the wire august 2010

8/8/2019 The Wire August 2010

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f o r a c t i v i s t s a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l m e m B e r sAugust / september 2010 VOLume 40 Issue 004

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thi A Any Innaional i lanchin h han ih jony

a vial lafo ha can ak al anil diffnc.

pla ak h jony wih . tavl h wold. Find o ao han

ih and ovy. undand h i and find o how hy affc

yo. m oh ol who a alo affcd, vii hi conii

and lin o hi oi. tll yo own. Do wha yo can o nd anal

oaliy and han ih a in l, oo cooa

acconailiy and dand acc o Jic. Yo can choo wh

o vii, wha i o foc on and wha acion o involvd in

on and offlin.

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on yo avl. Any Innaional will collc yo acion, and ho

of any oh fllow avll, and will ha a vidnc howin

ovnn and dciion-ak wha i hanin and wha nd o

don. W will alo how h ha illion of acivi will no o

dandin jic nil i a olvd.

Don wai. sa yo jony now.

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ontents

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Pushed into PovertyForced off their lands, some of BrazilsIndigenous communities have become easytargets for discrimination, exploitation andviolence. The Brazilian government mustprotect them from human rights abuses.Page 2

insidethis wire

Banning the veilFind out why AmnestyInternational objects to the ban onthe full-face veil. Page 15

act nowworldwideaPPealsread,distriBute,actsee our insert

they will never give uPFamilies of victims of enforced disappearances continueto seek justice years and even decades after their lovesones have disappeared. Page 16. Support them by signingand sending the postcards in the insert.

Q&aValdnia A. Paulino Lanfranchi is the founder of theSapopemba Center for Human Rights in So Paulo. Shetells WIRE why a review of the Millennium DevelopmentGoals is crucial for the lives of people living in Brazilsslums. Page 13

what else?Find out about the human rights crisis innorthwest Pakistan, executions in Belarus (Page 7)and internal displacement in Georgia (Page 18).Call for freedoms of expression, peaceful assembly,and association in Myanmar (Page 18) and joinAmnesty International Ghanas campaign to endthe death penalty in their country (Page 19).Finally, sign and send a postcard calling foraccountability for enforced disappearances inSudan (Page 20).

overcomingthe Past in thedemocraticrePuBlic ofthe congoAs the country marksits 50th anniversary,

WIRE considers thefuture of human rightsin the war-torn land.Page 8


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indigen

ousrightsinBraZil

thirty-three Guarani-Kaiow families of theLaranjeira anderu community, includingaround 85 children, are living by the side of the

B-169 highway in Brazils Mato Grosso do Sul state,

at the edge of their traditional lands. The familiesare refusing to leave despite threats from armedsecurity guards, hired by the landowner. They haveno running water or adequate shelter, the area isfrequently flooded and their camp is teeming withinsects and leeches.

The community was evicted on 9 September2009 from the traditional lands they had reoccupiedin 2007. The Federal Police, which oversaw theeviction, told the landowner that the community

would return to collect their remaining belongings,including the straw roofs that they needed to rebuildtheir shacks. The landowner, however, burned thefamilies houses and all their belongings. Withoutthe straw roofs, the community are now living inshacks covered with sheets of black plastic, intemperatures of more than 30C. They are nowthreatened once more with eviction from thehighway agency.

Brazil is home to more than 700,000Indigenous People, including the majority of the

worlds uncontacted tribes; more than 200

Indigenous groups, speaking over 180 differentlanguages. Traditional lands are of centralimportance to their identity and their social, culturaland economic wellbeing a fact acknowledged by

the government-coined term Indian is Land. Yetfor hundreds of years, Indigenous People in Brazilhave been driven from their lands a process thatcontinues to this day. The consequences aredevastating. Without their lands, Indigenouscommunities have been pushed into a life ofpoverty. Many have become easy targets fordiscrimination, exploitation and violence.

That so many Indigenous cultures and ways oflife have resisted centuries of such abuse of rights

is a testament to their capacity for survival. Sincethe 1990s, the growth of autonomous Indigenousorganizations has enabled Indigenous Peoples tobecome protagonists in their struggle at the local,regional, national and international level in new anddynamic ways.

Pockets of PovertyAlthough Brazil has become a major world economyin the last three decades, the countrys economic

growth and new-found wealth has bypassed millions

of people living in poverty. Nowhere are thedisparities more apparent than among the countrysIndigenous Peoples. According to official figures,over a third of Indigenous People in Brazil live inextreme poverty.

The Guarani-Kaiow and the Nhandeva are byfar the largest Indigenous groups living in MatoGrosso do Sul state. The south of the state is hometo some of the poorest and most densely populatedIndigenous areas of the country. Impoverished ruralcommunities are surrounded by large cattleranches, soya and sugarcane plantations. While inovercrowded urban reservations malnutrition andillness thrive.

According to the 2009 report on Brazil by theUN Special Rapporteur on the situation of humanrights and fundamental freedoms of indigenouspeople, Mato Grosso do Sul has the highest rate ofindigenous childrens death due to precariousconditions of health, access to water and food,related to lack of lands.

Promises and delaysThe 1988 Brazilian Constitution enshrined the rightof Indigenous Peoples to lands traditionally

occupied by Indians. It makes the federalgovernment responsible for protecting andtransferring traditional lands back to BrazilsIndigenous Peoples. The complex transfer process,which is administered by the National IndianFoundation (Fundao Nacional do ndio, FUNAI),includes five stages: identification, delimitation,demarcation, ratification and registration.

The Constitution ordered the demarcation of allsuch lands by 1993. However, the process of landtransfer has proved painfully slow. It can take years,

if not decades, to settle a claim. Many factors havecontributed to these delays. In many cases, the useof political and economic power by vested intereststo delay and thwart the process has proved a majorobstacle. The judiciary has also been slow to rule onthe many appeals against the demarcation process.

The 2002 election of President Luiz Incio Lulada Silva and his party raised hopes that the issue ofland rights would be addressed. However, despitesome landmark demarcations, Indigenous Peoples

continue to face serious obstacles in achievingrecognition and fulfilment of their rights.In November 2007, the Federal Public

Prosecutors Office signed an agreement with theMinistry of Justice and FUNAI which committed

PushedintoPovertythe indigenous guarani-kaiow PeoPle are Paying a high

Price for BraZils economic growth. it is costing themtheir lands, their rights and their culture.

Guarani-Kaiow IndigenousleaderontheDourados

reservationwherepoverty,overcrowdingandlackof

provisionofadequatebasicserviceshaveledto

socialbreakdown,May2008.


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them to identify and delimit 36 separate Guarani-Kaiow traditional lands by April 2010. The movewas opposed by the Mato Grosso do Sul stategovernment and the farming lobby, which managed

to derail the process by lodging a series of appeals.Now that the deadline has expired, FederalProsecutors have said they will seek compensationfrom the federal government for damages caused tothe affected Indigenous communities.

Even in those cases which have managed to getas far as demarcation, communities may still faceobstacles over the completion of the process. Thelands of the ande Ru Marangatu community inMato Grosso do Sul state, Antonio Joo municipality,were officially ratified by President Lula in March

2005. However, appeals by landowners havedelayed implementation and, as of June 2010, the

case remained stalled because of outstanding state-level judicial appeals.

Denied access to their traditional lands andprevented from working on local farms because of

local hostility to their land claims, many men fromthe ande Ru Marangatu community are nowtravelling hundreds of kilometres to work as canecutters on plantations, often in harsh andexploitative conditions.

Jos, aged 34, used to work as a cutter. Hedescribed the chaotic situation that he faced whenhe arrived in the cane fields in the municipality ofSidrolndia after a six-hour bus trip. You arrivethere and you are in the middle of a hell, he said.We didnt have soap, nothing for us to take a

shower, to sleep. They rent you the room, and theydeduct it from your pay; youre promised R$450,

but you never see it, everything you drink, eat isdeducted. There were people who wanted to hangthemselves. [When we left, groups of workers whohad not been paid for months were] crying in the

middle of the cane fields.

killed for retaking their landsIn the 1990s, against a backdrop of deterioratingconditions on the reservations, the Guarani-Kaiowadopted a strategy known as retomada thepeaceful reoccupation of small plots of land on theirtraditional territories to try and speed up theprocess of demarcation. These actions were metwith threats, violence and evictions carried out by

armed groups hired by landowners. SeveralIndigenous leaders have been killed. Lengthy delays

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indigenousrightsinBraZil

and a widespread failure to punish those who havecarried out attacks and killings of Indigenous Peoplein the past, have laid the foundations for continuingviolence.

Cousins Rolindo Vera and Genivaldo Vera, bothin their twenties, were literacy teachers in Piraju,a 3,000-strong Guarani-Kaiow community. On29 October 2009, a group of approximately25 members of the community reoccupied farmlandnear the town of Paranhos. The land should havebeen surveyed by government anthropologists sothat it could be identified and delimited, in line withthe 2007 agreement, but local farmers repeatedlyblocked attempts to carry out the surveys.

The following day, dozens of armed men arrivedand the group fled into a nearby forest. Communitymembers say that they saw Genivaldo Vera beingtaken away by the gunmen and Rolindo Vera fleeinginto the forest. On 7 November 2009, Genivaldo

Veras body was found in a nearby stream. Photos ofthe body released by the police show that his headhad been shaved and there was extensive bruisingon his body. Rolindo Veras whereabouts remainunknown. The community fear he may have beenabducted and taken to Paraguay.

The UN Declaration on the Rights of IndigenousPeoples was adopted by the UN General Assemblyin 2007. Brazil was involved in drafting theDeclaration and voted for its adoption, noting thatIndigenous Peoples in Brazil were crucial to the

development of society at every level, including thedevelopment of spiritual and cultural life for all.

The Declaration provides a clear, authoritativestatement of the human rights of IndigenousPeoples, including the right to culture; identity; free,prior and informed consent; and traditional lands.

Brazil has also ratified International LabourOrganization Convention No. 169 concerningIndigenous and Tribal Peoples. This requiresgovernments to respect the special importanceof traditional land for Indigenous Peoples and torecognize their rights of ownership and possession.It also states that Indigenous Peoples should not beremoved from the lands that they occupy.

As Brazils profile on the world stage rises, thefederal government must take the commitments ithas made on human rights seriously. It must resolveall outstanding land claims and ensure that free,prior and informed consent is sought and gained forany decision affecting traditional Indigenous lands.

act nowCall on h bailian ovnn o col h

dacaion oc in mao goo do sl wiho dlay.

th ovnn ado ffciv a o vn

han ih a aain Indino pol and

idnify, invia and in o jic ho onil

fo a.

u h ovnn o aan h ih conaind

in h uN Dclaaion on h rih of Indino pol

and Innaional Lao Oaniaion Convnion No. 169

concnin Indino and tial pol in aicla

h ih of Indino pol no o ovd fohi adiional land and o iv hi f, io and

infod conn o any conoic dvlon on hi

land.

pla wi o:

Fdal mini of Jic

exo. s. Li palo tl Fia bao

elanada do miniio,

bloco "t"

70712-902 - bailia/DF bail

Fax: + 55 61 3322 6817/ + 55 61 3224 3398

salaion: exo. s. minio

Fdal Han rih scay

scaia ecial d Diio Hanoexo. scio ecial

s. palo d tao Vannchi

elanada do miniio - bloco "t" - 4 anda,

70064-900 - bailia/DF bail

Fax: + 55 61 3226 7980

salaion: exo. s. scio

i d w i Pp 9 a 2010.

Left:MembersoftheGuarani-Kaiow community

ofPassoPiraju,May2009.Afteryearsfightingfor

therightstotheirancestrallands,theyliveona

smallplotsurroundedbysugarcaneplantations.

Right:MembersoftheGuarani-Kaiow community

ofPassoPiraju,August2005.

AmnestyInternational


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Blog

chat

stay informed

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kuwait: the case of muhammad aBdal-Qader al-jasem

ByGhanimAlnajjar,humanrightsactivistand professorofpoliticalscienceatKuwait

University

Until Muhammad Abd al-Qader al-Jasem

was detained on 11 May 2010, we in

Kuwait had prided ourselves that we lived

in a country that had no political

prisoners. His arrest was a shock to many

people, and his release on 28 June will

certainly add to the pressure on the

government to keep its record clean in a

region of the world that, unfortunately,

could be described as the Empty Quarter

for political freedoms.

Al-Jasem, a lawyer and a blogger, who

has been writing critically of the Prime

Minister and other officials since 2005,

was summoned to State Security

Headquarters on 11 May 2010 and

arrested He was charged with spreading

false news, insulting the head of the state,

and attempting to eradicate the

foundation of the state.

Readmoreatlivewire.amnesty.org/category/kuwait/

haitis disPlaced PeoPle feelneglected By the state

ByChiaraLiguori,AmnestyInternationalresearcheronCaribbeancountries

Where is the state in Haiti? In the week

we have spent here so far, we have beenhearing this question again and again.

Displaced people living in makeshift

camps havent seen any improvement in

their living conditions in the six months

since the earthquake, and in some cases

their situation has been deteriorating.

They wonder if they still have authorities

to address and if they will ever get any

help. They feel abandoned and betrayed.

Since early April, the government

announced the end of food distribution

because it found that aid was creating

dependency and blocking the national

economy. Since then, more and more

people have reported difficulties in

acquiring adequate food. Reports of

malnutrition are increasing and more and

more girls are being forced into sexual

exploitation in order to eat.

Readmoreatlivewire.amnesty.org/tag/haiti/

meeting the women of nairoBis slums

ByDaniValls,AmnestyInternationalcampaigner

After good media coverage of Amnesty

Internationals report in the Kenyan and

international media, we started workshops

with most of the women who were

interviewed during the research.

Staff members from Amnesty

International and partner organizations

held the first of two one-day workshops in

Kibera yesterday, where we presented the

research findings to a group of 30 womenand consulted with them on next steps for

the campaign at local, national and

international level from their

perspective.

It would make such a difference if the

people affected would genuinely

participate with the relevant decision-

makers in finding and implementing the

appropriate solutions. These courageous

women are not asking for the

impossible, but just for some basic

housing rights, to ensure their dignity

and their security are respected. These

are rights that most of us take for

granted in our everyday lives.

Readmoreathttp://snipr.com/zdhzj

DemonstrationinsupportofMuhammad'Abd

al-Qaderal-Jasem,Kuwait,May2010.

P

rivate

go to www.amnesty.org/livewireto catch uP with amnesty internationals Blog

AwomanreadsAmnestyInternationals

reportonslumsinNairobi(AFR32/006/2010),July2010.

A

mnestyInternational

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researchsP

otlight

on 14 May, Aleg Gryshkautstouand Andrei Burdyka weresentenced to death by the

regional court of Grodno forthe murder of three people during anarmed robbery which took place inOctober 2009. If their appeals to theSupreme Court are rejected andPresident Alyaksandr Lukashenkarefuses to grant them clemency, theywill be executed by a gunshot to theback of the head. As is usual inBelarus, neither the two men nor their

families will be informed of the date of

execution and they will be refused afinal meeting with their families. Theirbodies will be buried in a secretlocation.

The death sentences were passedonly two days after a UN session atwhich a number of member statescalled on Belarus to abolish the deathpenalty; the Belarusian delegationreplied that the government wasconsidering working towards abolition.The Council of Europe condemnedthe sentences and called on Belarus

to immediately commute them.

Belarus is now the only country in

Europe and the former Soviet Unionthat still carries out executions.

The two new death sentencesfollow the executions, after unfairtrials, of Vasily Yuzepchuk and AndreiZhuk on 18 March this year, despiteappeals for clemency from theinternational community. AndreiZhuks mother has described hercontinuing grief at not knowing whereher son is buried, and also how hereight-year-old grandson often standssilently in front of his fathers portrait.What he thinks about now, I dontknow, she said.

Sustained international pressureon the Belarusian authorities is vital ifEurope and the former Soviet Union isto become a death penalty-free zone.

act now

Call on pidn Alyakand Lkahnka

o idialy co h dah

nnc of Al gyhkao and

Andi bdyka, idialy dcla

a oaoi and dona a

coin o h vnal aoliion

of h dah naly.

pla wi o:

Alyakand Lkahnka

pidn

l. Kala maxa 38

220016 mink

bla

eail: @idn.ov.y

salaion: Da pidn

a Bullet in the Back ofthe head: eXecutionscontinue in Belarus

millions of people in the tribalareas of northwest Pakistanhave been caught in a

humanitarian and human rights crisisthat has gripped the region since2004. They are vulnerable on all sides targeted by the Taleban and caughtin the crossfire between government

and Taleban forces.At least 1,300 civilians were killed

in the conflict in northwest Pakistan in2009, by Amnesty Internationals veryconservative analysis of publiclyavailable information. This was out ofa total of more than 8,500 casualties,including combatants.

More than 1 million people remaindisplaced by the conflict. Divested of

their livelihoods, they are in desperateneed of aid.The government just gave away

our lives to the Taleban, a teacherwho fled Swat with his family in March2009 told Amnesty International.They kicked out the girls from school,

told the men to grow their beards,threatened anybody they didnt like.Our government and our militarynever tried to protect us from this.

Amnesty Internationals recentreport, As if hell fell on me: Thehuman rights crisis in northwest

Pakistan (ASA 33/004/2010), is based

on nearly 300 interviews with peopleliving in the Federally AdministeredTribal Areas (FATA) and adjacentareas of the Northwest FrontierProvince. Interviewees recounted howthe Taleban targeted teachers, aidworkers and political activists, andhow they destroyed schools andhealth clinics specifically used by girlsand women. They also described how

the Pakistan armed forces at timesused indiscriminate and excessiveforce in aerial attacks on the Talebanwhich killed and injured civilians.

We heard bomb blasts in thearea of Kala Pani, which is just2 kilometres away, said one man in

Bajaur Agency, FATA. Later we cameto know that the jets had droppedthree bombs on a water spring in KalaPani. Six women were killed while fourwere injured.

The Pakistani government hasdone little to ensure that the rights ofthose living in the region areprotected. The Pakistani Constitutionof 1973 explicitly excludes FATA from

the legal, judicial and parliamentarysystem of Pakistan.Amnesty International urges both

the Pakistani government and theTaleban to comply with internationalhumanitarian law by taking allmeasures to prevent loss of civilian life

and ensure that buildings, includinghospitals and schools, are nottargeted. They must also allow NGOsunfettered access to provide aid to theinjured and displaced.

act nowrad o and wach a vido on h

i a h://n.i/y81ka

human rights crisisafflicts millions innorthwest Pakistan

FamiliesfleefightingbetweentheTalebanandPakistanigovernment

forcesintheMaidanregionofLower

Dir, northwestPakistan,April2009.



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Andrew Philip, former AmnestyInternational researcher, looks atthe future of human r ights in

the Democratic Republic of theCongo(DRC),markingthecountrys50thanniversary.

ihave worked in and on the DRCfor more than 10 years. From theheight of the conflict, when

Rwanda and Uganda and their clientCongolese armed groups occupiedroughly half the country, to todayshighly uncertain peace, the countryhas experienced seeminglyinterminable insecurity in the east andsudden outbursts of violence in otherregions.

The world has become so inuredto violence and human rights abusesin the Congo that the atrocities thererarely make the headlines. Thebeginning of this century alone haswitnessed the horrors of Ituri, where

perhaps 60,000 people were killedand countless others mutilated

between 2000 and 2003, thebloodletting of the Kisanganidiamond wars, in which the

Rwandan and Ugandan armiestraded artillery fire in the heart of oneof the DRCs biggest cities, andcountless other massacres. The eastcontains numerous mass graves fromthe last 15 years, which farmersoccasionally turn up in the soil. Thememory of such crimes and the griefthey provoke among the Congoleseare still vivid.

Then there are the wars withinwars: the war against women andgirls, characterized by widespreadrape, including gang rape and therape of infants and elderly women.Such actions are a product of conflict,but they also reflect a wider landscapeof discrimination, where women,despite often being the main sourceof family income and pillars ofcommunal life, remain politically and

economically marginalized. The waragainst children also continues.

Recruiting children and sending theminto combat is one of the mostappalling crimes imaginable; one from

which the children of the DRC havesuffered deeply. Even today childrenfrom refugee camps in neighbouringcountries are lured back to the Congowith promises of education, only tofind themselves press-ganged into theservice of an armed militia, wherethey endure beatings, sexual violenceand slavery.

The overriding impression of theperiod following the December 2002Global and All-Inclusive PeaceAgreement, which was supposed tobring a definitive end to the conflictthat began in 1998, is of missedopportunities. The Congolese peoplewere entitled to expect a durablepeace, improved security and respectfor their human rights, and social andeconomic development. Althoughrepeatedly promised, these have not

arrived. Today, the eastern Kivuprovinces are still mired in conflict

and human rights violations. Morethan 1.8 million people are displacedby conflict, political prisoners still

languish in Congolese jails and theCongolese army, police andintelligence services remain factional,predatory and abusive. The justicesystem offers the average Congolesecitizen no defence or redressagainst routine abuses of power.Apart from a few scattered initiatives,there has been little concertedeffort to rehabilitate the countrysinfrastructure and ruined publicservices. Poverty and malnutritionremain endemic in a country thatboasts incredible natural resourcewealth. Corruption again appears tobe on the rise.

Undeniably, some progress hasbeen made since 2002. Stateauthority, although weak, is nowpresent in all but a few areas of thecountry and most of the DRC is at

peace. In the wake of the landmark2006 national elections (the countrys

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democraticrePuBlicofcongo

noturning

Back?the challenge to overcome

the Past in the democraticrePuBlic of the congo

CdricGerb

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first democratic elections sinceindependence), new civic institutionsare steadily finding their feet. The

Senate and National Assembly haveon occasion shown that they areprepared to challenge the executive.The 2006 Constitution and someof the countrys recent legal reformsincorporate extensive commitments tohuman rights and political freedoms.

more action needed

Yet no real action has been taken totackle the root causes of conflict andpolitical instability. These causes entrenched impunity for human rightsabuse, arms proliferation, theillicit exploitation of the countrysnatural resources, ethnic divisionsmanipulated for political ends, broken

justice, health and education systems,and unreformed security forces have

been evident for more than 10 years.The government and international

community have repeatedlysidestepped these problems in searchof quicker political fixes. As a result,

the country has been wracked by aseries of political and military crisessince 2002 and is likely to continue toexperience upheaval.

Addressing these problems wouldbe a long and complex task in anycontext. The solutions depend,ultimately, on the political will andconsent of the DRCs leadership. Butthe leadership is reluctant to makesuch commitments where it perceivesits own vested private interests to bethreatened. Kabila loyalists occupy thesenior political, military and economicpositions. Most of them have stronglinks to the presidential family andusually originate in Katanga province,the Kabila familys traditionalheartland. This clan katangais,whose existence is never publiclyacknowledged, holds all the true

levers of power. Those outside thiscircle are excluded from high power.

Security sector reform (SSR),the project to reorganize andprofessionalize the Congolese security

forces so that they are capable ofassuring security in a manner thatupholds human rights and the rule oflaw, is one area where lack of genuinepolitical engagement is evident. Fromthe outset of the political transitionin 2003, the SSR project has beenat the centre of the internationalreconstruction effort for the Congo,but for all the millions of donor dollarslavished on it, remarkably little hasbeen achieved. While accepting donorassistance for training and supplies,the government has not implementeddeeper reforms. These include areorganization of the armys pay andrationing systems, over which seniorofficers have resisted ceding controlbecause they represent lucrativesources of corrupt income. They alsoinclude the Garde Rpublicaine, the

presidential guard which has neverbeen included in the army reform

programme. Under the directauthority of the President, the Gardeis the nations best equipped andmost powerful military unit. Itsretention as, in effect, a private armyoutside democratic state controlbreeds suspicion and unease acrossthe political and military spectrum.

Impunity for war crimes and otherserious human rights violations is rife,particularly among senior army, policeand armed group commanders. TheDRC recycles its warlords, many ofwhom now occupy positions in thegovernment and security forces.

Ultimately this serves no-one. Whenchallenged on why he has not

Twowomenworkinginthefieldsnear

Nyanzalecampforinternallydisplaced

people,NorthKivu,Democratic

RepublicoftheCongo,July2008.Women trynottostraytoofarfrom

thecampbecausetheyareatriskof

beingraped.

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Pasc

al,aged9,

onstandbyfor

hisd

ailyconsultationatMasisi

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RepublicoftheCongo.


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14/24

surrendered former warlord BoscoNtaganda to the International CriminalCourt, President Kabila replied thatthe interests of peace and stabilitywere more important than justice.

Quietly, the international communityhas largely taken the same view.Amnesty Internationals experience,however,is that durable peace and thereconciliation of divided communitiescan only be achieved through theeffective delivery of justice. It shouldbe no surprise that the DRC hassuffered repeated cycles of conflictand human rights abuse, when the

authors of that violence are more likelyto be rewarded than punished by thestate.

securing the interestof the PeoPle

Harnessing the countrys fulleconomic potential and directing thisto meet the needs of the Congolesepeople is, Amnesty Internationalbelieves, one of the major tasks andprimary rights that the governmentshould begin to fulfil. The DRC is oneof the worlds poorest states withlimited capacity to meet all its publicservice obligations immediately. Yetthe capacity it does have, frommineral deposits and other sources, isstill considerable. It is just that public

finances are mismanaged and notdirected towards priorities that would

bring most benefit to the Congolesepeople. The potential of the DRC toprosper from agriculture, mineralsand hydroelectric energy, and to usethat wealth progressively to meet the

socioeconomic needs of its people issizeable (All peoples shall freelydispose of their wealth and naturalresources. This right shall beexercised in the exclusive interest ofthe people. In no case shall a peoplebe deprived of it. African Charter,Article 12). Unfortunately, the currentand preceding governments havedone little to combat corruption or tointroduce transparent state financial

controls. At the beginning of 2010, theDRC parliaments Economic andFinancial Commission documentedthe disappearance, through allegedtheft and misappropriation, of morethan $108 million from the publicpurse in 2008/09.

Lastly, much more governmentand international investment needs tobe made into one of the DRCs mostoverlooked resources, its humanrights activists. Congolese humanrights defenders work tirelessly onbehalf of victims and thedispossessed, on a minimum ofresources. They are often the onlypeople offering frontline services ofcare and assistance to rape survivors,child victims of conflict and povertyand other vulnerable anddispossessed groups. Most have

suffered torture or rape, beatings andwrongful arrests for speaking out on

behalf of their communities. Manyhave suffered family or personalbreakdowns because of the pressuresloaded on them. Some have lost theirlives Pascal Kabungulu was

murdered in 2005, but his killing hasnever been satisfactorily investigated;Floribert Chebeya, a prominenthuman rights activist, was found deadin his car on 2 June 2010. Many havebeen forced into exile, but the besthave never left.

If the country is to make greaterprogress and fulfil its true potential,the interests of the Congolese peopleneed to be the primary focus of

government and international efforts.For as long as the underlying causesof conflict remain unaddressed, thecountry and its people will remain inlimbo between an unsatisfactorypeace and the threat of furtherapproaching crises. These are justthree of the steps that the DRCgovernment, with internationalsupport, must take in order to providea longer term solution to the conflict: Exclude all suspected perpetratorsof war crimes and other human rightsviolations from the national army,police and intelligence services,pending investigation and trial. Reformand train the army so that it is capableof protecting all of the DRCs ethniccommunities professionally, impartiallyand in a manner that upholds humanrights and the rule of law.

Reform and rehabilitate thecountrys justice system so that it

is fully independent and capable ofmounting investigations andprosecutions into all war crimesand serious human rights violationscommitted in the DRC. In line withthe Constitution, limit the jurisdictionof military courts to purely militaryoffences committed by militarypersonnel. End the war against women and

children. Reform those areas ofCongolese law that still discriminateagainst women and children. Ensurethe full participation of women andrepresentatives of child rightsorganizations in all peace-building,reconstruction and reconciliationinitiatives. Promote, encourage and protectthe DRCs human rights activists,who are often the only peopleproviding frontline services of careand assistance to victims and thedispossessed.

The full version of this articleappearsinCongo in LimbobyCdricGerbehaye,publishedbylebecenIairditions,2010.www.congoinlimbo.com

CallforfooddistributioninMugunga

campforinternallydisplacedpeople

nearGoma,NorthKivu,Democratic

RepublicoftheCongo,July2008.

CdricGerbehaye/AgenceVU

12

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Pt10]

humanrigh

tstalk

Q w p ?

a I was born in Minas Gerais state. When I wasa child, my family moved to So Paulo. Like

many others, they were lured by promises of

a better life that never came true. I witnessed

hunger, death, child labour and institutional

violence particularly arbitrary use of police

force in the favelas. Racial and social

discrimination. Indifference from the

authorities. It made me want to do something.

When I was 14, I helped to improve child

literacy in the slums. When I was 18, I organized

a home for girls who were trying to quit

prostitution. There were other initiatives, all

aimed at overcoming human rights violations

the Center for Defending the Rights of the Child

and Adolescent; initiatives for creating income

opportunities for women; public hearings withinthe community; and many more.

What was important was that all these initiatives

came about in the favelas using local peoples

courage and creativity. Within this context, the

focus of our work has always been on

empowering children, young people and women,

who are the main victims of human rights

violations.

Q w b ?

a Life in a slum is characterized by all kindsof human rights violations. They range from

lack of decent housing, to restrictions to the

right to free movement (because of the curfews

imposed by drug traffickers and the police) to

summary executions by state agents. Against

this backdrop, our work aims to strengthen

the community, and channel the strength that

comes from the struggle for survival in the midstof destitution and social exclusion. We focus on

education, so that the local people know how

public institutions work or should function, what

their rights are and how to have access to them.

Q i b , b?

a Our biggest challenge has always been tofight the institutional violence: the police

violence; the lack of public services such as

health, education, leisure centres, etc. People

need to be aware of their rights. Human rights

are the passport for those living in poverty to be

recognized as human beings and citizens. Being

recognized as a human being is the essential

premise to enjoying fundamental rights, and

awareness of human rights is the starting point

of overcoming poverty. When people become

aware of their basic rights, they discover they

are the main actors of their own development

and stop being content with left-overs.

valdnia a.

Paulinolanfranchigowin in bail favla, Valdnia A. palinoLanfanchi had fi-hand xinc of how ovy

ifl ol choic and n hi aiaion.

today, h i a lawy and h fond of h saoa

Cn fo Han rih in so palo, and caain

aain han ih violaion in h favla. In Jn,

Valdnia A. palino Lanfanchi ook a in infoal

hain wih h uN gnal Aly ahad of h

millnni Dvlon goal si in s.

A h hain, non-ovnnal and civil ociy

oaniaion voicd hi oinion on h loal fih

aain ovy.



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They start to take part in the political process,

claim their rights and make those in power

accountable.

Crucially, communities need to be aware of the

power of being socially and politically organized.

The first important lesson learned by those

living in poverty is that access to basic rights

and services comes from the communitys

ability to organize and mobilize itself. It is also

important to highlight the contribution of

women. As women become aware of their rights,

they usually become more committed and more

involved in social issues and actions that benefit

the community.

Q w b un mdp g s spb?

a That they should apply the internationalhuman rights treaties they signed and that they

need to face squarely the structural causes of

world poverty which lie in the economic system

we have today in the world. We urgently need

a new economic paradigm that is based onrespect for human rights, just multilateral trade

relations and the preservation of the

environment. Basic human rights and poverty

eradication policies, such as education, health,

housing, income redistribution, gender and

racial equality must be established by law and

have budgets fixed in law.

Q d ?

a Universal and indivisible human rights is theonly way to ensure the inclusion of marginalized

and neglected groups in the UN Millennium

Development Goals (MDGs) process. A great

portion of the worlds population the poorest

in all countries and the poorest countries

havent yet been significantly affected by the

efforts to achieve the MDGs. We will have an

estimated 1.4 billion people living in slums in

2015. We are not dealing with minority

groups here. Millions of homeless and landless

people cannot be a minority. They cant be left

out. A holistic human rights perspective must

spur discussion towards a new socially inspired

economic and political world order as the only

way to overcome poverty, hunger and disease

and sustain common life on this resource-

limited planet. Such an immense task will

call for collective action well beyond 2015.

G

ennaNaccache

ResidentsinfavelasacrossSoPauloandRiode

Janeiro,Brazil,aretrappedbetweendominationby

armedcriminalgangsandviolentmilitarystylepoliceoperations.Manyareforcedtoleavetheir

homesduringconfrontationsbetweenpoliceand

criminalsaswholecommunitiesareputatrisk.


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in the last few months, Belgium, France, theCanadian province of Qubec and a number ofmunicipalities in Spain have moved to ban the

wearing of full-face veils in public. There is a strongpossibility that similar bans will be introduced inother countries.

In opposing these bans, Amnesty Internationalhas, not for the first time, gone against the currentof popular opinion. Why have we done this?

Our starting point is international human rightslaw in this case, the rights to freedom of

expression and religion. As a general rule, peopleshould be free to choose what and what not to wear.This is why Amnesty International opposesmandatory dress codes in Iran and Saudi Arabia justas strongly as it objects to state-imposed restrictionsprohibiting certain forms of dress anywhere else inthe world.

The rights to freedom of expression and themanifestation of religious belief are not absolute.Restrictions may be imposed where they aredemonstrably necessary in the interests of public

safety, the protection of public order, health, moralsor the protection of the rights of others. However,comprehensive bans on full-face veils are notnecessary in order to achieve any of these goals.

failing to Protect womens rightsOne of the main arguments in support of the bansis that they are necessary to ensure gender equalityand to protect women from being pressured at

home or within their communities to wear full-face

veils. Advocates for this argument include membersof the human rights community and the womensrights movement.

These are clearly important considerations, andstates are obliged to safeguard the enjoyment of therights to freedom of expression and religion againstinterference by others (including private individuals,such as family and community members). Butcomprehensive bans are not the way to do this.Protecting some women from being forced to wearfull-face veils does not justify denying others the

right to wear them if they choose to. In addition,there is the risk that women who currently wear full-face veils will become confined to their homes, lessable to work or study and to access public services.

Governments should instead be looking tostrengthen efforts to combat the discriminationfaced by Muslim women, both in their communitiesand in the broader societies in which they live. Theirfocus should be on empowering women to maketheir own choices, rather than limit the range ofchoices available to them.

PuBlic safety concernsSome argue that comprehensive bans on full-faceveils are necessary for public safety. However,legitimate security concerns can be met by allowingrestrictions on covering the face completely incertain high-risk locations, or requiring peopleto reveal their faces to officials when deemednecessary, for example during identity checks. In

most countries, the law already allows for this.

One of the main reasons for the popularity ofso-called burqa bans is the feeling that full-faceveils are alien to western traditions and values.International human rights law is quite clear on thispoint, however: the disapproval or discomfort of

some, even a majority, can never be a legitimatereason for restricting the freedom of expression orreligion of others.

The willingness of western governments andsocieties to proceed with such bans is indicative ofa worrying attitude towards human rights in general.When the enjoyment of a right by a minority issubjected to popular or parliamentary vote, it ceasesto be a right at all. Instead, it becomes a privilege,whose enjoyment is conditional on the approval orgoodwill of the majority.

This downgrading of rights to privileges strikes atthe very core of the human rights system. All thoseconcerned for the integrity of this system shouldstrongly oppose these bans.

amnesty international oPPoses

comPrehensive Bans on full-

face veils. wire eXPlains why

and looks at some of the key

human rights issues.

AwomaninLeMesnil-Saint-Denis,France,

January2010.

wherewestandontheBan

wherewestand

A

P/PAPhoto/ChristopheEna


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16

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[aug/sePt10]

enforceddisaPPearance

student Sanjiv Kumar Karna waslast seen by his family on8 October 2003. He was

picnicking in Janakpur, DhanushaDistrict, Nepal, when according towitnesses he and 10 others werebeaten and arrested by a group of 25to 30 army and police personnel.Witnesses say that they were thentaken into police detention where theywere interrogated. Six of the men weresubsequently released, but Sanjiv andfour friends Durgesh Kumar Labh,Pramod Narayan Mandal, Shailendra

Yadav and Jitendra Jha have notbeen heard of since. His arrest isbelieved to be linked to his interest instudent politics; he was a formermember of a student union affiliatedto the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M, now called UCPN-M)who at the time was leading an armedinsurgency against the government.

Sanjiv Kumar Karnas relatives

registered complaints with theauthorities and were repeatedly

assured that investigations wereunderway and that they would beinformed of the results. However,

nearly seven years on, no one hasbeen arrested and broughtto trial.

In 2006, the army claimed thatthey were not involved and that all fivehad been killed in a police action onthe day of their arrests. The policerefute the armys claim and denyinvolvement.

Sanjivs father, Jai Kishore Labh,never stopped pursuing the truth

about what happened to his son.A lawyer by profession, he used

his expertise to seek justice at bothnational and international levels. Overthe years, Jai Kishore compiledvaluable evidence and became a focalpoint for the campaign. Sadly, he diedof a heart attack on 17 April this year,leaving a wife and younger son.

My husband worked tirelessly to

push the government to take action;even though he suspected justice

may not come in his lifetime he didn tgive up and neither will we, saysBimila Labh. There are some out

there, those responsible, who think wewill give up, that money will silenceus, but it is not about compensation it is about punishing those who didsuch a crime.

Amnesty International continuesto seek justice for the family and iscampaigning for a thorough andindependent investigation into thedisappearance of Sanjiv Kumar Karnaand his friends, including the

exhumation of a site where a numberof bodies may have been buried at thetime the five men were detained.

false PromisesThe true number of those whodisappeared during the 10-yearconflict between Nepals securityforces and the armed wing of the

CPN-M may never be known.Amnesty International has repeatedly

raised concerns over enforceddisappearances in Nepal, committedby both sides in the conflict, whichbegan in 1996. In 2003/4, Nepalrecorded the highest number ofdisappearances in the world.

In June 2007, the NationalHuman Rights Commission of Nepalreported that the whereabouts of atotal of 839 people, believed to bevictims of enforced disappearance,were unknown. The small number ofinvestigations by the police intoindividual cases of enforceddisappearance, such as theinvestigation into the fate of SanjivKumar Karna, remain stalled. To date,

not one person has been brought totrial in a civilian court. Families ofvictims are no closer to establishingthe truth, achieving justice orreceiving reparations for what hashappened to their loved ones.

Following the bilateral ceasefirein May 2006, the new coalitiongovernment and the CPN-M pledgedtheir commitment to human rights ina series of agreements, culminating inthe Comprehensive Peace Agreementsigned in November 2006. The PeaceAgreement included a pledge topublicize the whereabouts of victimsof enforced disappearance within 60days, but to date this remainsunfulfilled. Equally, a Commission ofInquiry into Disappearances and theTruth and Reconciliation Commission,although presented as bills in

parliament, have yet to beestablished.

stolen haPPinessAll around the world, the whereaboutsof thousands of victims of enforceddisappearance remain unknown.People disappear at the hands ofagents of the state or groups actingwith its direct or indirect support to

silence dissent, to eliminate politicalopposition, or simply because theybelong to certain ethnic or religiousgroups. Those who disappear arebeyond the protection of the law.Many are tortured. Many are killed.They all leave behind familiesdesperate for information and for

justice.In Libya, thousands of families

have relatives who have disappearedor been killed by agents of the state in

they willnever

give uPthousands of families around the world are still waiting to know

what haPPened to their disaPPeared sons, wives, Brothers ordaughters. unaBle to grieve or to carry on with their lives, theycontinue to fight for justice.


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enforceddisaPPe

arance

past decades. These include familiesof up to 1,200 detainees believed tohave been extrajudicially executed bythe Libyan authorities on 29 June1996, following a riot sparked by theappalling conditions at Abu SalimPrison in Tripoli.

Arrested at various dates from1989 onwards and held unlawfullywithout charge or trial, or followinggrossly unfair trials, the detaineeswere not seen by their families again

and were denied any contact withlawyers. The authorities refused todisclose their fate and whereaboutsbefore the prison killings and, afterJune 1996, denied the killings tookplace. Many families continued tobring food and clothes to the prisongates until the early 2000s, believingtheir relatives were still alive.

Mohamed Hamil had threebrothers who died in custody: Khaled,

Saleh and Sanoussi Hamil. Two diedin Abu Salim Prison in 1996 and onein a detention centre in the city ofBenghazi. Throughout their detentionbetween 1995 and 1998, the threemen were completely cut off from theoutside world. The family had to waituntil March 2009 for the first officialacknowledgement that the brothershad died. The circumstances of their

deaths were not provided. They [theLibyan authorities] stole the

happiness from the life of a wholefamily, Mohamed Hamil said.

The first official acknowledgementthat any disturbances had taken placein Abu Salim Prison came eight yearslater; but to date promises ofinvestigations have not been fulfilled.

families refuse toforgetHaving suffered in silence and

isolation for over a decade, thefamilies of victims of the Abu SalimPrison killings started to air theirdemands publicly. In Benghazi, acourt case ruled that the authoritiesmust make public the exact fate of 33individuals believed to have died inthe custody of the Libyan securityforces. An Organizing Committee ofFamilies of Victims of Abu Salim inBenghazi has been established,

although the authorities have refusedto register it.

Protests are held regularly inBenghazi, where families demand

justice and to know where their lovedones are buried. They insist that onlywhen these demands are met will theyaccept financial compensation. Allwe want is to live a secure life, a stablelife, a life with some dignity, says

Fathi Tourbil, a member of OrganizingCommittee of Families of Victims of

Abu Salim in Benghazi. A person isabducted from his house, his work,the public street, and for years themother, the wife, the children live inpain.

While the Libyan authoritiesgenerally tolerate such protests, someparticipants have faced harassment,threats and even arrest. In March2009, five members of the OrganizingCommittee of Families of Victims ofAbu Salim in Benghazi were arrested

and denied any communication withthe outside world, including theirfamilies and lawyers, for several daysbefore being released without charge.Two Amnesty International delegateswere prevented by the authoritiesfrom boarding a flight from Tripoli toBenghazi on 21 May 2009.

Far from responding to thefamilies legitimate demands, theauthorities first ignored the families

and later tried to pacify them byoffering financial compensation accepted by some families butrejected by many others. Theauthorities have not revealed the truthabout the fate of thousands ofindividuals who disappeared or diedat the hands of the security forces andno perpetrators have been brought to

justice. Some allegedly still hold

official positions.

act nowpla in and nd a olidaiy cad o

biala Lah, h oh of sanjiv Ka

Kana.

t np.t :

Fon:

Jai Kishore did not give up. Neither will we.

back:

I stand in solidarity

Dear Bimala,

Your husband Jai Kishores campaign for

justice was inspiring and invaluable, not

only in regards to the disappearance of

your son Sanjiv Kumar Karna, but also forthe hundreds of cases of conflict-related

impunity in Nepal. Amnesty International

members extend their condolences to you

and your family at this time. Your husband

and your son will not be forgotten.

Amnesty International members will

continue to support you and your

campaign for truth, justice and

reparations in the future.

Best wishes,

pla alo in and nd a ocad (

in) o Liya scay of h gnal

pol Coi fo Jic, callin fo

fll acconailiy fo h nfocd

diaanc of A sali ion.

30 a 2010 i d

dpp.

Familiesprotestingfortruthand

justice,holdingphotographsof

relativeswhowerekilledinAbuSalim

Prisonin1996.Benghazi,Libya.

L

ibyanHumanRights

Solidarity


20/24

later this year, Myanmar will holdits first national elections in twodecades. The date has not yet

been set, but what is certain is thatthe polls will take place against abackdrop of political repression.

Many of Myanmars 50 millionpeople live in poverty and suffer fromongoing human rights violations.Those who express dissenting views

face harassment, arbitrary arrest,torture, imprisonment and sometimeseven extrajudicial executions politicalprisoners now number over 2,200.

When elections were last held in1990, the National League for

Democracy (NLD) won a resoundingvictory, but the military governmentignored the election results andarrested scores of opposition activists.This has haunted the governmentboth domestically and internationallyever since. Now they have anopportunity to place the 1990elections firmly behind them.

However, in June, political parties

were banned from undertakingcampaigning activities that couldharm security, the rule of law andcommunity peace. This provision isso broad that it allows for thecriminalization of peaceful political

activity. For decades, the governmenthas used vaguely worded securitylaws to suppress peaceful politicaldissent and there is a real fear thatactivists, especially those from ethnicminorities and the NLD, which is

boycotting the elections, will comeunder increased repression as theelection approaches.

Myanmar's government must haltits repression of activists. The peopleof Myanmar must be allowedto exercise their rights to freedom ofexpression, peaceful assembly andassociation throughout the electionperiod and beyond.

act nowth innaional coniy, cially

myana niho in h Aociaion

of soh ea Aian Naion (AseAN), ha

a ky ol o lay.

Call on Vi Na, h Chai of AseAN,

o wok wih oh AseAN a o

myana o idialy and

ncondiionally la all ion

of concinc and n ha all ol

in myana can njoy h fdo

of xion, acfl aly, andaociaion hoho h lcion

and yond.

pla wi o:

H.e. D pha gia Khi

Dy pi mini and mini

of Foin Affai

miniy of Foin Affai

1 ton tha Da s

ba Dinh Diic

Ha NoiVi Na

Fax: (84-4) 3 823 1872

eail: [email protected]

salaion: Yo excllncy

about 250 people, all internallydisplaced, are living in adilapidated building in the city of

Zugdidi, Georgia. The site, a formerprinting house, has no running water,

so when the electrical wiring caughtfire residents had to get water from anearby well to avert disaster. Thebuilding, which has only two toilets,is in such poor condition that theauthorities deemed it too rundown tobe repaired. However, no alternativeaccommodation has been provided toimprove the living conditions of itsinhabitants.

This story is not unique. Six per

cent of the countrys population,around 247,000 individuals, aredisplaced within its borders referredto as internally displaced people (IDPs)in international law. Most of them wereforced to leave their homes as a resultof the collapse of the Soviet Union in1991 and the subsequent territorialconflicts. Their government has beenfailing them for nearly two decades;

far too many of them have been l ivingon the margins of society, with

inadequate housing and little accessto work and education. Many surviveon an IDP allowance of 22 lari(US$12) a month. Poor livingconditions and insufficient access to

healthcare also compromise their rightto health and many of those displacedstruggle to pay medical costs themedical insurance is useless, unlessyou almost die, one woman toldAmnesty International.

The war with Russia in August2008 brought about the most recentwave of internal displacement inGeorgia, uprooting around 192,000people. Around 26,000 of them are

still displaced. This latest flood ofdisplaced people focused the worldsattention on the ongoing crisis and theGeorgian government finallyacknowledged its obligations touphold their rights. It re-housed themajority of those displaced in August2008 and adopted an action plan forIDPs.

However, after two years of

international donor money pouringinto the country, the daily reality for

many of the displaced has notchanged. Thousands continue to betrapped in collective centres suchas the one in Zugdidi.

It is very hard to sit here. It feelsso idle, an elderly couple in a Tiblisicollective centre told AmnestyInternational. We used to have asmall plot of land. We could havebeen working in our garden and notrequire any assistance from thegovernment. In the city of Gori, aninternally displaced woman toldAmnesty International: I am not

young anymore. But I should have thechance to live the rest of my life in

dignity. It is time that the Georgiangovernment ensures that she, andmany others, are able to do just that.

act nowAny Innaional o on

conoic and ocial ih of IDp in

goia i lihd on 5 A.18

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XXX

researchsPotlight

georgia: time to end thecrisis of disPlacement

leaving nothing tochance in myanmarelections

Amanoutsidehisaccommodationat

acollectivecentrenearGori,Georgia,

March2010.

A

mnestyInte

rnational


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twelve men condemned to death stared downthe barrel of a gun. Each had been found guiltyof armed robbery or murder; serious crimes that

require serious punishment. Yet the moment thefiring squad squeezed their triggers and the 12bodies collapsed to the ground, a greater crime hadbeen committed.

Seventeen years have passed since theGhanaian government ordered the 12 executionsin July 1993. Since then, courts have continued toimpose death sentences but presidential pardonshave either commuted such sentences to lifeimprisonment or released the prisoners. According

to the Ghana Prisons Service, 99 prisoners,including two women, are currently on death row.Everyone has the right to life. The death penalty

violates this right and constitutes the ultimate denialof human rights. It is the premeditated and cold-blooded killing of a human being by the state.Amnesty International opposes the death penalty inall cases, without exception, regardless of the natureof the crime, the characteristics of the offender, orthe method used by the state to kill the prisoner.

Amnesty International Ghana has campaigned

for the abolition of the death penalty for many yearsand this is a unique opportunity to end this brutalpractice. As part of the review of the 1992Constitution, currently underway, the governmenthas invited civil society groups and ordinaryGhanaians to submit suggestions for reforms. Article13 of the current Constitution guarantees the right tolife. However, the same article allows the state toexecute citizens in execution of a sentence of acourt in respect of a criminal offence under the laws

of Ghana of which he has been convicted. AmnestyInternational strongly urges President John Evans

Atta Mills and the Ghanaian parliament to abolishthe death penalty as soon as possible.

now is the timeThe death penalty has been on Ghanas statutebooks since English common law was implementedin 1874. Ghana has applied a de facto moratoriumon the death penalty since 1993. However, it stillretains the death penalty for armed robbery, treasonand first-degree murder. Despite the lack ofimplementation, the threat of death by execution stillhangs over ordinary Ghanaians. The death penaltyis kept as part of our legal system because it makesthe government appear tough on crime, saysVincent Adzahlie-Mensah, Chair of AmnestyInternational Ghana.

Ghanas retentionist policy is out of step with therest of the world. A total of 139 countries morethan two thirds of the nations of the world haveabolished the death penalty in law or in practice. In2007 and 2008, the UN General Assembly adoptedresolutions calling for a moratorium on executions,

with a view to abolishing the death penalty.The African Commission on Human and

Peoples Rights has repeatedly called on AfricanUnion member states to abolish the death penalty.Burundi and Togo did recently abolish the deathpenalty, reflecting the changing views of people inWest Africa about capital punishment.

Ghana has been a leading light in the fight to

protect human rights in Africa. Its death penaltypolicy is a brutal exception. Amnesty Internationalcalls on President Mills to formally abolish the deathpenalty in Ghana.

act now

with amnesty international ghana

Join in h fih fo han ih and wi o h

pidn, akin hi o ak all ncay o aolih

h dah naly, and o vo in favo of a hid uNgnal Aly olion fo a oaoi on h

of h dah naly whn hi i conidd in la 2010.

pla wi o:

pidn of h rlic of ghana

H.e. pofo John evan Aa mill

Offic of h pidn

pO box 1627

th Cal, O

Acca

ghana

salaion: Yo excllncy

f , ..

as ghana reviews its constitution,

amnesty international ghanacalls on wire readers to suPPort

its camPaign against the death

Penalty.

x

xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

19

wire[aug/sePt10]

XXX

deathPenaltyin

ghana

helP us aBolish

the death Penaltyin ghana

StudentsattheAccraHighSchoolprotestingagainst

stateexecutionsandcallingfortheabolitionofthe

deathpenaltyinlawaspartofAmnestyInternationalGhanascampaign.Accra,Ghana,June2010.



22/24

ONLINe ACtIVIsm NOW eAsIertHAN eVer

Amnesty Internationals new ActivismCentre is now up and running on ourwebsite. Sign online petitions, useother activism tools and find outwhich appeals are doing well andwhere your support is really needed.You can start right now go towww.amnesty.org/en/activism-center

JustICe NOW FOr VICtIms OFeNFOrCeD DIsAppeArANCe INsuDAN

On 10 May 2008, members of theJustice and Equality Movement (JEM),a Darfuri armed opposition group,attacked the city of Omdurman, nearthe capital Khartoum. Sudanesesecurity forces stopped the attack

within hours. More than 200 peoplewere killed. In the weeks following theattack, the National Intelligence andSecurity Services (NISS) arrestedhundreds of individuals of Darfurianorigin.

Al Ghali Yahya Shegifat, aSudanese journalist, was among thosearrested. He was detained on 14 May2008 and was initially held with about150 others. During his detention, Al

Ghali Yahya Shegifat was deprived ofsleep and his bathroom use wasrestricted. Initially, the authoritiesinterrogated detainees regularly andforbade them to speak to each other.

Until his release on 22 July 2008,Al Ghali Yahya Shegifat was deniedaccess to his lawyers and to his family.Other families of detainees still do notknow the whereabouts of theirrelatives as many of those arrested

remain unaccounted for. AmnestyInternational considers them to bevictims of enforced disappearance.

In April 2010, the governmentannounced that it had identified andburied 108 alleged JEM fighters who,it claimed, had been killed during theattack on Omdurman. Thegovernment has denied holding anyother detainees.

The use of secret and unofficial

places of detention has been a long-standing practice in Sudan. In the1990s, political detainees, studentsand human rights defenders werecommonly held for long periods oftime in unofficial places of detention,known as ghost houses, withoutaccess to lawyers, medical assistanceor their families.

The UN Working Group onEnforced and InvoluntaryDisappearances has requestedpermission to visit Sudan in July 2009.The request, like all previous ones,has been denied.

act nowsin and nd a ocad ( in)

callin on h sdan ovnn o

acknowld h whao and

condiion of all vici of nfocddiaaanc in sdan.

20

wire

[aug/sePt10]

XXX

didyo

uknow?

did youknow?

MembersofAmnestyInternational

Franceprotestagainsthumanrights

violationsinRussia.Paris,

June2010.

WHetHer IN A HIgH prOFILe


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WHetHer IN A HIgH-prOFILeCONFLICt Or A FOrgOtteNCOrNer OF tHe gLObe,amnesty internationalCAmpAIgNs FOr JustICe,FreeDOm AND DIgNItY FOrALL AND seeKs tO gALVANIzepubLIC suppOrt tO buILD Abetter WOrLD

what can you do?

Acivi aond h wold hav hown ha i i oil oi h dano foc ha a ndinin han

ih. b a of hi ovn. Coa ho who ddl

fa and ha.

Join Any Innaional and co a of awoldwid ovn caainin fo an nd o han

ih violaion. Hl ak a diffnc.

t .

I a ind in civin fh infoaion on coin a of

Any Innaional

name

address

country

email

pla n hi fo o h Any Innaional offic

in yo cony.

Fo a fll li of h offic woldwid la o o

..//-

If h i no offic in yo cony, yo can co an Innaionalm and join o Innaional m onlin coniy.

to do hi, la vii: ..//wh yo will al o acc joinin infoaion and in onlin

in Aaic, enlih, Fnch and sanih.

O alnaivly wi o:

Onlin Conii ta, Any Innaional,

Innaional scaia, p bnnon Ho, 1 eaon s,

London WC1X 0DW, unid Kindo

to an Innaional m yo nd o a o an

Innaional m Cod of Condc. th Cod i

availal in Aaic, enlih, Fnch and sanih a:

www.any.o/n/cod-of-condc

www.am

nesty.org

Pierre-YvesBrunaud


24/24

millions ofhomeless and

landless PeoPlecannot Be left

outvaldnia a. Paulino lanfranchion the un millennium develoPment goals

the wire august 2010

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