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JOlt mal ofPsychology in Chinese Societies «:_ A·'.; J.! .:flL>, Vol. I, No.2 (2000),39-63

The Socially Oriented and Individually Oriented Achievement Motivation of Singaporean Chinese Students

WEINING C. CHANG WING-KEUNG WONG GRACE TEO National University of Singapore

Two hundred and seventeen male (45%) and female (55%) Singaporean Chinese secondary school students (mean age = 16) were surveyed with the Work and Family Orientation Scale (WOFO) (Helmreic & Spence, 1978) designed to measure the intrinsic motivation to achieve and the Individual-oriented and Social-oriented Achievement MotifJation Scale (10AM-SOAM) (Yang & Yu, 1988), a culture-specific measure of the Chinese achievement tendencies. A causal model was tested to explore the relationships between the different dimensions of WOFO and 10AM­SOAM. The best-fit model indicated that there were two paths: a task­related path and a social-related path between the intrinsic motives to achieve and the culturally specific measure ofachievement tendencies. The task-related dimensions of WOFO, mastery and work ethics lead to lOAM

Preparation of the manuscript was partially supported by Faculty Research Grant RP 3920006 given to the first author by Research Committee, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, National University of Singapore. Correspondence concerning this arti­cle should be addressed to: Weining C. Chang, Department of Social Work & Psychology, National University of Singapore, 11 Law ,Link, Singapore, 117570. E-mail: swkweicc@nus.edu.sg.

40 Weining C. Chang, Wing-keung Wong and Grace Teo

and the ego-related dimension, competition leads to SOAM. The Chinese definition of success - individual competence in socially recognized projects is cited as the cultural factor that shapes the manifestations of the basic motive to achieve in a multifaceted way.

Since McClelland's (1961) seminal work on culture and achievement, there has been intense interest and debate on achievement motivation in different cultural contexts. The critical question concerning achievement motivation in the collective context seem to be whether in cultures where the collective is emphasized the individuals have the same kind of intrinsic motives to achieve? In addressing this question, the motivation to achieve is often defined as the traditional literature on achievement, as the indivi­dual's motive to quest for mastery over the environment (Murray, 1938). In other words, the focus of the enquiry is in the dispositional factor - the drive of the individual toward mastery - involved in the achievement phenomenon. In order to accept the possibility that individuals in the collective context might be low on the motivation to achieve, one might have to accept the assumptions that (1) the motivation to achieve and the motivation to affiliate are necessarily at odds with each other and (2) that individual achievement and the collective goals are at each other's expenses. We contend that these assumptions are not always true in the Chinese cultural context. We argue that in the Chinese context, individual achievement in terms of mastery in academic settings serves both the need for the task oriented motivations as well as the social oriented motivations. In the academic settings, individual Chinese might approach achievement via both the individually oriented and the socially oriented goal conceptualizations and behavioral scripts. In this paper, we attempted to address this issue by adopting a process approach towards the Achieve­ment phenomena found in the contemporary studies on achievement (for instance, Ames, 1992). In other words, we propose to study the Chinese achievement process by separating the intrinsic motivation to achieve, or the "energizer" in McClelland's (1984) terminology, from the behavioral scripts believed to lead to achievement, or "tendency to achieve success (Ts)" in Atkinson's (1964) formulation.

The Achievement Process: A Multi-Staged and Multifaceted Approach

We adopted the approach to achievement by Ames (1992) that is to view

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Social and Individual Orientation of Chinese Achievement Motivation 41

achievement neither as one entity nor a single process but as a multi-staged and multifaceted process. This multiple staged process was first outlined by Deci (1975). Deci's model (1975, p. 94) postulates the following sequence of events: energy source (motivation to achieve) ~ goals (achievement goal conceptualization) ~ behavior (behaviors instrumental to goal attainment or tendency to achieve toward success). In other words, the motivation to achieve provides the energy source, however, the motive by itself does not have a specific direction for achievement related behaviors; it is the beliefs of the individual that shape the conceptualization of achievement related goals. Finally, the manifested behaviors are in tum guided by the goal conceptualizations.

t

This model has been used to address the controversy concerning the influence of values and cultures in achievement. McClelland (1984) maintained that at the level of the basic motivation, the achievement motives are similar across cultures; culture differences however could be found at the level of goal conceptualization and the level of actual manifes­tation of the basic motive. This argument is supported by literature in developmental research: Hunt (1971) postulated that at birth the motiva­tion for competence and mastery is undifferentiated, that is, not directed IowaI'd any specific goals. As the individual grows older, he/she develops a view of his/her world containing certain values and beliefs. These values and beliefs about the self and the world then contribute to her concep­lualization of achievement goals and the related goal directed achievement hehaviors. Culture's values and beliefs are believed to help shape the individual's cognitive representations of achievement goals and goal directed behaviors (Deci, 1975; McClelland, 1984). In other words, according to these authors, cultures i-nfluence the basic motivation for' lIlastery and competence at the level of its goal conceptualizations and' behavioral manifestations.

Based on this thesis, we proposed to approach the achievement phe­nomenon in the Chinese context by adopting the multi-stage, multifaceted upproach: Stage one involves the basic motivation to achieve; stage two includes goal conceptualization and goal-directed scripts of instrumental hehaviors. We hypothesized that the social oriented nature of Chinese m:hievement (Yang & Yu, 1988; Yu, 1991) is manifested at the second stage, that is, in the conceptualization of achievement goals and the goal directed action scripts.

This hypothesis is based on our understanding of the Chinese culture lind its related values. The values of the Chinese places a high demand on

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Weining C. Chang, Wing-keung Wong and Grace Teo42

individual competence as well as social harmony (Chang & Wong, 1998), Additionally, in the Chinese context, children's achievement is regarded as the most important objective in parent's expectations (Yang, 1986). In most Western cultures, an individual's success is often defined as performance excellence in achievement goals chosen on the basis of the individual's own aspiration. Contrary to this individually oriented notion, achievement to the Chinese serves a dual function, realization of the individual's aspiration and gaining societal approval (Yang & Yu, 1988). To meet this dual demand, the Chinese often choose to excel in projects, in other words, achievement goals, normatively defined by the society. In other words, for the individual Chinese, achievement is defined as indi­vidual reaching success within the collective context (Tu, 1985) for the collective and often in collaboration with others, in the collective (Yang & Yu, 1988; Yu, 1991). In other words, for the Chinese, an individual's achievement is not achievement in isolation but achievement in collective. This achievement-in-collective conceptualization of success of the Chinese, according to Yang and Yu (1988) gives rise to the dual concep­tualization of the Socially Oriented Achievement Motivation (SOAM) as well as the Individually Oriented Achievement Motivation (lOAM). In this paper, we attempt to show that this dual process of achievement, consid­ered characteristic of the Chinese, originates from the same basic source motivation, individual's quest for mastery and competence, as that found in Western populations.

Duality of Human Motives

Murray's (1938) original definition of the motivation to achieve, being a desire for performance excellence and to acquire mastery and individual competence, is considered a task-related motive. However, the task­oriented motives and the person-oriented motives are not easily separable: Bakan (1966) postulated that there is a dual sense of self: the agentic-task oriented, and the communion-person oriented. These two fundamental but antagonistic senses of the self were observed to interact with each other; the interaction would bear fundamental influence on the motive to achieve. The resultant effect is observed in the individual's selection of goals for

43Social and Individual Orientation of Chinese Achievement Motivation

These different modes of solutions may shape and guide the individual's motivation to achieve in the socially oriented or the individually oriented achievement goals or successes. More specifically, in cultures where the communion sense of self prevails, that is, in cultures where the collective is emphasized, achievement motivation might be manifested in ways that serve the collective (De Vos, 1973; Maehre, 1974; Spence, 1985). For instance, Ramirez and Price-Williams (1976) found that Blacks and Mexican Americans scored higher on achievement motivation operational zed in terms of family oriented achievement goals. Likewise, Gillmore, Boggs, and Jordan (1974) found that young Hawaiians expressed their motives to achieve in goals, depending on the subculture, with varying degrees of social emphasis. Influence of the different emphasis on the collective on achievement motives can also be found in American subcultures: A more recent study by American researchers, Oyserman, Ager and Grant (1995) found that while indi vidualism predicts achieve­ment behaviors of American White students, collectivism predicts achieve­ment behaviors of African American students. In contrast to White Americans, for African Americans, individual's striving toward achieve­ment is supported by a sense of the interconnectedness within the community. The seminal work of De Vos (1973) in socialization and achievement in the Japanese further illustrates how worldviews and self­lither relations mould the conceptualization of achievement in this highly collectivist context. Contrary to the Western emphasis on "individuation" as a pre-requisite to achievement (McClelland, 1961), within the Japanese society, individual achievement motivation develops in conjunction with the recognition of interdependence as the individual's destiny. To reconcile 1he dual demand for achievement and interdependence, the Japanese, like the Chinese learn to achieve - within and with - the collective. Achievement on the part of the individual becomes a social/community event. As early as 1956, Caudill and De Vos presented the argument that lhe cultural tradition of Japan, albeit with a heavy collective emphasis, was responsible for perpetuating a strong motivation to achieve. In this analysis. Caudill and De Vos (1956) analyzed the motivation structure hehind Japanese and Japanese American achievement as one in which the person-oriented motives and the task-oriented motives intimately interact

achievement and the actual manifestations of the motive. Extrapolating thi~ wilh each other.

beyond the individual, Spence (1985) further postulated that different t Recent research in culture and self has provided a theoretical frame-societies find different collective solutions to manage these two senses of . work lhal helps to undersland the culture-achievement relationships

self-related to the motivation to achieve and the motivation for affiliation 'M. H,kn' & Ki'Hy"'"U. I"",,:,1. Tho mO'i'. H' ion '0 Hohiow i, Hn ;:togmtt ,: ...

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44 Weining C. Chang, Wing-keung Wong and Grace Teo

part of the self-system that regulates the selection of goals and goal directed behaviors of the indi vidual. The make-up of the self-construal was proposed to "frame" the directions of the individual's achievement related behaviors. Markus and Kitayama proposed that the conceptualization of achievement goals mirrors the facets of the self; if the self is multifaceted so would be the achievement goals. In most cultures, the independent as well as the interdependent self are both facets of the self-construal. The multifaceted nature of the self-construal is reflected in the multifaceted nature of achievement goals and both are considered products of the culture. Niles (1998) examined the achievement goals and means in the Anglo Australian culture as well as those in the Sri Lankan culture. The results reflected both individual-oriented and group oriented goals and means in both cultures. The Australian results showed higher emphasis on the individual goals and means and Sri Lankan results showed higher emphasis on the group oriented goals and means. However, the motivation to achieve in both cultures include both the social ego-oriented and the task oriented motives. Self-construal of the Chinese in Singapore (Chang & Lee, 2000) has been found to involve both independence as well as interdependence. Following these arguments, we hypothesized that the tendency toward success of Singaporean Chinese students, in line with their self-construction, would involve both the task-oriented and the social­oriented motives.

The integration of both the communal needs and the mastery needs in the Chinese can be seen in the empirical findings in the relationships between basic motives: Yu (1974) reported that the strength of achieve­ment motivation was correlated positively with filial piety. Ang and Chang (1999) in Singapore also found that the motivation to achieve and the motivation for affiliation are positively correlated with each other in the Chinese youth. These positive correlations suggest that within the Chinese community, individual's striving toward achievement is not seen as incom­patible with individual's striving toward social approval. With this dual emphasis of both the individual as well as the collective, a happy medium for the Chinese would be provided by achievement goals that could inte­grated both the individual's task oriented achievement as well as the person oriented communion needs. Achievement and achievement related behaviors in the Chinese 'cultural context thus serve a dual function for both the individual and the collective. This is exactly what De Vos (1973)

had found in the Japanese society and Yang (19X6) found in the Chines\' society.

Social and Individual Orientation of Chinese Achievement Motivation 45

Success: Achievement Goals in the Chinese Cultural Context

Thus in the Chinese society, social recognition and task-mastery are intertwined. Confucius maintained that in an ideal society, positions of power and recognition should be distributed on the basis of individual merits defined as mastery of skills and knowledge; individual's learning thus serves the dual purpose of serving the self as well as the collective(d~

Bary, 1991). The age-old civil servants examination further institutional­iled this belief and the actual practice of the path to success: That power prestige an or fortune can be attained through individual mastery. Task rdated motives can thus be seen as intimately related to satisfaction of socially related needs.

The individual oriented achievement motivation proposed by Yang and Yu (1988) mainly focuses on how the individual approaches the task by him/herself, while their socially oriented achievement motivation fo­cuses mainly on attaining performance goals in relation to social norms and sdf-other comparison. In other words, the dichotomized achievement Illodel proposed by Yang and Yu correctly captures the Chinese definition of success, one that involves individual competence and the soail orienta­I ion in goal conceptualization, performance evaluation and social l'Omparison. Following our earlier discussion, we hypothesized that the social-oriented and the individual-oriented motivation to achieve might be positively correlated to each other (hypothesis 1).

Motives, Goals and the Striving to Achieve Success

We propose to extend the Yang and Yu (1988) model by analyzing the', ('hinese achievement syndrome at two levels: at the level of the motivation and at the level of the goal conceptualization. I~II

Reading the content of Yang and Yu's (1988) Individual-oriented and Social-oriented Achievement Motivation Scale (lOAM and SOAM), we inlcrpreted the lOAM and SOAM as two achievement related behavioral scripts; they are similar to the tendency for success-goal directed bahvioral

III1Iscripts, proposed by Atkinson (1964) - the socially oriented way and the i,ndividual oriented ways to achieve success. lt follows that a basic motiva­lion to achieve, a quest for competence and mastery, might be a contributor 10 hoth the socially oriented and the individually oriented achievement Iwhaviors.

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47 Weining C. Chang. Wing-keung Wong and Grace Teo46

To test this hypothesis, we have to identify a cross-culturally valid measure. We conducted extensive literature survey as well as an indepth ethnographic study (Ong, 1995) to identify the culturally conditioned meanings or goal conceptualization of achievement. As we had hypoth­esized the construals of achievement in Singapore are task mastery and individual competence in socially recognized areas; the motivation to achieve, according to these Singaporean students would be the tendencies to work hard and to master the task in order to reach the goals identified by the socially sanctioned success. For majority of the students, "being a good student by achieving high marks" is the goal of achievement. In turn, "high marks" mean "doing better than your peers." In terms of actions leading to high marks, these students reported that they believed that that high marks can only be achieved through "mastery" - understanding of materials taught in school; however, "mastery, according to these students can be achieved through "hard working." This ethnographic report provided a glimpse into the goal conceptualization, task mastery in social context to perfrom better than others, as well as the internalized "action scripts" of achievement striving of Singapaorean students, work hard for task mastery.

Our literautre review effort yielded a measure: Work and Family Orientation (WOFO) (Helmreic & Spence, 1978; Spence & Helmreic, 1983) which operationalies the basic motivation to achieve into three related dimensions: mastery, competitiveness or competition, and work ethics. Through extensive validation effort, Chang, Wong, Teo and Fam (1997) found WOFO a valid measure for the basic motivatives to achieve in Singaporean Chinese. Based on this measure, our hypothesis two reads as the following: WOFO contributes to both the SOAM and the lOAM conceived and operationalized by Yang and Yu (1988).

Researchers who investigate the motivation to achieve across cultures sometimes question whether people in collectivist cultures have lower motivation to achieve (for instance, Sagie, Elizur, & Yamaguchi, 1996); or more specifically, whether people in cultures where the group is empha­sized have the intrinsic task-related motivation to achieve. Mastery and work ethics have been identified as task-related dimensions of the basic motivation to achieve and competition, which involves social comparison, an ego-related or socially oriented dimension (Nicholls, Cheung, Thorkildsen, & Lauer, 1989). The combination of the task and the ego­oriented dimensions in WOFO reflects the contemporary American defini­tion of success (Spence, 1985). The individually oriented motivation to

Social and Individual Orientation of Chinese Achievement Motivation

achieve contains items that describe task-related activities; while the so­cially oriented motivation to achieve contains items that describe task­accomplishment with the assistance of and reference to others. We sug­gested that the lOAM is conceptually akin to the task oriented dimensions of the basic motive to achieve, while SOAM, since it involves self-other relationships, might be conceptually closer to the social oriented dimension - competition of WOFO. This argument is in line with recent literature on goal-directed behaviors of achievement motivation (Ames, 1992; Dweck, IY86; Nicholls, 1989). That the performance goal orientation, the goal for gaining high marks is an ego-related goal while the mastery or learning goal orientation, the goal to gain mastery is a task related goal.

The task related dimensions and the ego-related dimension of the basic motive to achieve was found to be related to goal orientation: Harackiewicz, Barron, Carter, Lehto and Elliot (1997) found that students' achievement related behaviors could be explained by the task-related di­mensions in WOFO via the mastery goals while the grades obtained by the ~tudents could be explained by the ego-related dimension via the perform­ance goals held by the students. We have recently identified a high positive correlation between SOAM with the performance goal orientation as well as a significant correlation between the individually oriented achievement motivation and the mastery goal orientation in a group of Singaporean junior college students (Chee & Chang, 2000). We think the pattern be­(ween goal conceptualizations and dimensions of the basic motive found hy Harackiewicz et al. (1997) might apply in the present context. Hence, our hypothesis three reads: The task-related dimension are better predictors or lOAM. Hypothesis four reads: The ego-related dimension competitition is a better predictor of SOAM. Summarizing the above theoretical arguments, we are proposing the following hypotheses:

I. Individually oriented achievement motivation (lOAM) and socially oriented achievement motivation (SOAM) positively correlate with each other.

2. Work and Family Orientation (WOFO) contributes to both lOAM andSOAM.

3. Task oriented subscales of WOFO, mastery and work ethics are better predictors of lOAM.

4. Ego oriented subscale of WOFO, competition is a better predictor of SOAM. And finally, the following causal model would be tested:

5. A dual path model in which the task-oriented motives of WOFO,

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49Social and Individual Orientation of Chinese Achievement Motivation 48 Weining C. Chang, Wing-keung Wong and Grace Teo

competition (5 items) evidenced Cronbach as of .62, .65 and .76

SOAM; the ego-oriented motive of WOFO, competition leads to mastery and work ethics lead to lOAM which correlates with

respectively. both lOAM and SOAM' (see Figure 1). Since the English translation of the SOAM/IOAM was used, efforts

were extended to identify whether the translated scales measure the same constructs in Singapore. This was accomplished by conceptual sorting and

Figure I. Proposed Model of Mastery, Work Ethics, Competition and Individual-Oriented factor analysis. Four National University students were randomly ap­(lOAM) and Social-Oriented Achievement Motivation (SOAM) ", proached to sort out the sixty items into two categories according to the 1'1'

Ii' definition of the individually oriented achievement and the socially ori­ented achievement concepts advanced by Yang and Yu (1988). The con­ceptual sorting results corresponds to Yang and Yu's assignment of items into the two scales (see Appendix 2). The internal reliability of lOAM with the original item assignment was found to be .85 and that of SOAM was found to be .81. Factor analysis with Varimax rotation was conducted to see if the original items contained in the SOAM and lOAM subscales load on the respective subscales. The results, with the two-factor-solution showed minimum cross-loading: only four items, out of the thirty items of

Method

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SOAM loaded (with factor loading> .30) on Factor I, identified as lOAM and two items of lOAM loaded on Factor 2, identified as SOAM (see

Participants Table 1). Since the objective of the present study is to test the relationship Two hundred and thirty secondary school students (55% females and 45% hetween WOFO and Yang and Yu's conceptualization of lOAM and males, mean age = 16) participated in the sludy. The sample consisted SOAM, analysis proceeded with the original subscales. mostly of Chinese, 87.8%, and Malays, 5.2%, Indians, 3.9% and and other races, Eurasians and Whites, 3%. The sample was randomly drawn from Procedure two neighbourhood schools in Singapore that serve students with average

The paricipants were administered the questionnaire containing both in­academic achievement. Analysis of variance was conducted to test if there

struments by their respective classroom teachers. were mean difference in major variables across races. Results indicated no significant differences. However since the explanations used in the study

Data Analyses were drawn from the Chinese culture, with the exception of causal model­ling where a large sample was required, only data obtained from the Simple correlations were calculated to test hypothesis 1; regression analy­Chinese participants (N = 202) were used for analysis. ses were conducted to test hypothesis 2-4. Causal modelling via LISREL

(Byrne, 1998) was carried out to test the proposed model.

Instruments Results

Two instruments were used: (1) Work and Family Orientation Scale (Helmreic & Spence, 1978) (see Appendix 1) and (2) Individual-oriented I>cscriptive statistics as well as correlations between the SOAM, lOAM

and Social-orineted Achievement Motivation (Yang & Yu, 1988) (see . alld the subscales of WOFO, mastery, competitiveness, and work ethics

Appendix 2). arc presented in Table 2. It is worth noting here that with paired t-test (t = The internal reliability of WOFO measured by Cronbach a was .84. 2.l70, lit' = 200, p < .00), the Singaporean Chinese students showed higher

The subscales of WOFO, mastery (8 items), work ethics (6 items) and levels of lOAM than SOAM.

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Weining C. Chang, Wing-keung Wong and Grace Teo50 Social and Individual Orientation of Chinese Achievement Motivation 51

Table 1. Two Factor Solution With Varimax Rotation of lOAM & SOAM Items for Table 2. Inter-Correlation and Means and Standard Deviations of the Achievement Chinese Singaporeans Measures

Component Component VJriJble lOAM SOAM WOFO Competi- Mastery Work M SD

Item Factor I Factor 2 Item Factor I Factor 2 tion Ethics

IOAMI5 .64 .02 IOAM8 .33 .02 lOAM 1.00 3.89 .35

lOAM 10 .58 .19 IOAMI9 ,1Q .25 SOAM 0.35** 1.00 3.11 .58

IOAM3 28. -.04 SOAMI8 .11 ,26. WOFO 0.53** 0.2** 1.00 3.54 .34

IOAM27 -.06 SOAMII -.23 ,22 Competition 0.28** 0.38** 0.71 ** 1.00 3.51 .62"

SOAM24 ~ .21 SOAM30 .15 .54 ~

MJstery 0.31 ** 0.01 0.68** 0.23** 1.00 2.86 .42

IOAMI4 -.06 SOAM20 .30 .50 Work Ethics 0.41 ** 0.11 0.71 ** 0.17* 0.31** 1.00 4.43 .54

IOAM9 ,22. .19 SOAMI9 .05 .49 ~

Note. Means and standard deviations were based on a 1-5 Likert scale for each item. IOAM21 ,22. .26 SOAMI2 .06 .49 • p < 0.5. ** p < 0.1. IOAM6 ...ll -.18 SOAM27 -.27 .45

IOAMI8 ~ .12 SOAM28 -.06 .44

SOAM25 ~ .20 IOAM28 .28 .44 Simple Correlations IOAM26 A2 .04 SOAM6 .17 .13.

1\ can be seen that (1) lOAM and SOAM are positively correlated withIOAM29 A2 -.27 SOAM22 -.08 .42

each other as predicted in hypothesis I, r = .39, p < .001; (2) both lOAMIOAM4 A2 -.20 SOAMI4 -.14 Al and SOAM correlated postively with WOFO, for lOAM r = .48, p < .001;IOAM7 .49 -.17 SOAM23* .33 .39

SOAMI7 .44 .28 SOAM26* .37 .38 for SOAM r = .24, p < .01. Hypothesis 2 was confirmed; (3) task related

SOAMI3 M .04 IOAMI6 .18 .36 subscales of WOFO correlated postively with lOAM, for mastery r =.31, IOAM20 .44 .10 SOAM8 -.06 .35 II < .001; for work ethics r = .41, p < .00 I; These task related subscales had IOAM22 .13. .20 SOAM7 .25 .34 no significant correlations with SOAM, for mastery r = .03, n. s., for work IOAMI2 ~ .06 SOAMIO .23 ,14. L'lhics, r = .10, n. s.; (4) the ego-related subscale of WOFO, competi tion SOAM9 .J2 .11 SOAMI -.12 dl L'lmelated positively with SOAM, r = .37, p < .001, as well as with lOAM IOAM30 .J2 .05 IOAM2 .09 .27 to a lesser degree, r:;: .28, p < .01. . IOAM24 .38 .16 SOAM21 .02 .24

IOAM5 ~ -.03 SOAM4 .16 .21

IOAM23 .06 IOAM17 .26 .10 Regression Analyses SOAMI5 ~ .23 SOAM2 .26 .24

~

Predicting lOAM from WOFO. The three components of WOFO inSOAM29* .30 SOAM3 -.24 .18~

combination were found to significantly predict lOAM, R2 = .24, F (3, 188) IOAMI3 .M .00 SOAM5 .24 .24 =19.95, P < .00. Next, we examined the independent contribution made byIOAM25 .34 .17 lOAMI .20 .03

IOAMII .34 .24 SOAMI6 .08 .00 each dimension of WOFO by evaluating the partial correlation, pr, of each dimension after the other dimensions were partialled out. We found that all Note. (I) Loadings of 0.30 and larger are underlined. (2) Items with loadings of 0.30 on both

factors have been marked with an asterisk. three dimensions of WOFO were significant predictors of lOAM. Ilowever, mastery, with pr = .26, B = 1.03, f3 = .20, p < .00 and work ethics,

.wilh pr = .::n, B = 1.91, f3 = .17, p < .001, were better predictors, while competition with pr = .15, B = .96, f3 = .17, P =.01, did not account for as 1111ICh variance in the lOAM as the task related dimensions of WOFO.

PredictinR SOAM .Ii·oll/ WOFO. We conducted multiple regression

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Weining C. Chang, Wing-keung Wong and Grace Teo52

analysis using mastery, work ethics and competition as predictors of SOAM and evaluated the partial correlation, pr, of each predictor. The components of WOFO combined were found to predict SOAM with R2 = .16, F(3, 188) =8.75,p < .001. Examination of partial correlations showed that competition emerged as the more significant predictor of SOAM with B =2,41, ~ =,40, p < .001, and a pr of .32.

It is interesting to review the effects of the two task-related motives: for mastery B = -.50, ~ =-.09, p = .20, n.s.; for work ethics, B = ,49, ~ = .09 ,pr = -.032, p = .22, n.s. It is worth noting the contributions made by work ethics was non-significant; the contribution made by mastery to SOAM was negative and non-significant.

Structural Equation Modelling

A two-path model was proposed in which the task oriented components of WOFO, mastery and work ethics contributed to lOAM while the ego­oriented component, competition contributed to lOAM as well as SOAM. lOAM and SOAM were hypothesized to be correlated. In conducting this analysis since a large sample size was required and because ANOYA did not indicate significant differences between variables across different races, all data were included in the analysis. Indices2 were created, by groug items in such as way that the items with highest loadings were parceled with items with the lowest loadings; therefore items with loadings representative of each factor were represented in each parcel. These indices, or parcels, were used for model fitting with LISREL (Bentler, 1980).

This model fit the data reasonably well; however the path from com­petition leading to lOAM was not significant. We modified the model by dropping the path. LISREL analysis of the modified model showed a slightly better fit (see Table 3).

Table 3. Fit Indices for Model Comparison

Model X2/ dj GFI AGFI RMR

I. Including Competition to lOAM path 384.37"1216 0.87 0.8333 0.08

_..__ ,_... 384.83"1217 0.87 0.8341 0.082. Excluding Competition to lOAM !,Mh~-------"----------------_""::":"::':="':":""-_---":::":~

Note. GFI = goodness of fit index; AGFI = adjusted goodness of fit; RMR = Root Mean Square

Residual.

a. X~df=21.) = 1.75 < 2.

b. X~d!=217) =1.74 < 2.

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, Social and Individual Orientation ofChinese Achievement Motivation 53

This model accounted for the following: Mastery and work ethics i1u:ounted for 47.52% of the total variance in the lOAM while competition explained 7,41 % of the variance in SOAM. We noted that lOAM and vornpetition together explained 15.27% of the variance in SOAM. The ;malysis revealed that mastery and work ethics significantly contributed to lOAM and competition contributed to SOAM because of the significant positive correlation between mastery and lOAM ({3 =.70, p < .01), between work ethics and lOAM ({3 = .16, p < .1), and between competition and SOAM ({3 = .28. p < .01).

Furthermore, lOAM correlated positively with SOAM (r = .28, 1/ < .01). The two-path-to-success model was thus empirically supported (see Figures 2 and 3).

Discussion

In the present study, we aimed at expanding the dichotomized model of Chinese motivation to achieve (Yang & Yu. 1988) by identifying a dual path model of the achievement process for the Chinese: the task- and

Figure 2. Proposed Model With LISREL Results

.28··

• p < .05. .. p < .0 I.

I " ','t • 'Hi"!' m+te ,. WHet- +, ,t<Y;;'tt /,'++''= '{Nd' (,AhhHHb'tr¥#'."1 !~ ........t b

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54 Weining C Chang, Wing-keung Wong and Grace Teo

Figure 3. Final Model Between Mastery, Work Ethics, Competition and Individual­

Oriented (lOAM) and Social-Orientated Achievement Motivation (SOAM)

,28**

* P < ,05, ** p < ,01.

person-related paths to achievement goals. We proposed that the indi­vidual-oriented and social-oriented dichotomy should be investigated in the context of the Chinese definition of success or achievement goals. The dual path process could also be seen as the way in which the Chinese attempt to resolve the tension between the fundamental human concerns for task mastery and human relatedness (Bakan, 1966).

We found that the task and ego-related dimensions of WOFO seemed to find their conceptual correlates in the individual-oriented and the social­oriented dimensions of Yang and Yu's (1988) Chinese achievement model. The positive correlations between mastery, work ethics and lOAM and that between competition and SOAM supported the notion of dual paths-two action scripts leading towards the Chinese achievement goals or success. The close relationship between lOAM and WOFO suggested that the nature of individually oriented motivation to achieve might be a manifes­tation of the basic need for mastery.

The only connection between the basic motive to achieve and SOAM was competition - the desire for performance excellence measured by

,f 'I

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, Social and Individual Orientation of Chinese Achievement Motivation 55

normative standards and relative standing within a cohort. This led us to conclude that SOAM may not be a task oriented motivation; SOAM may modify the direction of achievement behaviors and is guided by the per­formance - ego/social relationship related goal orientation; but by itself, SOAM is not a quest for competence per se.

The students we surveyed showed significantly higher lOAM than SOAM. This suggested a sense of primacy of mastery and competence in the Chinese achievement orientation, albeit with the intertwined pursuit f<:>r social recognition.

A test to independently evaluate the intrinsic motivation to achieve would be to conduct achievement studies where the social sanction is no longer relevant, for instance, self-selected activities such as in hobbys and "mature research and writings. High levels of interests and persistence in these non-socially sanctioned activities would indicate high levels of intrinsic, task oriented motivations in the individual. We are currently conducting a study designed on the basis of this argument to assess the intrinsic versus extrinsic motivations in Singaporean secondary school ,tudents.

The combined results in the present study seem to suggest that there might be two different paths via which success is attained in the Chinese l'ommunity: a task related path and an ego social related path.These findings are in line with the recent literature on goal conceptualizations (Ames, 1992), definition of success (Nicholls et aI., 1989) and achievement Idated behaviors. The task- and ego- dichotomy in goal conceptualisation !la, been investigated via the task-related dimensions and ego-related dimension, competition, of WOFO; similar to our findings, the learning ).'oal was found to be related to mastery and work ethics and the perform­;lI1ce goals, found to be related to the ego-related dimension, competition, of WOFO in studies conducted in American college settings Illarackiewicz et aI., 1997). Therefore, Yang and Yu's (1988) social­mientation and individual-orientation could be considered as tendencies toward success influenced by the learning and the performance goal l'llliceptualisations toward socially constructed meaning of achievement goals within the Chinese context. Reviewing Harackiewicz's and col­kagues's studies (Harackiewicz & Barron. 1998; Harackiewicz et aI.,

. I IN7). we also proposed this dual process model is not limited to the ('hinese but might be applicable to any learning situations where the goal, \uch as academic learning. may be conceptualized as serving both the task oril'nled as well as the social oriented needs,

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56 Weining C. Chang, Win/?-keung Wong and Grace Teo

The competition dimension of WOFO explained only a small portion of the variance in SOAM, leaving room for speculations that there might be other important factors that contributed to SOAM, for instance, the affiliative or the power motive. It is proposed that furture research in Chinese motivation to achieve should include the motivation for affiliation and for power for a conceptually more conprehensive understanding of the Chinesse socially-oriented tendency to achieve success.

Notes

1. Though we had hypothesized that competition is conceptually related more to SOAM, we felt that competition, a motive that serves the individual, might also be empirically related to lOAM, the individually oriented motivation to achieve, albeit to a lesser extent.

2. In conducting structural equating modeling, when the original scales are long, indices are sometimes constructed by "parceling" items belonging to the same factor, in order to reduce the data, In this analysis, four indices were constructed for lOAM, five for SOAM, four for mastery, four for competition; the original six items of subscale work ethics were used without indexing.

References

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.H*W!& + ,~_" ....... . .H.",'t!b'#k¥f"bfh.t rt' Hf eM 't'id+ce k;."..., 'T U' , 'f r': ...-...­

Social and Individual Orientation of Chinese Achievement Motivation

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,

Social and Individual Orientation of Chinese Achievement Motivation 59

Appendix 1 Work & Family Orientation

.. ~Competition

I enjoy working in situations involving competition with others. It is important to me to perform better than others on a task. I feel that winning is important in both work and games. It annoys me when other people perform better than I do. I try harder when I am in competition with other people.

,'t!.

Mastery

I would rather do something at which I feel confident and relaxed than something which is challenging and difficult.

When a group I belong to plans an activity, I would rather direct it myself than just help out and have someone else organize it.

I would rather learn fun and easy games than difficult thought games. If I am not good at something, I would rather keep struggling to master it

than move on to something I may be good at. ()nce I undertake a task, I persist. I prefer to work in situations that require a high level of skill. I more often attempt tasks that I am not sure I can do than tasks that I

helieve I can do. I like to be busy all the time.

Work Ethics

It is important for me to do my work as well as I can even if it isn't popular with my co-workers.

I find satisfaction in working as well as I can. There if satisfaction in a job well done. I find satisfaction in exceeding my previous performance even if I don't

outperform others. I like to work hard. Part of my enjoyment in doing things is improving my past performance.

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60 Weining C. Chang, Wing-keung Wong and Grace Teo

Appendix 2 Individual-Oriented and Social-Oriented Motivation Scale*

Socially Oriented Achievement Motivation

1. In order not to disappoint my parents, I always try to do what they expected.

2. Why I study hard is because only by studying hard I could have a better future.

3. I study hard because teachers usually praise the students who study hard.

4. I often think whether my current performance has reached my parents' standards.

5. I always work twice as hard/double hard in order to reach the expec­tation and achievement standard set by my parents.

6. The main goal in life for me is to do the things that will make my parents proud.

7. While doing homework, I often think what might be the standards set by the teacher.

8. In order to gain high marks, I always follow the methods of studying set by the teacher.

9. If I cannot do better than others I would feel that I couldn't face my elders.

10. Whether a job is done or not is usually determined by my parents or my teachers.

II. Before I do anything, I would first consider whether my own goal fits my parent's expectations.

12. I always wish to achieve the goals set in my parent's mind. 13. While working, I always require myself to perform according to the

same standards used by my friends. 14. I would worry about my own achievement, if I find my classmates

perform better than I. 15. When I receive an assignment from my teacher, I usually try my best

to do it well in order to impress my teacher. 16. When teachers praise other classmates, I feel that I should work

harder.

* The English translation was provided by A. B. Yu, Academia Sinica, Taiwan, author of the original version in Chinese; minor modifications were made for use in Singapore.

61Social and Individual Orientation of Chinese Achievement Motivation

17. Before doing a job, I always hope others could tell me the precise and detailed procedures on how to do it.

18. The teacher's expectations of me are my motivations to study. 19. I wish to know how others evaluate my performance. 20. I prefer that others evaluate my job performance. 21. I want to try to achieve what the general public values. 22. In order to let people think that I am capable, I try to do my best on

every job. 23. I don't care whether I have the interest in studying; I am only con­

cerned with the marks I get from examinations. 24. I admire most the people with high social status. 25. I would usually try to do best what my parents think valuable. 26. If I do not performance well on my examinations, I cannot really face

my relatives and friends. 27. I often try to do something to show to others that I am constantly

improving. 2~. I would not feel a sense of achievement, if I finish a job and no one

knows about it. 29. Without other's encouragement, I would think of giving up a difficult

task. 30. I wish I could be a recognized authority in certain professional field.

Individually Oriented Achievement Motivation

I. No matter how difficult the task is, I would try my best to do it, if r think it is worthwhile to do.

2. While working, I always keep on .trying until I am satisfied. .~. Even if no one were around, I would still complete whatever I started: 4. I usually think whether my present performance has reached my own

standards. ~. If I meet obstacles while working, I would usually try to solve it with

different means based on my own judgment. 6. I like to work because work itself gives me meaning in life. 7. After finishing a job, I like to evaluate it according to my own

standards. ,K. I often set high standards for my self when I am working. Q. What goals I pursue in life are determined by me. 10. The reason why I like studying is because of the knowledge I gain

from learning.

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" '. 62 Weining C. Chang, Wing-keung Wong and Grace Teo

11. I am willing to constantly working hard in order to reach personal success.

12. I usually examine my own performance in an examination, when I do not have the test results, in order to improve myself.

13. I feel a sense of achievement when I complete a job, even if no one else knows.

14. No matter what other people might think, I will try my best to do what I consider valuable.

15. I get satisfaction from completing ajob; the reward that comes with it is secondary to me.

16. It pleases me most when I can make progress in school based on my own goals of self-improvement.

17. I have a very clear standard on how to evaluate my own performance when I finish a task.

18. I usually choose to do what I really want to do. 19. To attain high level of education is not for glorification of my ances­

tors but for my own knowledge and interests. 20. I feel bad about myself when I cannot reach the goals I set for myself

at work. 21. The standards I set for myself are often higher than those expected of

me by others. 22. I really like learning; test results to me are secondary. 23. I usually follow my own studying methods in order to obtain better

marks. 24. Working itself is fun; I am willing to work on anything that is mean­

ingful to me. 25. I always stay up late in order to finish a job I like. 26. I am very clear about how much effort to put in a job in order to reach

my goals. 27. After finishing a job, I can usually judge what my performance might

be. 28. Whether a person has high or low achievement should be judged by

himself. 30. When I do not get the marks I desired, even if my parents and teachers

do not scold me, I would feel bad.

J

63Social and Individual Orientation of Chinese Achievement Motivation

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