformed into something new and living. Yet this living is

differently conceived: framed by a critical distance, irony and even playful at-

titudes on the one hand, and by the real desire to take root in the place again on

the other.

It is thus simply wrong to reduce the post-place to the leisurely exploitation of

history, a place marked by consumption, enjoyment and simulated activity. A

caricature of a factory is no more than a caricature of real life. A post-factory

should not be a parody of industrial and cultural power that has irrevocably been

lost. The sense of loss stems from the replacement of former gravity by mere

entertainment or naïve environmental narratives. In the latter case, an exclusive

concern with the environmental transformation of a post-industrial place is a

waste of its potential. From the perspective of cultural anthropology, it is not

sufficient to come up with notions such as the SynergiCity which highly appre-

ciate what is insignificant, harmless, fragile, healthy, green and communally

shared, leading up to courageous projects of social transformation (Florida

4 On the museum project see http://www.mim.krakow.pl/work-with-sounds [accessed

10.07.2017].

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2012, pp. 171–182). We cannot be content with the mere transformation of post-

industrial cities undertaken with the environmental synergy in mind, directing

our attention to sustainable development, green urban projects or innovative

economy where pure air, green commons, restricted traffic or small, environ-

mentally-friendly industry are used as arguments to support the idea of trans-

formation. It should be stressed that such activity is also vital, yet the place can

only be constructed and raised from within.

The “post-“ should instead be able to rewrite the gravity of the place and to

become a powerful gesture in space, connecting what is nowadays only super-

ficial with what is hidden deep underneath and constitutes an expansive under-

ground foundation of the city. Today’s post-industrial ever-growing cities owe

their magnitude and distance to unused mines because the latter delineate a hori-

zon line which does not overlap with the contours of office and apartment build-

ings or meadows. The three-dimensionality of the “post-“ does not allow us to

forget about the genuine foundation of the city. It is only after one has lost an

old place that one can open his or her mind to the place again. The place that

has ceased to be conceived in functional terms can be related to anew, which

makes people aware of the relationship and belonging to what has so far gone

unnoticed or been belittled. In the post-place we discover again the tension be-

tween the myth of the place and that of the factory, between our Heimweh and

our acute sense of alienation. The old factories, with their trust in machines, in

what is tangible and permanent and what yields concrete results, do not seem to

correspond to the current cybernetic times and their passing fads. Still, the

lonely production halls or machines made shiny again appear to power the place

with new energy. What at first glance appears inessential and useless, fills the

place with new essence.

A PLACE AS THE QUINTESSENCE OF SUFFERING.

The post-industrial landscape should be approached with the metaphor of a scar

and similar tropes: with the notions of marking, scarring, mangling, and being

terrified by what has been left. This is the narrative offered by Anna Storm,

when she writes that the scars on the post-industrial landscape refer to complex

pasts where the reality of loss, wound and fear coexists with that of survival,

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resilience and courage (2014, p. 1). This image, combining memory, experi-

ence, and economic and political projects, can most easily be applied to the

Chernobyl disaster and its scarred landscape – one that recalls loss and the twi-

light of utopia and that is the quintessence of suffering (Storm 2014, p. 82).

However, in tracing the suffering that binds a human being to a place as a com-

plex reality where people and their experience are placed at the very centre, we

have to trust the anthropological as that which is able to highlight both individ-

uality and community, together with the notion of staying humbly in the place,

of listening attentively to what is around and of inhabiting the world. We should

again listen to Rilke, who in his Notes on the Melody of Things, while describing

the gathering of relatives at the deathbed of a family member, points to their

indifference and confusion which is followed by suffering that unites them:

“Their words pass each other by, knowing nothing of each other. Their hands

miss each other at first, in the confusion. – Until the pain behind them broadens

out. They sit down, sink their foreheads, and say nothing. It rustles above them

like a forest. They are close to each other, as never before” (2017, xix). And the

author adds that most people listen only to the fragments of a melody in the

background or are only starting to listen attentively because “They are like trees

that have forgotten their roots and now think that the rustling of their branches

is their power and their life” (2017, xx). The silent understanding of subtle con-

nections between people is not just an emotionally charged moment that be-

comes inscribed in memory but one that leads to the realization of a deeper

attachment to the place, a sense of being connected to what was before and what

is still to come in the future. The silence arising in the face of the unspeakable

is accompanied by a sense of obligation to the place that scorns abundant ex-

pression and focuses instead on the very living.

The post-industrial place is thus about listening attentively to the melody of

space and time that does not merely belong to what is visibly present and useful,

but one that treats human beings, to quote Rilke’s phrase again, as “initiates of

life” (2017, xxi). The post-industrial place has the power of a waterfall: it strikes

us with its roaring noise and energy. By accumulating the layers of thought and

action, it throws a human being into the very heart of home-making. A lonely

tower of the former mine shaft, former post-industrial ponds filled up with soil,

as well as a dazzling neon light which encourages us to visit a place that is no

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longer what it used to be, are all parts of the powerful force that immerses us in

the locality, close to the roots and the notion of home-making. United in the

suffering which stems from the loss of the old shape of the place, we slowly

proceed to conceive of it as a rooted centre, still emanating the power to bring

the world into being, to create the environment around us ever anew and to

constitute the local community of those who keep the world going, in its

rhythms of life and death.

POST-INDUSTRIAL DESIGN AND HOME.

Design practices present in our culture are conventionally associated with ar-

chitecture, clothing, computer graphics, interior design, consumer goods, items,

games and so on, but also with the making of military equipment, plant machin-

ery or transport vehicles. They have become highly influential in disseminating

ideas, values, patterns of behaviour and ways of juxtaposing things.

Design is closely intertwined with the history of humankind; in Charlotte and

Peter Fiell’s words, an object created by a human being is already a designed

item, and by applying it we come to experience the world (Cf. 2013). Design

involves both the planning stage and material effect of human creation. It is

derived from the Latin verb designare (meaning ‘to designate, ponder and

choose’) and, as the authors explain, even though it referred to the making of

artistic patterns or building plans until the 17th century, in most cases designers

carefully balanced the artistic and technical aspects of work.

This coupling may be of interest to us insofar as it may lead us to examine

different representations of the difficult relationship between art and technol-

ogy, as well as artistic versus utilitarian elements of human work, by tipping the

scales in favour of one of them. However, what is here more significant in an-

thropological terms is that design can actually transform the place, revitalize its

image and formulate its future novel conception by defining new functions, new

users, new meanings, new activities, new lifestyles, new ways of looking at an

old place, and new notions of one’s location. But it is not just about design

shaping our awareness: what is at stake is the realization that the idea of a place

is prior to the gesture of the designer and practitioner of culture, that thinking

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precedes “thinging.” To make sure that this is the case, not only do we need to

find out how to address the connection between technology and art, or the util-

itarian and the artistic, in a non-conventional way, but also to focus on and bring

to light the very experience of the place. Anthropologically conceived, design

should be more than just a way of combining artistry and functionality, or

beauty and ergonomics. It should seek to marry purposefulness and faith in the

existence of a masterpiece – also in the machine-made objects, and to view the

trust in the democratization of reality as underlying the production of beauty for

the masses. Finally, it should foster faith in “better” solutions. From the anthro-

pological point of view, the word “better” means something different from what

the designer has conceived and planned; “better” does not indicate more re-

sourceful, sophisticated and functional, but deeper in its way of thinking which

consciously revolves around the place and its quotidian existence and remains

rooted in “homely” values.

Design may give a new lease of life to the place by turning towards the depth,

to what constitutes the place’s identity and has perhaps been forgotten. In this

sense, it may be able to revive and transform old values by turning them into a

stimulus to develop a new, rejuvenated way of thinking. We can similarly treat

design with reference to the rhythm of living or rules of composing image, dec-

orating, distributing features, establishing connections, and so on. The spectac-

ular and well-planned design in the urban space was able to thoroughly trans-

form the Basque Bilbao (Bilbo in the native language) by locating the city in

the network of events, providing a boost to the enterprise of building the me-

tropolis with a flourish and engraving itself in the social and scholarly memory

as the “Bilbao effect” (Cf. Alayo, Henry, and Plaza 2016, pp. 142–152). The

Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao, designed by Frank O. Gehry, remains a point

focalizing our ideas of the centre, one that sends the waves of transformation

further on. Still, it is essential to point out that transformation and revitalization

projects embrace a number of social and cultural spheres of the city and the

region and thus cannot be reduced to this single gesture made by the architect

in space.

If design is treated as a mere artifice or trick of art, it remains a spectacle show-

ing off the designer’s skills, which has nothing to do with the place in a broad

sense – with a region conceived as a realm of cultural thinking, with a local

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community, with its particular space- and time-conditioned understanding of a

human being, with the contextual notion of time or freedom, with the local at-

tachment to a specific rhythm of living and so on. It is only a flash that can

dazzle us as a single phenomenon or offend us with its incongruity. The design

of post-industrial places should direct us back to the ways of taking root in the

place, to what is basic and has perhaps been squandered in memory. Its task is

to give the place a new lease of life by reintroducing order or to push it in a

totally new direction; however, this should always be done with the cultural

knowledge of the place in mind.

In the story of the spectacular success of the Bilbao project, we often neglect

the role of a local context, that of the country of Basques with its distinct set of

values, style of living and other elements of identity, with its peculiar under-

standing of time and space, with its notion of sedentary and nomadic life, or of

the relationship between individuality and commonality, or of the readiness to

change what can be changed and reluctance to alter what is truly essential. For-

eign design may work miracles for the place, like the Derridean graft in which

the alien interferes with the homely (1986, p. xxv), but it is only the case, we

could add, when “home” is a well-conceived construction and not just some

watered-down waste substance. Revitalization projects will only then translate

into a social and commercial success when they are able to strengthen what is

vital to the place and local community. Otherwise, they may breed problems. It

is obviously worthwhile to examine the stories of the transformation of

postindustrial cities such as Rotterdam, Turin, Essen, Buffalo, Detroit, Milwau-

kee, Pittsburgh and New Orlean (see the chart representing the analysis of post-

industrial cities in: Carter 2016); but the lesson they teach us should be comple-

mented by an anthropological observation which most often evades the scholars

discussing the places. The relationship of a human being and a place cannot be

reduced to the analysis carried out within social and economic parameters or

with regard to the ways of stimulating artistic and tourist activity.

Post-industrial design cannot mean violence to the place or a sophisticated

mechanism capable of taming its powers. In design we should be able to per-

ceive the contours of home, an essential task awaiting a human being. The old

factory, which abounded in architectonic details, ornamental patterns, sophisti-

cated plans, monumental gates, dazzling bas-reliefs, well-designed towers,

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doors and windows, was itself an embodiment of design, not just in its reference

to the neo-Gothic style but in the attempt to illustrate the relationship between

the human, place, power and authority. The story of classical physics and its

basic categories such as work, power, force, mass, charge, path, trajectory, time,

heat, energy, potential and motion, velocity, momentum, acceleration, pressure,

vibration, wave, intensity, voltage, resistance and so on, was translated here into

the narrative of a multitude of dynamic, magnetic, electrical, electromagnetic

or thermodynamic laws governing culture. The design of former factories was

not just an aesthetic product but an integral philosophical and cultural story

which placed a ‘handy human’, Homo habilis, in the very centre, together with

the power (s)he possessed to couple nature and culture.

The post-factory has to be attentive to this design of thought. For its task is to

find a way back home by demonstrating unthought-of relations between humans

and landscape or between people and things, and by uncovering unexpected

distance in what constitutes human environment and neighbourhood. Good de-

sign is about posing questions about the place. It does not show everything in

detail because a well-designed place should not provide us with a finished pic-

ture, or it does not trigger any activity. It should instead confront us with the

task of finding our way back home by developing a new metaphysics of life. In

this regenerative gesture that is design one should transcend the despair follow-

ing the demise of a factory and replace it with pensive sadness (for we do live

amid fragments, surrounded by ruins, having experienced a loss), combined

with the need to “kindle the flame” again. The work of post-industrial design

should be preceded by an attempt to read the place precisely in regional terms.

In this sense, design is not transferrable to other contexts, regardless of the sim-

ilarity of cultural narratives. It springs from a particular place, attached to the

periphery and focused on the local centre. Indeed, one should always hold on to

where one is.

THROWN INTO THE PLACE.

Frau Schwientek, a great character in Janosch’s novel Cholonek, oder Der liebe

Gott aus Lehm was right when she expounded her view that “nothing comes

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from nothing” (2011, p. 27) The philosophical phrase, echoing Melissus of Sa-

mos’ and Lucretius’ ex nihilo nihil fit, in the Silesian context does not so

much serve the purpose of showing the contradiction inherent in the no-

tion of becoming, as indicating the posture of existential humility in the

face of what there is. Of significance here is not the logical meaning of

the sentence but a desperate lament behind it, one that emphasises a con-

nection between the interaction of things and its consequences, and ex-

presses the view that people and things are bound to each other with the

chain of actions, words, and effects of their work, and that they are fas-

tened to the ground. Thus, the treaty on nature is also a treaty on culture.

We are attached to the ground even though we are as restless as we can

be in contemporary times. We plan our lives, continually coming and

going, beginning something and abandoning it, each time letting the fresh

air in and closing the door behind. We may seem self-sufficient and un-

related to the place, capable of adapting to the changing conditions of

living, standardized, internationalized and similar, but we still suddenly

realize at one point that the idea of home is about permanence and has to

be taken it into consideration as such.

In the ruins of the post-factory there is something lyrical but also deeply upset-

ting. A home that is both solid and turned upside down, powerful and full of

glory on the one hand, while being fragile and easily destroyed on the other,

shows how strong our foundation is. We have accommodated ourselves to the

landscape. We follow obediently the routes available to visitors and touch the

machines in order to identify all the significant and insignificant reasons why

we have come to visit the place. Thrown into the place, we keep trying to reach

it from afar. The post-factory offers us such a journey which is perhaps a pas-

sage to the heart of darkness. The disintegration of buildings corresponds to the

mortality of those who formed the substance of the city before us and worked

hard for the sake of the factory’s development, only to fill the common soil with

their bodies. We exist in the vicinity of people and things, and the post-factory

makes us deeply aware of the layering of human and non-human lot. It exposes

a limitless foundation beneath. It also inscribes our existence in the larger event

of dwelling.

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The post-industrial landscape we immerse ourselves in anew by consciously

following the processes of its reconstruction, reconfiguration and revival, fi-

nally enters our very being, which results in establishing a new order based on

reintegration and mutual belonging. We are now subjects of the places we have

never really outgrown; we have become part of the location by participating in

its dynamics of life and death. The imagination which is set free in post-indus-

trial places lets us descend into the depths of thinking that old mines or steel

plants keep alive. One generation after another, we keep guard in the place by

both exploiting it and caring about it, inflicting wounds and then letting them

heal.

TO TRANSFORM THE POST-FACTORY INTO A PLACE.

The post-factory is a place of unique reconciliation. It is where a ritual has taken

place, one involving not only the material aspect of existence (architectural,

renovating, animating, anesthetizing, popularizing and other activities), but also

the social (the behaviour and active engagement of people who have visited the

place, wandered around or been on a pilgrimage) and the spiritual (the place,

already uprooted and often vandalised, has been restored to its proper order and

function, which has helped to reinstate the relationship between a human being,

nature, industry and the place). To transform the post-factory into a place is to

open it again to the infinite and to make it part of the community. What once

used to be a realm of humility and discipline, or loyalty and devotion, after the

fall of the factory and the experience of its end has become an unmarked space,

most often disliked and rejected as mediocre and alien. It is only the post-indus-

trial gesture of extracting the value from what is distant that can make the place

existentially open to the unknown and re-establish its position with all the rigour

that is needed.

In this way the space may become home again. However, the reconciliation is

not just about the re-instatement of the sacred dimension to a vandalized and

desecrated place, but has also the deeper sense of reconciling the sinner with

the church (2011, p. 186). Reconciliatio conceived as reinstatement allows us

to stress an interesting anthropological (not just legal and theological) aspect of

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the process: what is meant here is the reconstruction of a community and inclu-

sion of a person in what is going on “between us.” Not only in the sense of

interpersonal relations but also in terms of what the place is, what brings us

together, what stretches between us and locates us where we currently are. We

visit post-industrial places by including them in the itinerary of our pilgrimage,

by experiencing again the anxiety about our roots and by making a conscious

effort to dwell here again. This is why the reconciliation that takes place in post-

industrial spaces has so much to do with homecoming. The process of reconcil-

iation is only possible when the discrepancies between us and the space we in-

herited are fully experienced and overcome. We reconcile ourselves with the

place by creating connections between what has so far seemed irreconcilable.

The more time we devote to the precise reconstruction of the details of work,

the more effort we make to closely read and experience the place, the more we

are able to immerse ourselves in the homely space that we now treat with re-

spect. As subjects of the place, we are duly respectful of the ongoing eternal

mystery of transfiguration and redemption that we are being involved in here.

We have the feeling that we are part of something profound.

The anthropological reading of a post-industrial place demonstrates the need for

an experiential approach to the location where dwelling becomes possible

again.

REFERENCES:

1. Alayo, J., Henry, G. and Plaza, B. (2016): ‘Bilbao: Case Study’, in: Remaking Post-

Industrial Cities: Lessons from North-America and Europe, ed. D. K. Carter, New

York and Abingdon: Routledge.

2. Bell, D. (1976): The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism, New York: Basic

Books.

3. Bichard, E. (2016): Liverpool: Case Study, in: Remaking Post-Industrial Cities:

Lessons from North-America and Europe, ed. D. K. Carter, New York & London:

Routledge.

4. Carter, D. K. (ed.) (2016): Remaking Post-Industrial Cities: Lessons from North-

America and Europe, New York and Abingdon: Routledge.

5. Derrida, J. (1986): ‘Fors: The Anglish Words of Nicolas Abraham and Maria To-

rok’, trans. B. Johnson, in: N. Abraham & M. Torok, The Wolf Man’s Magic Word:

A Cryptonymy, trans. N. Rand, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

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6. Fiell, Ch. and P. (2013): The Story of Design, London: Goodmann Fiell.

7. Florida, R. (2012): ‘Conclusion’, in: SynergiCity: Reinventing the Postindustrial

City, ed. P. H. Kapp and P. J. Armstrong, Champaign: University of Illinois Press.

8. Janosch [Eckert H.] (2011): Cholonek, czyli dobry Pan Bóg z gliny, trans. L. Bielas,

Kraków: Wydawnictwo Znak.

9. Pallasmaa, J. (2005): The Eyes of the Skin. Architecture and the Senses, Chichester:

John Wiley & Sons.

10. Rilke, R. M. (2017): Notes on the Melody of Things, xix, https://pen.org/notes-on-

the-melody-of-things/ [accessed 15.10.2017].

11. Storm, A. (2014): Post-Industrial Landscape Scars, New York: Palgrave Macmil-

lan.

12. Waniek, H. (2013): “Rozszarpany krajobraz,” [“A Landscape Torn Apart”], Fa-

bryka Silesia, no. 3 (5).

13. Teinert, Z. (2011): “Odpusty i kary doczesne w świetle dokumentów Soboru

Trydenckiego” [“Indulgences and Temporal Punishments in the Documents of the

Council of Trent”], Teologia i Moralność, vol. 9, 2011.

PROJECTS AND WEBSITES:

1. http://www.erih.net

2. http://www.zabytkitechniki.pl/Pokaz/27320/opis-szlaku

3. http://www.mim.krakow.pl/work-with-sounds

Dr. hab. Aleksandra Kunce – Institute of Cultural and Interdisciplinary Studies, Uni-

versity of Silesia in Katowice, Poland

e-mail: [email protected]

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Mirosław GEISE

Maria Ewa SZATLACH

HOW MONOCULTURE ECONOMIES WORK

IN THE CONDITIONS OF GROWING TENSIONS

IN NATURAL RESOURCES MARKETS

ABSTRACT

The article is an attempt to verify the concept of Jeffrey D. Sachs and Andrew M.

Warner`s about „the curse of natural resources”1. According to the researchers, if the

country has abundant natural resources that create a monoculture structure of economy,

it reduces the supply of capital needed to run other productive economic activities and

therefore, it affects the decline in the long-run economic growth. The aim of the article

is to assess the impact of changes in prices of crude oil and natural gas on the economic

situation in Russia and Norway, two countries with a monocultural economic structure.

The methodology is based largely on the analysis of economic data of these economies

and some selected companies. The comparisons between countries and corporations

require the use of index methods. Financial reports of Gazprom and Statoil, two com-

panies of strategic importance for economies of Russia and Norway, were also used in

the article.

Keywords: monoculture structure of economy, natural resources markets, crude oil,

gas, Norway, Russia, corporations

INTRODUCTION

In recent years, Russia and Norway experienced a significant strengthening of

the role of mining industry in the increasing of national product, that led to gen-

eral improvement of the economic and social situation in both countries. The

share of Russia and Norway in creating a global product significantly increased,

1 J. D. Sachs, A. M. Warner, The curse of natural resources,”European Economic Review”,

Volume 45, Issue 4-6, May 2001, pp. 827-838.

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and the national economies generated substantial budget surpluses and high net

exports. Such a course of events in these countries created a considerable com-

fort in managing of social and economic issues. A sharp decline in energy com-

modity prices in world markets at the end of 2014, however, caused some com-

plications in the economic situation in these countries.

STRUCTURAL CHANGES IN THE WORLD'S LARGEST CORPORATIONS

Since the beginning of a new century, the world economy has recorded a sys-

tematic increase in prices of energy resources. The pace of change accelerated

significantly at the turn of 2007/2008. From August 2007 to June 2008, prices

(in US $) per barrel of crude oil increased by 80%, while a cubic meter of natural

gas by 84%2. The companies from a fuel and energy sector in the period of rapid

growth in oil and gas prices multiplied their income, accumulated their increas-

ing profits, and created a lot of new jobs. In 2004, in a group of 100 of the

largest corporations in the world, classified according to an annual turnover,

fifteen companies with high efficiency were from the fuel and energy sector.

These corporations participated in 26% of total profits of one hundred top com-

panies in the world. This could indicate an increasing ability of the sector to

raise capital and to further enlarge production capacity. The dominant part of

surpluses (about 93%) was in the possession of companies from the Euro-At-

lantic Area. One of them was Norway's Statoil. In 2004, the corporation reached

the turnover of 45.4 billion USD and generated $ 3.7 billion profit, which gave

it an above-average level of efficiency (profitability) in the largest firms3. In

2004, Statoil produced almost 20% of Norwegian GDP.

By 2004, the importance of fuel and energy companies from the countries of

rapid growth in global economy was not too significant4. Gazprom (the Russian

largest company in terms of resources and turnover) in the classification of the

2 http://stooq.pl/q/?s=sc.f, http://stooq.pl/q/?s=lf.f, access 10.05.2016. 3 http://www.forbes.com/global2000/list/#page:1_sort:0_direction:asc_search:_fil-

ter:All%20industries_filter:Russia_filter:All%20states, access 10.04.2016. 4 Among fifteen largest corporations of the world from the fuel and energy sector, only four

were from outside the Euro-Atlantic Area (three were Chinese and one was Mexican).

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world's largest corporations was out of the first hundred of such companies5.

After 2004, the rapid economic growth in the world, especially in countries with

major corporations from a fuel and energy sector, resulted from the strengthen-

ing of the position of this sector in global economy. The dynamics of positive

changes accelerated with each passing year. In 2007, in a group of one hundred

top corporations in the world, eighteen were from the fuel and energy sector

(three more than in 2004). Their strong position was emphasized by the dy-

namic growth in the share of total profits, that reached 36% in 2007. The turn-

over profitability of fuel-energy companies was 9% and it was higher than the

rate calculated for other key world's corporations by nearly three percentage

points. The high efficiency of this sector encouraged further investments, which

increased production capacity and created a lot of new jobs in the sector. The

boom in natural resources markets was primarily connected with extremely high

prices of all raw materials in 2006-2007. High oil and gas prices resulted from

the rapid development of Chinese economy (the growing demand for all raw

materials) and the intensifying of worldwide speculations in the area of future

contracts. The "bubble" in property markets encouraged banks to increase their

economic activities6.

In three years (2004-2007), the structure of key corporations from the fuel and

energy sector significantly changed (by the country of origin). During this pe-

riod, companies outside the Euro-Atlantic Area gained a strong position. Their

share in the total turnover and profits of the fuel-energy sector was at the level

of about 30%. In 2007, Gazprom and Lukoil (Russia), Petrobraz (Brazil) and

Petronas (Malaysia) had the highest turnover and profitability of assets, and the

greatest ability to raise capital for further investments. Norwegian Statoil held

a high position among the key companies of the fuel and energy sector from

West Europe7. In 2004-2007, economic changes in Russia and Norway were

characterized by a high growth of GDP, which was completely in line with the

5 http://www.forbes.com/global2000/list/#page:1_sort:0_direction:asc_search:_fil-

ter:All%20industries_filter:Russia_filter:All%20states, access 10.05.2016. 6 M. Geise, Krajowe rynki pracy w praktyce współczesnego kapitalizmu, Wydawnictwo Uni-

wersytetu Kazimierza Wielkiego, Bydgoszcz 2015, pp. 60-62. 7 The company was the fifth in the group in terms of turnover and profits behind Shell, BP,

Total and ENI. http://www.forbes.com/global2000/list/#page:1_sort:0_direction:asc_search:

_filter:All%20industries_filter:Russia_filter:All%20states, access 10.05.2016.

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boom in natural resources markets.

In the mid-2008, global markets recorded a decline in prices of all raw materi-

als. This process accelerated in the fourth quarter of that year, when stock mar-

ket indexes were clearly overvalued in financial markets. Oil and gas prices fell

to the end of the first quarter of 2009. Unexpectedly, from the second quarter

of 2009, a rapid increase in prices of natural resources was again registered. A

large amplitude of price fluctuations did not influence on a long-run effective-

ness of corporations from the fuel and energy sector. The reduction of economic

activity (drop in sales) due to a fall in prices was noted in the first quarter of

2009. As a result, companies from the fuel and energy sector started their cor-

rective actions, which enabled to maintain positive financial results. Thereby,

the decrease of efficiency in these companies proved to be small. It is worth

noting that Russian companies, including Gazprom, maintained a very high

level of efficiency.

In 2009, Gazprom was the most effective company from the fuel and energy

sector with turnover profitability of 26%. The corporation generated 24 billion

USD of its profit, and it was more than 16% of the total surplus for the biggest

eighteen companies from the sector in the world. At the same time, the effi-

ciency of corporations from the US and Western Europe decreased. In 2009,

Statoil achieved a turnover profitability of 3.9% and it was less than the average

level of this indicator for top companies in this sector8. A clear decrease in the

efficiency of Statoil contributed to the reduction of economic growth in Norwe-

gian economy9.

In 2010, the share of key companies from the fuel and energy sector in total

turnover of the 100 largest companies in the world increased to 30% (in 2007 it

was 25%). The turnover profitability of corporations in the sector was still

higher than in other key companies in the world. The financial crisis, centered

in the United States and Western Europe, greatly accelerated the process of re-

building the structure of key companies from the fuel and energy sector in the

world. In 2012, the share of companies outside the Euro-Atlantic Area in the

8 http://www.forbes.com/global2000/list/#page:1_sort:0_direction:asc_search:_filter:All%20

industries_filter:Russia_filter:All%20states, access 10.05.2016. 9 http://stat.gov.pl/statystyka-miedzynarodowa/porownania-miedzynarodowe/tablice-o-kra-

jach-wedlug-tematow/rachunki-narodowe, tab. 15.1., access 17.03.2015.

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turnover and profits of the leading corporations in the sector came to 50%. Rus-

sian companies (Gazprom, Rosneft, Lukoil) and the Malaysian company

Petronas still had high efficiency. In a group of the most effective companies

from Western Europe was Norway's Statoil. What is more, the US companies:

Exxon Mobil and Chevron, joined this group. The presence of the American

most important corporations in the group of the most effective companies was

directly associated with the shale revolution and rapid increase in the production

of liquid fuels from the slate mining. The change in the ways of acquiring crude

oil and natural gas caused the beginning of a long-run process of decline in

prices of crude oil and natural gas in world markets10.

ECONOMIC CHANGES IN RUSSIA AND NORWAY IN 2000-2014

Russia and Norway in 2000-2014 were among a few countries where basic mac-

roeconomic phenomena proceeded without major disruptions. Although a neg-

ative GDP growth rate occured in both countries during the global economic

crisis (2009), a noticeable increase in the unemployment rate and excessive

budget deficit were not observed11. Russian and Norwegian banking sectors

were not involved in the trap of housing loans with lower standards, thus they

could maintain a satisfactory level of macroeconomic stability. The important

problem in the economic situation in Russia was clear jumps in inflation

(throughout the transition period)12.

2.1. The economic situation in Russia

In 2000-2014, Russia experienced a rapid economic growth. Its GDP - accord-

ing to purchasing power parity - increased in those years by 276%, which was

right after China the fastest increase in the group of 20 largest world econo-

mies13. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, there was no indication that

10 http://www.forbes.com/global2000/list/#page:1_sort:0_direction:asc_search:_fil-

ter:All%20industries_filter:Russia_filter:All%20states, access 10.05.2016. 11 In 2009, in Russia, the decline in GDP in constant prices, if compared to 2008, was - 7.8%,

and in Norway respectively -1.6%. 12 http://stat.gov.pl/statystyka-miedzynarodowa/porownania-miedzynarodowe/tablice-o-kra-

jach-wedlug-tematow/ceny, tab. 5.1.1., access 15.03,2015. 13 In 2014, the country in terms of GDP (calculated at current prices, according to purchasing

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in just a few years it would be such a positive change in the course of economic

events in Russia. In the last decade of the twentieth century, the country expe-

rienced a deep economic depression resulted from a shock transformation and

then the financial crisis14. The Russian economic depression – measured by the

drop in industrial production - was deeper than after the WWII15. An additional

problem of Russian economy was a sharp fall in prices of oil and gas16. The fall

in export revenues of these natural resources hampered the implementation of

state policy. What is more, a predatory privatization and a widespread corrup-

tion multiplied negative effects of the crisis17. As a result, an unsuccessful eco-

nomic transformation in the country sharply raised the level of poverty and so-

cial exclusions18.

The government undertook the implementation of reforms at the beginning of

a new century which led, after a few years, to improve the economic situation

in the country19, and significantly accelerated the growth in household con-

sumption and investments of domestic enterprises. The boom in natural re-

sources markets since 2003 also promoted positive changes. The long-run

(2003-2008) increase in prices of crude oil and natural gas caused the situation,

that in a relatively short time, Russian authorities managed to improve signifi-

cantly the financial situation of national economy. The total public debt de-

clined from over 50% (in % of GDP) in 2000 to 8.5% (in % of GDP) in 200720.

The improvement of economic situation resulted also from a further rapid influx

of direct investments from Western Europe and a stronger position of national

companies in global market. Germany, the Netherlands, and Italy dominated

power parity) was ranked as the sixth in the world (the first one was the US, then - China,

India, Japan and Germany) - http://stat.gov.pl/statystyka-miedzynarodowa/porownania-

miedzynarodowe/tablice-o-krajach-wedlug-tematow/rachunki-narodowe, tab. 15.1., access

13.03.2015. 14 In 1998, the value of the ruble fell by 70% against the US dollar - http://stooq.pl/q/?s=usdrub,

access 10.03.2015. 15 In1940-1946, the decline in production was 24%, while in 1989-1999, it was about 60% - J.

E. Stiglitz, Globalizacja, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa 2005, p. 135. 16 http://stooq.pl/q/?s=cl.f, access 15.03.2015. 17 Russian Economic Report, The World Bank, October 2002. 18 In 1989, only two percent of Russian population lived in poverty. At the end of 1998, there

were already 23.8% of Russians, if we assume that the indicator is 2 dollars per person daily

– J. E. Stiglitz, Globalizacja, op. cit., p. 142. 19 Prace Ośrodka Studiów Wschodnich, Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich, Warszawa 2003, pp. 5-

25. 20 http://www.economist.com/content/global_debt_clock, access 13.03.2015.

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among direct foreign investors in Russia. The German automotive industry had

the largest increase in expenditures. Volkswagen and BMW invested hundreds

of millions of euros in the constructions of new factories and distribution21.

Also, German Siemens, BASF, Bayer and ThyssenKrupp widely and heavily

invested in Russia22. Together with Germany, a key investor in Russia became

the Netherlands. The main part of Russian exports to the Netherlands was oil

and gas23. Gazprom dominated utterly as a supplier, and Shell as a recipient.

The Italian oil company ENI also invested heavily in the sector of oil and gas

in Russia. The company, in cooperation with Russian Rosneft, exploited oil and

gas in the Arctic Sea and the Black Sea24.

An important factor of economic growth in Russia after 2000 was the growing

economic activity of the largest national corporations. At the beginning of the

twenty-first century, the share of Russian companies in trade and financial sur-

pluses of the world's largest corporations was marginal. Among the world's

largest corporations, there were six from Russia with little significance for

global market25. After a few years, in 2005, fourteen companies were from Rus-

sia in this group. Their main asset was their excellent efficiency. In 2005, a total

turnover profitability of Russian main companies was 15.4% and it was one of

the highest outcome in a group of other corporations classified by the country

of origin26. The high level of efficiency of Russian companies was mainly due

to a very good financial situation of the mining sector and heavy industry.

At that time, most Russian companies from these sectors belonged to the most

effective world's corporations. Among them were: Norilsk Nickel, Severstal,

Novolipetsk Steel, Mechel, Gazprom, Novatek and Surgutneftegas. Their total

turnover profitability oscillated around 30%. This high level of efficiency was

21 http://autokult.pl/8439,nowa-fabryka-silnikow-volkswagena-w-rosji-umowa-podpisana, ac-

cess 15.12. 2014. 22 http://wyborcza.biz/biznes/1,100896,12873917,Lokomotywy_niemiecko_rosyjskiej_gospo-

darki.html#ixzz2wsxRTOph, access 20.12.2014. 23 Gazprom dominates absolutely as a supplier, and Shell as a recipient. 24 http://wyborcza.biz/biznes/1,101562,11617204,Rosja_otwiera_zloza_w_Ark-

tyce_dla_wloskiego_ENI.html#ixzz3LxvovXco, access 12.01.2015. 25 The article assumes that the largest corporations in the world are the first two thousand com-

panies in the world classified according to the amount of their annual turnover. The list is

published in the economic journal „Forbes” – http://www.forbes.com/lists/2000, access

20.03.2015. 26 http://www.forbes.com/lists/2006/18/06f2000_The-Forbes-2000_Rank.html, access

20.03.2015.

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the incentive for investors to invest capital, which created a favorable outlook

for domestic economy. The financial market very highly estimated the assets of

Russian enterprises due to the increase of their activity and high efficiency. In

2005, the market valuation of corporations from the fuel and energy sector and

heavy industry was almost twice higher than their accounting value. That fact

indicated an enormous growth of the potential of Russian enterprises.

In response to such optimistic forecasts, between 2000-2007, the value of stock

index of the Russian stock exchange (RTS) increased almost forty times27. The

inflow of capital to the Russian stock market quickly and positively corrected

the situation of financial sector and stimulated greater economic activities of

other sections of national economy. The experience of Russian economy in

2000-2008 indicated that monocultural economic structure did not limit the sup-

ply of capital for other productive economic activities, and therefore, for almost

a decade, Russian economy managed to maintain its high growth. Certainly,

such a great success of Russian economy - and many others of monoculture

economic structure - was largely due to extremely high prices of energy re-

sources in world markets, especially in the last two years of economic boom

(2006-2007). The global financial crisis of 2008 led to a significant discount of

stock market indicators in Russia, and also contributed to the decline in energy

commodity prices in 200928.

As a result of the global crisis, the economic activity of Russian fuel and energy

companies fell, which contributed to reduce their effectiveness. Despite many

interferences, from the second quarter of 2009, the Russian stock index started

to increase again. To a large extent, it was a result of recovery in financial mar-

kets after a deep global financial crisis. The improvement of situation in the

Russian stock exchange did not last too long, because at the beginning of 2011,

the long-run process of decline in stock indexes began29.

Despite these disruptions, the number of Russian corporations with a global

scope continued to increase. In 2012, in the list of two thousand largest compa-

nies in the world (classified according to an annual turnover), twenty-eight were

27 http://stooq.pl/q/?s=^rts, access 19.03.2015. 28 http://stat.gov.pl/statystyka-miedzynarodowa/porownania-miedzynarodowe/tablice-o-kra-

jach-wedlug-tematow/ceny, tab. 5.3., access 19.03.2015. 29 http://stooq.pl/q/?s=^rts, access 12.06.2016.

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from Russia. In this group, there were not only companies from the fuel and

energy industry, but also companies of the financial sector (Sberbank, VTB

Bank) and new technologies (Sistema, MegaFon, Rostelecom, Mail.ru Group

Ltd). They all had a high dynamic of economic activity30. However, the main

asset of Russian super-companies still was a very high level of efficiency. In

2012-2013, the total turnover profitability for these companies was the highest

in a group of corporations from countries with the largest percentage of trans-

national companies (Table 1).

Table 1. Indicators of turnover profitability for the world's largest corporations classi-

fied by the country of origin

Country turnover profitability

Country turnover profitability

2012 2013 2012 2013

Russia 16,6% 12,1% The Netherlands 5,3% 5,0%

China 9,4% 9,6% Great Britain 4,9% 7,0%

Indie 8,7% 7,7% Germany 4,6% 4,1%

Canada 8,7% 7,3% France 3,3% 3,1%

USA 7,8% 9,9% Japan 2,3% 4,7%

Brazil 6,6% 6,6% Italy -0,8% 0,2%

Switzerland 6,0% 6,8% Spain -1,2% 5,5%

Total for 2000 corporations 7,3% 7,6%

Source: http://www.forbes.com/global2000/list/#page:1_sort:2_direction:asc_search:_filter:

All%20industries_filter:All%20countries_filter:All%20states , access 27.05.2015.

For all that time, Gazprom had a dominant position among Russian companies,

and in 2013, its annual turnover was about 8% of Russian GDP. In 2013, the

company achieved the highest profit among all corporations in the world (ex-

cluding those from the financial sector). The financial surplus of Gazprom

amounted then to 39 billion USD31. It is worth noting that in terms of accumu-

lated assets (in the same group of companies), Gazprom was the second com-

30 http://www.forbes.com/global2000/list/#page:cc1_sort:0_direction:asc_search:_fil-

ter:All%20industries_filter:Russia_filter:All%20states, access 20.03.2015. 31 For comparison, the American Exxon generated $ 33 billion profit, the British BP nearly $ 24

billion, and the Dutch Shell - $ 16 billion - http://www.forbes.com/global2000/list/

#page:1_sort:4_direction:desc_search:_filter:Oil%20%26%20Gas%20Operations_filter:All

%20countries_filter:All%20states, access, 20.03.2015

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210

pany in the world just behind Volkswagen32.

The rapid economic growth in 2000-2014 led to a clear improvement of the

situation in domestic labor market. The unemployment rate in Russia at the be-

ginning of 2014 fell to 5.5%33. The internal balance supported the management

of public finances. Russia was among the countries with the lowest level of debt

in the world34. A very good situation in public finances was assisted by a long-

term external balance35. Russia was able to accumulate large foreign exchange

reserves amounting to 561 billion USD (at the end of the period) due to a high

and positive balance of foreign trade36. A clear improvement in the average

standard of living in Russia was seen in a rapid increase in household consump-

tion37. At this point, it is worth noting a significant increase in investment in

domestic enterprises. Due to the high rate of investment in national economy

and rapid growth of new investment projects, Russian companies, especially the

largest ones, obtained high surpluses. The rapid increase in financial accumula-

tion of companies raised tax revenues to the state budget. The macroeconomic

stability enhanced a continuation of large-scale social projects. The economic

prosperity had a positive impact on social development in the country. A sig-

nificant improvement in labor market and generous welfare programs had a

positive impact on the course of demographic processes in the country38.

32 http://www.forbes.com/global2000/list/#page:1_sort:0_direction:asc_search:_filter:All%20

industries_filter:All%20countries_filter:All%20states, access 20.03.2015. 33 In Europe, the unemployment rate at that time was lower only in Switzerland, Norway, Aus-

tria, Luxembourg and Germany - http://stat.gov.pl/statystyka-miedzynarodowa/porownania-

miedzynarodowe/tablice-o-krajach-wedlug-tematow/rachunki-narodowe, tab. 3.6.1., access

17.03.2015. 34 In 2014, the value of public debt in relation to GDP was less than 8% - http://www.econo-

mist.com/content/global_debt_clock, access 17.03.2015. 35 Since the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century, Russia was the third net

exporter in the world (behind Germany and China). In 2014, the balance of foreign trade

turnover at current prices amounted to over 211 billion USD - http://stat.gov.pl/statystyka-

miedzynarodowa/porownania-miedzynarodowe/tablice-o-krajach-wedlug-tematow/ra-

chunki-narodowe, tab. 13.4., access 17.03.2015. 36 http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/FI.RES.TOTL.CD/countries?display=default, access

17.03.2015. 37 In 2000-2013, in Russia, the growth of private consumption was 150% and it was four times

faster than in the world - http://stat.gov.pl/statystyka-miedzynarodowa/porownania-

miedzynarodowe/tablice-o-krajach-wedlug-tematow/rachunki-narodowe, tab. 15.4., access

17.03.2015. 38 The processes of depopulation and the high level of deaths in the country at the beginning of

the transformation, began to weaken significantly, especially at the beginning of the second

decade of the twenty-first century. In 2000, Russia had one of Europe's lowest rates of live

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In a period of rapid economic growth, in Russian economy some drawbacks

were noticed. Amongst them, the most serious was too high inflation. The con-

sumer price index in 2000-2014 was one of the highest in Europe39. The perma-

nent trend of the ruble depreciation against the dollar and the euro in 2017-2013

influenced on the rise of prices, particularly of goods from imports. Between

2007-2013, the ruble depreciated 34% against the dollar, and 28% against the

euro40. The Ukrainian crisis and the slump in natural resources markets in 2014

accelerated negative trends, and there was a further depreciation of the ruble.

2.2. Structural adjustment in Norwegian economy

Over the last 30 years, Norway significantly rebuilt the structure of its economy.

In 2000, the share of crude oil and natural gas in Norwegian GDP was some-

what above 25% and was almost twice higher if compared to the end of the 70's.

The high dynamics of economic changes was visible even more clearly if com-

pared the structure of exports according to commodity groups. In the 70's, the

share of exports of crude oil and natural gas in total exports amounted to about

10%, while in 2000 - 46%41. Norway based its economic growth on production

of crude oil and natural gas, which resulted in the rapid growth of national in-

come per capita. For the revenue from exports of minerals was significantly

higher than the current needs and investment opportunities of the country, the

Government Petroleum Fund was created (1990). The fund was to support the

economy during economic downturns.

The sharp decline in prices of crude oil and natural gas in world markets at the

end of the twentieth century, only slightly reduced the economic growth in Nor-

way. The GDP growth rate in 1998-1999 was slightly lower if compared to

previous years. The decline in industrial production was registered only in

births, while in 2014, this statistics was one of the highest in Europe. A higher rate of live

births per 1,000 population had only Iceland, France and the United Kingdom -

http://stat.gov.pl/statystyka-miedzynarodowa/porownania-miedzynarodowe/tablice-o-kra-

jach-wedlug-tematow/rachunki-narodowe, table 1.2.1., access 17.03.2015. 39 Rocznik Statystyki Międzynarodowej, tab. 1(180). Wskaźnik cen towarów i usług konsump-

cyjnych, Główny Urząd Statystyczny, Warszawa 2012, pp. 219-220. 40 http://stooq.pl/q/?s=usdrub&c=10y&t=l&a=lg&b=0, access 19.03.2015. 41 E. R. Larsen, The Norwegian economy 1900-2000 – from rags to riches. A brief history of

economic policy making in Norway, “Economic Survey of Statistics. Norway”, No. 4, 2000.

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199842. Interferences in the course of Norwegian economic growth were much

more smaller than in Russia. Additionally, in contrast to Russia, Norway main-

tained a budgetary discipline and inflation stability43.

In 2003, a better situation in natural resources markets influenced on reinforcing

a generally good economic situation in Norway. The increase in prices of crude

oil and natural gas contributed to a continuous growth of the share of fuel and

energy sector in national product. In 2006, it amounted to 27.2%, while reve-

nues from exports of oil and natural gas accounted for 50% of total exports44.

The financial situation of the country was increasingly dependent on economic

activity and the efficiency of fuel and energy sector. The comfortable situation

of the state budget was mainly a result of rapidly growing revenues from exports

of liquid fuels. A growing importance of fuel and energy sector in the national

product accelerated this trend of changes. For comparison, in 1999, the share of

revenues from the oil and natural gas sector in total budget revenues was 15%,

while in 2006 it was 30%45. It is worth noting that the Norwegian budget would

be negative if the income from fuel and energy sector was not taken into ac-

count. The stable public finances stemmed only from a growing position of the

mining sector in national economy. The boom in global markets quickly in-

creased the revenues from exports of crude oil and natural gas. In 2005, the

authorities - aware of a specific financial situation in Norway - decided to trans-

form the Government Petroleum Fund into the National Pension Fund. Its main

task was to secure a proper standard of living for future retirees and to create

budgetary reserves needed to finance a scientific and technical progress in the

fields of management alternatives, such as renewable energy and pro-ecological

agriculture.The National Pension Fund is certainly an innovative tool of trans-

formation that converts the income from natural resources into the capital46.

In 2014, the growth of GDP if compared to 2000, was 76.3% and it was the

fastest (besides South Korea) among high developed industrial countries. As a

result, the unemployment in Norway was at a very low level. In 2000-2014, the

average unemployment rate was 3.3% and it was one of the lowest in the

42 J. W. Moses, Open States in the global economy, Macmillan Press Ltd., London 2000. 43 Further in J. E. Stiglitz, op. cit., p. 142. 44 Statistisk årbok av Norge, Statistisk Sentralbyrå, Oslo 2006. 45 The national budget – summary, Ministry of Finance, Oslo (2000-2006). 46 http://www.folketrygdfondet.no/?lang=no_NO, access 10.07.2016.

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213

world47. The low unemployment rate was at the same level despite a rapid in-

crease in the number of people of working age, including a substantial influx of

immigrants. The average net migration per 1,000 people in Norway in 2010-

2014 was one of the highest in Europe48.

The global financial crisis of 2008 did not impede the high efficiency of Nor-

wegian labor market. An active fiscal policy was effectively used to conduct a

policy of "full employment", without harming the budgetary balance. The pub-

lic sector in Norway generated a high budget surplus (the average annual excess

of revenue over the public expenditure in 2000-2014 was 12% of GDP). In a

result, public debt (from the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first

century) did not exceed 30% of GDP.

The high annual balance of international trade and rapid growth rate of invest-

ment in national companies were additional advantages of Norwegian economy.

The annual surplus of exports over imports ranged from 50 billion USD in 2005

to more than 80 billion USD in 2014. In relation to the national product, they

were among the highest in the world. The high growth rate in business invest-

ment was achieved at a relatively low level of inflation49. The key factors stabi-

lizing a course of economic situation were: a rapid increase in prices of crude

oil and natural gas and the structure of national economy with a dominant role

of mining industry. Norway's exports in almost 2/3 based on mineral fuels. In

2013, Norway was the second in the ranking of natural gas exporters in the

world (Russia was the first) and the seventh in oil exports.

High prices of mineral fuels to the end of the third quarter of 2014, with a short

break in 2009, systematically raised the revenues from exports of these raw ma-

terials and assisted to conduct economic affairs. The key company of Norwe-

gian economy was Statoil from fuel and energy sector50. The ratio of total turn-

over of the company to the current value of GDP for Norway in 2011-2014 was

47 http://stat.gov.pl/statystyka-miedzynarodowa/porownania-miedzynarodowe/tablice-o-kra-

jach-wedlug-tematow/rynek-pracy, table 3.6.1., access 10.07.2016. 48 http://www.stat.gov.pl/cps/rde/xbcr/gus/RS_rocznik_stat_miedzynarodowy_2012.pdf, table

11(52), p. 98, access: 11.09.2013. 49 In 2000-2014, in Norway, the average price increase was about 2% -

http://www.stat.gov.pl/gus/5840_11283_PLK_HTML.htm, table 5.3.1., access 12.07.2016. 50 http://money.cnn.com/magazines/fortune/global500/2011/snapshots/6406.html, access:

10.09.2013.

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214

about 20% each year. Apart from Statoil, small and medium-sized national

companies dominated in Norwegian economy, mainly in sea fishing, fish pro-

cessing and renewable energy production51.

To summarize, it should be noted that also in the case of Norway, its monocul-

tural structure of economy was not an obstacle in achieving a high level of social

development. The concentration of national capital in the fuel and energy in-

dustry did not hamper its long-run growth.

DEFLATION IN NATURAL RESOURCES MARKETS AND ITS CONSE-

QUENCES FOR RUSSIA AND NORWAY

After the financial crisis, it seemed that a return of high prices of energy re-

sources would be a long-lasting element shaping conditions for national econ-

omies. But the slate revolution and accelerated technological changes in major

automotive companies caused the reduction of demand for oil and gas. The de-

mand for crude oil and gas was less than the growing supply of these raw ma-

terials. What is more, the rise of stocks of raw materials also resulted in a de-

cline in prices of gas and oil52.

Till 2013, the financial situation of key corporations from the fuel and energy

sector was good. Norwegian Statoil, despite a decline in sales and profits, re-

tained an above-average level of turnover profitability and assets. However, if

compared to previous years, these indicators were clearly lower53. At the same

time, Russian Gazprom registered new records in its annual financial surpluses.

Its net profit in 2013 amounted to 35.8 billion USD. The turnover profitability

of Gazprom exceeded the level of 20%, which gave it, as in 2012, the second

place (Microsoft was the first) in the ranking of one hundred of the most effec-

tive non-financial companies in the world54.

51 B. Jeliński, Skandynawski model gospodarki rynkowej (Przypadek Norwegii):

https://www.google.pl/?gws_rd=ssl#q=Skandynawski+model+spo%C5%82ecznej+gospo-

darki+rynkowej, access 12.07.2016. 52 L. Denning, Oil’s black swans on the Horizon, „The Wall Street Journal”, 16 February 2015. 53 The Annual Report on Form 20-F is our SEC filing for the fiscal year ended December 31,

2015, as submitted to the US Securities and Exchange Commission, Statoil 2016. 54 http://www.forbes.com/global2000/list/#page:1_sort:2_direction:asc_search: : asc_search

:filter:All%20industries_filter:All%20countries_filter:All%20states, access 27.05.2015.

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215

In the middle of 2014, a decline in prices of crude oil and natural gas was ob-

served. Such a situation quickly reduced the revenues from sale of natural re-

sources, which affected the size of financial surpluses. The volume of net profits

of Norwegian Statoil in 2014, if compared with 2013, decreased by approxi-

mately 50%, while Gazprom decreased by almost 90% (in 2014, the ratio of

gross turnover profitability fell to less than 3%). The Russian company de-

creased its economic activity and production potential (the decrease in value of

total assets in 2014 if compared to 2013 amounted to nearly 40%). Such a course

of economic events influenced the reduction of the role of Gazprom in the de-

velopment of Russian GDP55.

The rest of largest corporations from the oil and gas sector in the world also

recorded a clear deterioration of their financial situation. For the first time in

the twenty-first century, the importance of corporations from that sector in the

creation of added value decreased. These trends were recorded in the decline of

the index of corporate share prices from the sector56.

Among "victims" of a market slump in the natural resources sector were Russia

and Norway. They experianced a depreciation of national currencies and a de-

cline in growth rate of GDP. The Russian ruble from the fourth quarter of 2014

devaluated. As a result, at the beginning of 2015, one ruble cost twice of value

of the dollar at the beginning of 201457. The Norwegian currency also clearly

depreciated and it lost about 1/3 of its value against the dollar58.

In the case of Russia, the negative course of events was multiplied by the crisis

in Ukraine. Its escalation in 2014 caused a rapid deterioration in the situation

on the Russian stock exchange. During the second half of 2014, the RTS index

lost 42% of its value. Interventions of the central bank decreased a negative

atmosphere on the Russian stock market. At the beginning of 2015, stock prices

of Russian companies again started to increase and as a result, they were able

to partly restore their value of 2014. The RTS index (closing of exchange rate)

on January 30, 2015, until June 30, 2015, grew by 27.5%59. At the same time,

55 Gazprom-annual-report-2014-en, p.6. 56 In 2014-1015, Chevron share price fell by 30%, Exxon by about 20%, while Shell - nearly

50% - http://stooq.pl/t/?i=500, access 15.07.2016. 57 http://www.morningstar.com/stocks/PINX/OGZPY/quote.html, access 17.07.2016. 58 http://www.morningstar.com/stocks/xnys/sto/quote.html, access 20.07.2016. 59 http://stooq.pl/q/d/?s=^rts&c=0&d1=20140901&d2=20150320&i=w, access 23.03.2016.

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216

the ruble strengthened its value against the dollar, and it recovered about 40%

of its lost value (in July 2014). The process of restoring the financial balance

was broken in July 2015, when there was another devaluation of the ruble due

to another decline in prices in natural resources markets60. The Moscow Stock

Exchange slumped again. Until the end of 2015, the RTS index lost nearly 30%

of its value, and one dollar (in January 2016) cost more than 85 rubles61. At the

end of 2015, the value of Gazprom shares accounted for only 25% of its value

from 2012. The negative occurrences in financial market were reflected in the

course of economic situation. In 2012-2015, Russian GDP per capita (in pur-

chasing power parity) decreased by 3.4%62.

At the first half of 2016, the economic situation in Russia slightly improved. Its

economic depression decreased in intensity, the rate exchange of the ruble re-

turned to its value from early 2014, and the stock market recorded increases in

its major indexes. It was due to an improvement in financial condition of major

Russian corporations. In the fourth quarter of 2015, Gazprom achieved a dy-

namic growth in its financial surplus and its above average turnover profitability

(table 2).

Table 2. Gross turnover profitability in Gazprom

Year Value of indicator in %

2011 29,0

2012 25,4

2013 22,2

2014 2,8

2015 13,3

2016* 11,9

Source: http://financials.morningstar.com/income-statement/is.html?t=OGZPY&region=usa&

culture=en-US

* (I semester)

60 http://stooq.pl/q/?s=usdrub, access, 2.08.2016. 61 http://stooq.pl/q/d/?s=^rts&c=0&d1=20150615&d2=20150731, access 2.08.2016. 62 http://stat.gov.pl/statystyka-miedzynarodowa/porownania-miedzynarodowe/tablice-o-kra-

jach-wedlug-tematow/rachunki-narodowe, table 15.1., access 25.07.2016.

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217

As a result of this positive change, prices of Gazprom shares began to grow

again from the beginning of 2016. From January to August 2016, the value of

the company increased by 40%63. According to its financial director, Andrei

Kruglov, despite the drop in prices of natural gas and crude oil, its planned in-

vestments will be realized64.

In the first half of 2016, in Norway, its macroeconomic situation slightly im-

proved due to the increase of the efficiency in fishing and shipbuilding indus-

tries, not in the fuel and energy sector. In 2015, Statoil obtained a financial loss

of 37.3 billion of Norwegian currency. It was accompanied by a sharp decline

in its economic activity. In 2015, its total turnover compared to 2014 decreased

by 22.5%65. Since mid-2014, the price of Statoil share remained in a downtrend.

As a result, at the end of December 2015, its share was at the level from 200266.

The difficult financial situation of Statoil and its significant role in Norwegian

GDP influenced on the course of economic situation in the country. In 2012-

2015, GDP per capita (in PPP) decreased by about 6%67.

CONCLUSIONS

Economic changes in the world in the last several years were significantly

shaped by the increase in the price changeability in markets of commercial

goods, mainly energy resources. The ups and downs in prices of natural re-

sources influenced on conditions in many economic sectors and individual

countries. In 2006-2008 and 2011-2013, prices of crude oil and natural gas came

to an extremely high value, which resulted in a significant increase in financial

surpluses of enterprises from the mining sector. The countries that largely based

on the mining industry, received high surpluses from exports of natural re-

63 http://www.morningstar.com/stocks/PINX/OGZPY/quote.html, access 16.07.2016. 64 http://www.cire.pl/item,106739,1,0,0,0,0,0,gazprom-nie-boi-sie-taniej-ropy-ani-sankcji-i-

prezentuje-nowe-plany.html, access 15.07.2015. 65 http://financials.morningstar.com/income-statement/is.html?t=STO&region=usa&cul-

ture=en-US, access 18.07.2016. 66 http://www.morningstar.com/stocks/xnys/sto/quote.html, access 18.07.2016. 67 The fall in GDP per capita (purchasing power parity) in Europe in 2012-2015 occurred also

in Ukraine (- 6.6%) and Cyprus (- 3.7%) - http://stat.gov.pl/statystyka-miedzynarodowa/por-

ownania-miedzynarodowe/tablice-o-krajach-wedlug-tematu, tab. 15.1., access 30.07. 2016.

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218

sources and achieved significant tax revenues. Russia and Norway were among

these countries. The rapid development of oil and gas sector in Russia caused

an increase in economic activities in other economic sectors. This trend was

noticed, inter alia, in the financial sector and new technologies. A favorable

addition to this transformation was an intense inflow of direct foreign invest-

ments into Russian economy. In the first decade of the twenty-first century,

Russia effectively used the boom in natural resources markets and direct foreign

investments from Western Europe to improve its economic situation. After

2014, the economic situation in Russia began to complicate. The decline in

prices of crude oil and natural gas and the conflict with Ukraine led to a slump

in its stock market, the devaluation of the ruble and the economic recession. Its

foreign exchange reserves, that were accumulated during the boom, and its

strong economic links with China, gave Russia advantages in overcoming its

financial and economic difficulties. Certainly, the strengthening of fuel and en-

ergy sector during the boom did not weaken Russian economy. On the contrary,

it gave the country a strong competitive positions in global market, and stimu-

lated developments of other sectors of its economy.

Alike, in Norway, an increased concentration of capital and technology in the

mining sector did not limit its opportunities for further development, even in

the case of declining in oil and gas prices in world markets. Although the cost

of crude oil and natural gas in Norway were higher than in Russia and signifi-

cantly higher than in Arab countries, the deliberate actions of the Norwegian

parliament and government to increase reserves in the Norwegian Pension

Fund, created the possibility of taking actions in case of further fall in natural

resources prices in world markets. Signs of these activities were: starting up

new areas of business, strengthening technological progress in other business

activities, and the protection of current level of life for people on retire.

In our opinion, the hypothesis of Jeffrey D. Sachs and Andrew M. Warner that

the monocultural economic structure limits the supply of capital needed to start

other productive economic activities, thereby, affecting on the decline in GDP

growth in the long-run, is false. In the described economies, the boom in natural

resources markets caused the launching of chain processes (in Russia, it was the

development of other business areas) or protecting actions (in Norway, the

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219

transformation of the capital coming from oil and gas into the Norwegian Pen-

sion Fund), which significantly strengthened the foundations of these econo-

mies, giving them better competitive positions in global market.

REFERENCES

1. Denning L., Oil’s black swans on the Horizon, „The Wall Street Journal”, 16 Feb-

ruary 2015.

2. Geise M., Krajowe rynki pracy w praktyce współczesnego kapitalizmu, Wydaw-

nictwo Uniwersytetu Kazimierza Wielkiego, Bydgoszcz 2015.

3. Larsen E. R., The Norwegian economy 1900-2000 – from rags to riches. A brief

history of economic policy making in Norway, “Economic Survey of Statistics.

Norway”, No. 4, 2000.

4. Moses J. W., Open States in the global economy, Macmillan Press Ltd., London

2000.

5. Prace Ośrodka Studiów Wschodnich, Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich, Warszawa

2003.

6. Rocznik Statystyki Międzynarodowej, tab. 1(180), Główny Urząd Statystyczny,

Warszawa 2012.

7. Russian Economic Report, The World Bank, October 2002.

8. Sachs, J. D., Warner A. M., The curse of natural resources,”European Economic

Review”, Volume 45, Issue 4-6, May 2001.

9. Statistisk årbok av Norge, Statistisk Sentralbyrå, Oslo 2006.

10. Stiglitz J. E., Globalizacja, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa 2005.

11. The Annual Report on Form 20-F is our SEC filing for the fiscal year ended De-

cember 31, 2015, as submitted to the US Securities and Exchange Commission,

Statoil 2016.

12. The national budget – summary, Ministry of Finance, Oslo (2000-2006).

Prof. Mirosław Geise - professor of Economy, Kazimierz Wielki University, Byd-

goszcz, Poland

e-mail: [email protected]

Prof. Maria Ewa Szatlach - professor of Political Sciences, Kazimierz Wielki Univer-

sity, Bydgoszcz, Poland

e-mail: [email protected]

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Monika Dorota ADAMCZYK

MODERN FORMS OF PREPARATION TO RETIREMENT-

SELECTED RESULTS OF THE ERASMUS+ PROJECT BALL

BE ACTIVE THROUGH LIFELONG LEARNING

ABSTRACT

Alongside with the development of social activity of older people, the process of in-

creasing the educational activity of this group should follow. This type of activity makes

it possible to not only to broaden knowledge and acquire new skills and competencies,

but also to update the skills or knowledge already possessed, which specifically refers

to the ability and willingness to take an active and skillful attitude to preparation for

retirement. Educational activity plays also an important role in creating social bonds,

and thus is crucial to a successful, active and happy life in the old age. The activity of

the Polish population in the area of education has recorded an upward trend, but the

situation looks much different when this type of activity is analyzed according to age

groups. Age, in this case turns out to be a very important variable differentiating partic-

ipation in various forms of education. As it turns out, the older a person is, the less likely

they participate in improving / changing education. For obvious reasons, this applies

primarily to formal education. Lifelong learning (especially in the age group 50+) is

a key element of active aging, because it enables to develop new skills till the end of

a professional career and during retirement, thus promoting social functions of seniors

and their well-being. The educational achievements of adults are regarded as an indica-

tor of knowledge and skills available in the economy. Education also strengthens the

potential of older people to participate actively in society through paid employment,

volunteering, active participation in civic life and the resourcefulness of independent

life. Selected results of the survey conducted within the BALL Erasmus + Project will

be presented. The degree of preparation to retirement is going to be discussed in the

following dimensions: the perception of retirement and attitudes towards it; degree of

preparation to retirement in four main areas: finances, learning, personal development

and active retirement; preferred forms of action to prepare for retirement.

Keywords: active ageing, preparation for retirement, lifelong learning

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INTRODUCTION

For years, European societies have been subjected to escalating processes of

demographic alterations, moving towards advanced social aging. Also in Po-

land, there are significant changes in the population in particular age groups,

which are the consequence, among others, of the decreasing number of births

and lengthening of the average life expectancy. With the dynamics of these

changes the necessity to improve already possessed competences and develop

new ones emerges not only among young people, but also among people aged

over 50. Another important issue is conscious preparation for retirement, which,

in the context of demographic changes, seems to be highly significant. Older

adults may need to retrain to acquire new qualifications, which would result in

a more conscious and effective preparation for post-productive age. Retraining

involves undertaking efforts in the field of education1. In the era of a steadily

increasing proportion of older people in developed societies, lifelong learning

has become a necessary condition to make the knowledge and competences pre-

viously acquired by older people a significant part of a developing society’s

potential.

Lifelong learning is one of the essential elements of active aging, and the defi-

nition of this concept adopted by the European Commission assumes that it em-

braces all forms of learning undertaken throughout life, aimed at improving,

deepening knowledge, skills and competences from a personal, civil, social or

professional perspective (Commission of the European Communities, 20001).

Lifelong learning includes improving basic skills as well as advanced learning

opportunities and should be available to all citizens.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The practical goal of the BALL Project was the attempt to identify the most

1 One of the basic forms of extracurricular education of adults is training. In the era of

knowledge organization, training has become not only a traditional form of instructing, at the

foundation level of vocational training to acquire practical skills and modeled on school

forms. It aims, above all, at improving continually the competences of working people to

adapt to the changing civilization and technological requirements and enables re-qualification

adequate to the current market needs.

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sensitive areas from the point of view of preparation to retirement. The mapping

conducted allows, on the one hand, to test and work effectively on the recom-

mended forms of engaging people aged 55+, and on the other hand it can sup-

port the labor market and social policy institutions in creating a friendly envi-

ronment that stimulates the learning process, as well as the intellectual and cul-

tural development of people from this age group. Empirical data - necessary to

assess the situation in Poland in terms of preparation for retirement and entering

the "third age" - was obtained by conducting a quantitative research using the

questionnaire survey technique. The studied sample group established for the

needs of the survey amounted to 3,000 people. The questionnaire was available

in both paper and on-line versions. The study was conducted between February

and March 2015. Two versions of the survey were prepared, for the two sub-

groups studied: the retired and non-retired. Each version contained questions on

the same issues: preparation for retirement, the role of the state and the em-

ployer in this preparation, and issues such as individual, social and economic

planning for retirement. The survey was addressed to two categories of people:

retired people and persons of immobile productive age, i.e. over 45 years of age.

FORMS OF ACTIVITY OF THE RESPONDENTS OF THE BALL SURVEY –

EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITY, PERSONAL DEVELOPMENT, THE USE OF MOD-

ERN TECHNOLOGIES- THE RETIRED GROUP

In the survey conducted2 it was assumed, that preparation to retirement can take

the form of learning new skills and acquiring knowledge in the field of issues

related to retirement and preparation for it. According to these assumptions, re-

spondents who already retired were first asked whether preparation for retire-

ment was necessary. Over half of the respondents (58%) answered that it was

necessary, but more than 41% did not recognize the need to take any action in

2 The main cognitive objective of the research conducted was the assessment of the state of

preparation for retirement of people aged 55+. At present, you can find publications on the

subject of retirement planning, however, most of them, if not all, focus on planning this stage

in life from the economic side, or emphasize the aspect of healthy aging. The present study

does not deal with either aspect, although both are important to be able to enjoy the "third

age" and are discussed in the work.

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this area. Respondents who admitted that preparation for retirement was neces-

sary, were asked an additional question about whether they took any steps to

prepare to their own retirement and the next, how they did it. As many as 74%

of respondents replied that they did not prepare for retirement. In order to create

a list of possible ways to prepare for retirement, all respondents were asked to

indicate all the opportunities they had used from the list given. As it turns out,

the most common way to prepare, among people undertaking activities in this

field, was preparing by themselves - 23.5%. 11% of respondents used individual

advice from other pensioners, family and friends, and 8% read books on the

subject.

The process of preparing for retirement, similarly to the aging process that ac-

companies it, is very individualized (J. K. Wawrzyniak, 2014). To identify the

possible preferences concerning the forms of activities aiming at preparation to

retirement, respondents from the group of pensioners were asked about the form

of learning they would prefer during training. Nearly 60% of them chose the

answer to learn from other active retirees. 41% of respondents generally men-

tioned courses as their preferred form of learning. Nearly 40% would turn for

help to a coach or use other forms of personal counseling. Over a quarter of

respondents indicated online courses as the preferred form of learning. It may

come as a surprise that only such a small percentage of interviewees expressed

interest in e-learning, considering that over 80% of respondents use a computer

or other technical devices, and 83% have access to the Internet 3. In order to

deepen the knowledge about the pensioners' use of new technologies, they were

asked whether preparing for retirement in the form of online courses would be

convenient for them. In total, 37% of respondents opted for that. It should be

noted that quite a significant percentage of respondents were unable to take a

stand on this subject - almost 37%.

Individual development is a process that can take place at many levels: personal

and professional. In the professional sphere, it means stepping forward and

overcoming the next levels of a professional path, acquiring new skills, abilities,

competences, and a professional identity that can be helpful in achieving spe-

cific goals. In the personal sphere, it is a form of self-improvement, broadening

3 The study was carried on among students of universities of the third age, who have access to

computers during classes and workshops.

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of horizons. The study assumed that the personal development process is also

related to preparation for retirement, that is why respondents were asked a few

questions in this field. First of all, they were asked whether they thought that

preparation for retirement would facilitate their social integration after retire-

ment. Over half of the respondents - 58% - stated that they did not. However, it

should be remembered that 66% of the retirees surveyed did not undergo such

preparations. Respondents were also asked what thematic areas were the most

important in their own preparation for retirement. Respondents attributed the

greatest importance to the health area (54.6%), time management (46%), leisure

and culture (37%), family and social relations (34.4%). In the block of questions

regarding personal development, an enquiry about who should organize the

preparation was included. Nearly half of the respondents assume that they are

responsible themselves for this preparation (47%). Every third respondent

points to the employer as the subject responsible.

FORMS OF ACTIVITY OF THE RESPONDENTS OF THE BALL SURVEY –

EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITY, PERSONAL DEVELOPMENT, THE USE OF MOD-

ERN TECHNOLOGIES – THE NON-RETIRED

In total, 68% of the respondents from the subgroup of the non-retired believe

that preparation for retirement is necessary and intend to undertake such prepa-

rations. When asked about what form they would choose, to a much greater

extent than respondents from the retirees subgroup, they opted for active forms

of preparation. Answering the question about the form of education they would

chose to prepare for retirement, nearly half of the interviewees would decide on

individual counseling / coaching (48%), 44% would learn from other active re-

tirees, and 43% would participate in courses. Only one in three respondents

would study online.The low level of interest in on-line courses and classes may

be surprising, compared to the very high level of the declared access to Internet

(94%) and the use of a computer or other technical devices (96%). There is a

striking discrepancy between the declared form of learning, in this case on-line

(32%), and the answer to the question: Would preparing for retirement in the

form of online courses be convenient for you? In total, 45.6% of people declared

that it would be a convenient form of learning for them. As in the case of the

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retired subgroup, the non-retired respondents were asked questions about per-

sonal development. The set of indicators measuring the degree of preparation

for retirement are activities undertaken in the field of personal development. In

the survey conducted, the respondents were asked several questions in this field,

among others, whether preparing for retirement could facilitate social integra-

tion after retirement. The vast majority of respondents (73%) answered, that the

actions undertaken to prepare for retirement could facilitate social integration

after the end of professional career. Preparation for retirement covers many ar-

eas of life. Respondents were asked to indicate which areas they consider the

most important in their own preparation for retirement. The vast majority - 71%

of respondents - mentioned health, followed by family and social relations

(42.5%). The so-called economic area came only third (35%). Both profession-

ally active and already retired respondents consistently advocate that everyone

is responsible for preparing for retirement by themselves. In total, 36% of re-

spondents mention the employer, 28.7% public administration, and 27% non-

governmental organizations.

FORMS OF ACTIVITIES OF THE RESPONDENTS OF THE BALL SURVEY –

EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITY, PERSONAL DEVELOPMENT, THE USE OF MOD-

ERN TECHNOLOGIES – NON-RETIRED VS. RETIRED -COMPARISON

It needs to be observed that online learning is the least popular form of personal

development (retired 26%, non-retired-32%). The employed, similarly to pen-

sioners, are much more willing to learn through contact with other people, alt-

hough in the case of retirees, those are mostly other active pensioners, whereas

in the case of the non-retired- experts involved in personal consulting - coach-

ing. Both groups of respondents have access to the Internet, use computers and

other technical devices. In the case of the employed, only a small percentage of

people declare not using a computer (3%) and having no access to the Internet

(6%). The ability to use computers, the Internet, usually necessary in the pro-

fessional, intellectual or cultural development of a human being, has become a

condition for full participation in social life. Older adults, what is worth remem-

bering, were born, raised and educated in times when there were no computers,

no Internet, mobile phones, etc. That is why, together with the growing role and

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importance of modern technologies in various spheres of life, the number of

people at risk of social and economic exclusion is increasing. It affects people

without access to a computer or the Internet, those who have access, but do take

advantage of it, as well as users who lack competences and are unable to use it

properly. In the case of issues related to Internet access, the use of computers

and other technical devices, it should be remembered that although there is no

threat of digital exclusion in the surveyed subgroups of working people and

pensioners, among almost 13 million Poles in the 50+ age group, more than half

(52%) is still in working age. According to Social Diagnosis data from 2009,

only 21.6% (2.8 million) people aged 50+ used the Internet, although as much

as 40% had access to the network at home. At the same time, in the group of

people aged 16-49, the percentage of Internet users amounted to 71% (Social

Diagnosis 2009). Thus, the intergenerational difference is very large (up to

50%). According to the World Internet Project (WIP) research, in June 2010,

24.6% of people aged 50 and over used the Internet in Poland. Meanwhile, there

were as much as 75.3% users aged 15-49 (Between Alienation and Adaptation,

2011, 8-10) Among the countries of the European Union, Poland belongs to the

countries with the lowest percentage of network users, and the main indicator

of digital exclusion in our country is age. Over 200,000 Poles retire each year.

This number is systematically growing, which is why the key task in the coming

years will be to increase the number of Internet users in our country. The space

for educational and promotional activities is vast: Poles aged 50+, who do not

use the Internet, amount to more than 10 million people, including 3.9 million

aged 50-59 and 6.26 million aged 60+ (Social Diagnosis 2011, Between Alien-

ation and Adaptation 2011). In the case of the surveyed population, 83% of

pensioners declared to have access to Internet (17% of the surveyed subgroup

have no access), and 94% of the non-retired (no access is declared by only 6%).

However, in the case of the surveyed group of pensioners, only for 37% of re-

spondents preparing for retirement in the form of on-line courses would be ac-

ceptable. It should be noted here that in the case of Poland, people aged 50 and

over relatively rarely participate in trainings aimed at improving computer and

Internet skills. Lack of competence in the proper use of computers, search en-

gines, or forms of communication offered by modern technologies, including

the Internet, may prevent the use of online courses or discourage them. The

authors of the report Dojrz@łość w sieci” (M@turity in the Net), referring to

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the GUS data from April 2007, indicate that only 11% of people in this age

group participated in such training at least once in their life, while younger peo-

ple declared as much as 50% participation. By narrowing the group of people

surveyed only to computer users and the Internet in Poland, it can be stated that

only 45% of older users took part in courses embracing the use of modern in-

formation and communication technologies (Between Alienation and Adapta-

tion 2011). On this basis, it can be assumed that this form of preparation for

retirement requires an appropriate training offer, tailored to the needs and capa-

bilities of older adults. When analyzing the preferred forms of learning, differ-

ences in three areas are noticeable. 40% of pensioners and 48% of profession-

ally active respondents chose a form of training based on personal counseling

or coaching. Online learning was indicated as a possible form of training by

26% of retirees and 32% of non-retired people respectively. The most important

difference can be observed in the option of learning from other active retirees.

59% of retirees and 44% of working people chose this form of learning. It is in

the area of knowledge transfer passed between generation groups - learning

from other active pensioners – that the biggest difference between the surveyed

subgroups is noted. In the case of Poland, we must remember that the difference

between generational groups is not only due to the well-known laws governing

such changes4, but also to the systemic transformation: social, political and eco-

nomic, which Poland experienced after 1989. The transition from a centralist

economy and a one-party system of communist power to a free market economy

and a democratic system, as well as permanent changes impressed by the total-

itarian system on Polish society, make these differences much more complex.

It is worth relying on two classic concepts – of H. Klages and R. Inglehart. Ac-

cording to them, the transformation of values is done mainly through genera-

tional change, combined with a change in the social context. The hypothesis of

the scarcity and socialization of R. Inglehart indicates that the structure of the

preferred values of a given generation depends on the socio-economic situation

4 According to K. Mannheim's distinction between the generation and the real generation, the

generation is formed by members of society born in a similar time, who are connected by

social and cultural conditions of their childhood and youth. However, it is only the collective

and conscious participation in the common destiny, ideas and concepts connected inextricably

with the development of the generation that can lead to the use of its potential and the emer-

gence of a lasting generational relationship characterized by the fact that members of this

generation represent a similar way of thinking and attitudes towards certain values. (K. Mann-

heim, 1992, p. 156.)

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prevailing in the period of this generation's growth. It gives the highest value to

objects to which access was limited during the growing period. It can therefore

be assumed that the so-called post-modern values, referred to by R. Inglehart as

post-materialist, and by H. Klages as self-realization values, are more strongly

felt by younger generations of Poles (M. Adamczyk, 2013). Perhaps this is why

searching for advice and information from the older generation is not very pop-

ular. In the case of personal development issues, there is a clear difference be-

tween the surveyed groups. More than half of people who were already retired

(59%) stated that the preparations for retirement did not facilitate their social

integration after retirement. The working people view this problem differently.

Overall, 73% of them think that such activities will help them to integrate so-

cially in the future. Less visible differences can be observed in the area of de-

termining thematic areas that are important from the point of view of preparing

for retirement. For 36% of the employed, the area of economic issues is im-

portant from the point of view of the future retirement, while the same area is

important for 18% of pensioners. The health area is important for both groups,

but in the case of retirees it is 55%, and in the case of the non-retired it amounts

to 16% more (71%).

The difference in the perception of preparation to retirement can be noted be-

tween the surveyed groups also in the area of issues related to knowledge about

rights and obligations, as well as knowledge in the field of new technologies. In

the case of the first area, the indications differed by 14% (18% retirees, working

people 32%), in the second area it was 8% (19% retired, non-retired 27%). In

the case of entities that should organize preparation for retirement, both groups

in the first place pointed to preparing by themselves (47% pensioners, non-re-

tired 45%), the employer came second in the ranking (34% pensioners, the em-

ployed- 36%). The most commonly chosen answer to the question how many

years before retirement such a preparation should be available, was the period

between 3 months and a year. And so, 18% think that they should be ready 3

months before retirement, 15.6%- 6 months before, and 47.5% of respondents

indicate the period of one year before retirement. Only 13.7% of respondents

believe that such activities should be possible to take three years before retire-

ment, and nearly 5% more than three years before retirement.

Alongside with the development of the social and professional activity of older

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people, the process of increasing the educational activity of this age group

should proceed. This type of activity allows not only to broaden knowledge and

acquire new skills or competences, but it also allows to update the skills and

knowledge already possessed. Moreover, educational activity plays an ex-

tremely important role in creating social bonds, thus constitutes an indispensa-

ble element for a successful, active and happy experience of old age. Retirement

is a phenomenon that can turn out to be a crisis. Crises in the old age phase are

understood as turning points, difficult situations, in which the elderly person

must put in a lot of effort and activity (J. K. Wawrzyniak, 2014).Retirement is

sometimes called "social death" because it implies a withdrawal from profes-

sional roles, loss of the prestige associated with it, loss of duties, but also the

rights and privileges that were associated to them. Adaptation to the new situa-

tion is easier if there are plans for implementation and interest that can be de-

veloped: gardening, travel, learning new skills. The problem begins when a per-

son, apart from their professional duties, did not perform any social activities,

had no interests, did not perform other roles. In this situation, adaptation to re-

tirement is more difficult.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. A Memorandum on LifeLong Learning, Commission Staff Working Paper, Com-

mission of the European Comunities, Brussels 30.10.2001, http://tvu.acs.si/doku-

menti/LLLmemorandum_Oct2000.pdf.

2. Adamczyk M., Wprowadzenie do teorii kapitału społecznego, Wydawnictwo

KUL, Lublin 2013

3. Diagnoza społeczna 2009. Warunki i jakość życia Polaków. Raport. Ed. J. Czapiń-

ski, T. Panek, http://www.diagnoza.com/pliki/raporty/Diagnoza_raport_2009.pdf.

4. Diagnoza społeczna 2011. Warunki i jakość życia Polaków. Raport. Ed. J. Czapiń-

ski, T. Panek. http://www.diagnoza.com/pliki/raporty/Diagnoza_raport_2011. pdf;

5. Mannheim K., Ideology and Utopia, Test, Lublin 1992, p. 156.

6. Między alienacją a adaptacją: Polacy w wieku 50+ wobec Internetu. Raport Otwar-

cia Koalicji Dojrz@łośćw sieci, Warszawa 2010, http://dojrzaloscwsieci.pl/ra-

port.htm.

7. Wawrzyniak J. K. , Starość i starzenie się, in: A. Chabior, A. Fabiś, J. K. Wawrzy-

niak, Starzenie się i starość w perspektywie pracy socjalnej, Centrum Zasobów

Ludzkich, Warszawa 2014, p.19- 29.

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Dr. Monika Dorota Adamczyk – associate profesor at the Faculty of Sociology of

Knowledge and Education, Institute of Sociology,

the John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin

e-mail: [email protected]

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VII. REVIEWS

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Włodzimierz CHOJNACKI

MONOGRAPHY REVIEW ENTITLED:

“POTENTIAL AND RELATIONS OF STRENGTHS IN DIGI-

TAL KNOWLEDGE SOCIETY“

PUBLISED BY POLTEXT, WARSAW 2018 P. 274 UNDER

SCIENCE EDITION, BY PROF L.W. ZACHERA

The subject of review is the collect work published by prof L.W. Zacher. A

deep study of contained text provides grounds for the opinion that it constitutes

an essential science input in theory and research development concerning inter-

disciplinary and multi-dimensional, social, economic and technological prob-

lems. According to prof. L. Zacher, these approaches supplement each other,

penetrate and generate new archetypes of thinking and perceiving the dynamics

of changes undergoing in structures, processes and attributions, shaping the net-

work societies. Perhaps not in far-future knowledge of societies. The driving

force of these changes is, first of all, the need and expectation generated by

people satisfied with solutions of many existential, cognitive and practical prob-

lems. The solutions of these problems generate the streams of flows, both the

planned and organized, as well as non-designed interactions of the matter, en-

ergy, information, knowledge, innovation and finances in form an organization

related to the level of socio-economic development. As a result of supplement-

ing these two streams, appear barriers, risk and threats for widely understood

personal and structural security. For this reason, they demand permanent and

flexible designing, modeling, monitoring, standardizing and normalizing in or-

der to limit their negative interactions. These streams shape strength and rela-

tion between socio-technical and socio-economic systems. They accept differ-

ent forms from state and government power as well as ending with organized

criminal groups. They operate according to accepted politics, business strategy,

violence, law manipulation and finally medial propaganda.

The presented in this monography, interesting research result of 14 authors,

from well-known science and research centers in Poland, USA and Canada,

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where digital studies are conducted.

At the very beginning, one can make suggestion that this kind of research fea-

tures interdisciplinary, multidimensional and multilevel character indispensably

needed for social practice and development of cognitive sphere related with

readers. This collected monography constitutes platform, which connected

many points of view at potential and distribution of strength in presently created

knowledge society. This monography reflects, to a large extent, and enriches

contemporary science output both of Polish and foreign researches dealing with

analyses of networking and digitalizing process in social space as well as their

influence on individuals and social groups. This monography may excellently

serve to identify and evaluate micro and microsocial structure network focused

around defined values. Moreover, they may serve for designing exchange net-

works and tightening cooperation between researchers from leading centers in

country and abroad.

The interesting materials presented in this monography, also entitled the re-

viewer to state that that all authors whose results of the research were in this

assembly of articles having professional science and research competence and

experience in the area of description and explanation technical, technological,

social and cultural problem connected with functioning network society. These

articles feature a high level of theoretical and practical considerations close to

systemic analysis, what reveals in presentation of solutions and formulating

conclusions and proposals.

It`s a pity that authors did not take advantage of occasion for formulating more

deeper syntheses and comparisons of their own research results conducted by

West European countries and the US.

It is worth emphasizing that the authors excellently connected the network the-

ories with the methods in social studies and with empirical study workshops,

like looking for the answer on difficult and extremely complex problems:

• elaboration of methodologically cohesive network conceptions enabling

long term studies and interpreting trends and their development and their

structural elements of power and relations;

• elaboration of theoretical platform for research and measurement of

strength potential leading to social integration and disintegration;

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• identification of power sources needed to created and impose legal rules as

well as to enable negations of the imposed limitations.

It is worth mentioning that it is consecutive important monographic elaboration

about digital society elaborated by prof. L.W. Zacher. Presently reviewed

monography stands out both multidimensional and analytical-to-synthetic way

of presenting complexity power interacting at knowledge from one side and

professionalization of individual and occupation groups on the other side.

Moreover, underlining the significance of informatics rule-out of the part of

society having low professional qualification and competence.

The research result involved in this monography about changes undergoing in

the society based on informatics networks constitute extremely variable contri-

bution to knowledge having a unique descriptive –explaining, research, didactic

and practical valor.

The authors of each part were assigned to seven chapter of monography. They

are well-known scientist researchers in Poland and all over the world. It is evi-

dent in multidimensional and complex relations and strengths occurring be-

tween functional and dysfunctional power elites as well as those which occur in

relations between liberty and power in network society.

I would like to take into consideration the proposal that this kind of monography

should be placed at the end each article: photo and bio-gram of the author as

well as his science achievement, but not only his affiliation and e-mail. It results

from more and more greater interesting, but only the researchers with science

titles by students of different faculties and specialties. This situation would cre-

ate a possibility of making connections with prominent researches in the area

of theoretical, methodological and empirical aspects.

From a perspective of reviewer I can highly evaluate the cognitive, research,

science and practical aspects of the reviewed monography. At present it is ex-

tremely important each interdisciplinary elaborated monography having a dy-

namical potential information of socio-economic transformation. For this rea-

son the contents of these articles contained in a reviewed collect work I regard

and evaluated as excellent achievement a specially important for person inter-

ested in this kind of interdisciplinary problems.

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The authors of this monography are were known as very competent and inquir-

ing researchers enabling to apply quantitative and qualitative methods, histori-

cal-comparative analysis and secondary analysis of research results.

The Polish and foreign literature subjected to in-depth analysis, interesting re-

sult of research fully justify the conclusion that the reviewed monography pub-

lished by prof. L.W. Zacher introduces an essential contribution to deeper epis-

temology of complexity problem in the society of knowledge based on science

and technology achievement including the social capital.

To summarize the above velour, it is necessary to state that it is the outstanding

monography directed both to theoretical and practical researchers as well as

readers, teachers and students.

Prof. Włodzimierz Chojnacki – Higher School of Finances and Management in War-

saw, Poland.

e-mail: [email protected].

[email protected]

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Instructions to Authors

Invited are scholarly articles which address interdisciplinary issues on the broader im-

pacts of science and technology on society as well as future studies. Examples of topics

covered include (but are not limited to): risks, dangers, disasters – models of analysis

and management, non-economic dimensions of e-society, from information society to

knowledge society, perspectives and assessments of new radical technologies (ICTs,

biotechnology, biomedicine etc.), socio-cultural aspects in the age of the Internet and

virtual reality, globalization – perspectives and multicriterial evaluation of impacts; sus-

tainability and the coming new world – looking for solutions.

Guidelines for Authors

• All papers should be submitted in electronic version only.

• The volume of submitted papers should not exceed 42 000 characters (including

spaces and footnotes).

• Any tables, charts and other graphic elements should be accompanied by editable

entry forms.

• Papers should be linguistically and stylistically correct, and all quotes and refer-

ences should be documented.

• Only footnotes should be used in submitted texts.

• Submitted articles should be accompanied by:

o information about the author, in particular his or her name, degree or aca-

demic title, e-mail address, an indication of respective home university (for

academic staff) and a separate note about the author up to ¼ page,

o a summary in English; the length of the abstract should not exceed 500

words,

o keywords with regard to the content of the article (3-10 terms),

o a statement confirming that the proposed text is original and was submitted

exclusively to Transformacje (Transformations) and has not been previously

published.

• The editors reserve the right to edit submitted papers.

• Submitted material will not be returned.

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Review Process

• Scientific papers submitted to Transformations shall be subject to review:

o the evaluation is performed by two reviewers (independently),

o the identity of the Authors is not disclosed to the reviewers,

o the identity of the reviewers of individual materials is not disclosed to their

Authors.

• The editors are making all possible efforts to ensure that reviewers are appointed

from outside the research unit affiliated by the author of the publication.

• In debatable cases (e.g. inconsistent or contradictory reviews) the editors decide if

the paper is to be admitted for publishing. The editors may decide to appoint an

additional reviewer.

• Any detected breaches of ethical and scientific misconduct (in particular, ghost-

writing and guest authorship) will be exposed and documented.

Reviewers (2017):

Prof. Peter BOŁTUĆ, University of Illinois, Springfield, IL, USA

Prof. Piotr CHMIELEWSKI, Kozminski University, Warsaw, Poland

Prof. Włodzimierz CHOJNACKI, School of Finance and Management, Warsaw, Po-

land

Prof. Andrzej KIEPAS, University of Silesia, Katowice, Poland

Prof. Filip PIERZCHALSKI, Kazimierz Wielki University, Bydgoszcz, Poland

Prof. Ewa POLAK, University of Gdansk, Gdańsk, Poland

Prof. Ryszard STĘPIEŃ, Pultusk Academy of Humanities,Pułtusk, Poland

Prof. Jan SZMYD, Pedagogical University of Cracow, Cracow, Poland

Prof. Bogdan ZELER, University of Silesia, Katowice, Poland

Members of the International Scientific Council and Editorial Staff

have also been reviewers.